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This paper explores teenage girls' responses to general advice, and formal prevention messages, designed to reduce sexting-related risk and prevent harm. We conducted workshops with seven groups of girls (28 in total), aged 16–17 years, in a New Zealand city. Each group participated in a series of three workshop sessions. Drawing on a Freirean 'problem-posing' approach, we designed the workshops as spaces in which girls were invited to observe and critically discuss norms related to sharing nudes as well as harm prevention messages. Girls noticed the problematic gender and sexual politics that shape abstinence-based models that target girls (implicitly) to not send nudes, but which leave boys who distribute or otherwise misuse them out of the picture. Participants navigated a careful path between attending to risk and protection on the one hand, and endorsing their right to freedom of expression on the other. We argue for a subtle, but significant, shift away from a focus on sexting safety to a focus on the prevention of image-based sexual coercion, harassment and abuse. This reframing would help to direct prevention efforts to the gendered drivers and dynamics of harm perpetration, and the ways in which they are problematically socially ignored or condoned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A survey sent to fellows of the Australian and New Zealand College of Anaesthetists (ANZCA) aimed to document issues affecting gender equity in the anaesthesia workplace. A response rate of 38% was achieved, with women representing a greater proportion of respondents (64.2%). On average women worked fewer hours than men and spent a larger percentage of time in public practice; however, satisfaction rates were similar between genders. There was a gender pay gap which could not be explained by the number of hours worked or years since achieving fellowship. The rates of bullying and harassment were high among all genders and have not changed in 20 years since the first gender equity survey by Strange Khursandi in 1998. Women perceived that they were more likely to be discriminated against particularly in the presence of other sources of discrimination, and highlighted the importance of the need for diversity and inclusion in anaesthetic workplaces. Furthermore, women reported higher rates of caregiving and unpaid domestic responsibilities, confirming that anaesthetists are not immune to the factors affecting broader society despite our professional status. The overall effect was summarised by half of female respondents reporting that they felt their gender was a barrier to a career in anaesthesia. While unable to be included in statistics due to low numbers, non-binary gendered anaesthetists responded and must be included in all future work. The inequities documented here are evidence that ANZCA's gender equity subcommittee must continue promoting and implementing policies in workplaces across Australia and New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The psychological wellbeing of Queer and Gender Diverse Young People (QGDYP) has received attention of late, and increasing research evidences much higher rates of psychological distress experienced by these groups, compared to their straight, cisgender counterparts. Far more limited is research exploring queer and gender diverse young people's own perspectives on their psychological wellbeing, an absence we address with the current study. We interviewed 21 queer or gender diverse 16–18-year-olds in Aotearoa New Zealand about their understandings of mental health and wellbeing. We took a critical realist thematic approach to analysis. This paper focuses on how participants made sense of their own distress. We explore and unpack three intersecting key themes around: 1) cisheterosexism, but not personally affected; 2) dismissal of QGDYP; and 3) validation and comfort in the biomedical model. We discuss the tensions of articulating these positions and (also) challenging cisheterosexism, and the implications for recognising and reducing the distress experienced by queer and gender diverse youth. We aim to inform policy and practice to support and ultimately improve psychological wellbeing for queer and gender diverse young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite being a defining issue in the culture war, the political psychology of abortion attitudes remains poorly understood. We address this oversight by reviewing existing literature and integrating new analyses of several large‐scale, cross‐sectional, and longitudinal datasets to identify the demographic and ideological correlates of abortion attitudes. Our review and new analyses indicate that abortion support is increasing modestly over time in both the United States and New Zealand. We also find that a plurality of respondents (43.8%) in the United States are consistently "pro‐choice," whereas 14.8% are consistently "pro‐life," across various elective and traumatic abortion scenarios. We then show that age, religiosity, and conservatism correlate negatively, whereas Openness to Experience correlates positively, with abortion support. New analyses of heterosexual couples further reveal that women's and men's religiosity decrease their romantic partner's abortion support. Noting inconsistent gender differences in attitudes toward abortion, we then discuss the impact of traditional gender‐role attitudes and sexism on abortion attitudes and conclude that, rather than misogyny, benevolent sexism—the belief that women should be cherished and protected—best explains opposition to abortion. Our review thus provides a comprehensive overview of the demographic and ideological variables that underly abortion attitudes and, hence, the broader culture war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public engagement is a gendered experience, whether offline or online, something which is reflected in women's experiences of social media. In this article, we seek to systematically explore the experiences from politically engaged women Twitter users in New Zealand in order to draw some lessons, through a thematic and interpretative analytical approach, at four different strategic levels on how to deflect intimidating and aggressive behaviour. We conclude that understanding strategically how structural social locations like gender effect the ability to contribute to political participation and engagement, if addressed, can produce more inclusive and productive online political and policy spaces. Further, this strategic approach involves connecting together different levels of response to online negativity such as platform tools, space-curation, and monitoring, having these made coherent with each other, as well as with this strategic understanding of how structural social location plays into access and use of online political and policy spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender inequity persists within the anaesthetic workforce, despite approaching numerical parity in Australia and New Zealand. There is evidence, from anaesthesia and the wider health workforce, that domestic gender norms regarding parental responsibilities contribute to this. The creation of 'family-friendly' workplaces may be useful in driving change, a concept reflected in the gender equity action plan developed by the Australian and New Zealand College of Anaesthetists. This study aimed to explore the extent to which a family-friendly culture exists within anaesthesia training in New Zealand, from the perspective of leaders in anaesthesia departments. An electronic survey composed of quantitative and qualitative questions was emailed to all supervisors of training, rotational supervisors and departmental directors at Australian and New Zealand College of Anaesthetists accredited training hospitals in New Zealand. Twenty-eight of the 71 eligible participants responded (response rate 39%). The majority (61%) agreed with the statement 'our department has a "family friendly" approach to anaesthesia trainees'; however, there was a discrepancy between views about how departments should be and how they actually are. Several barriers contributing to this discrepancy were identified, including workforce logistics, governance, departmental structures and attitudes. Uncertainty in responses regarding aspects of working hours, parental leave and the use of domestic sick leave reflect gaps in understanding, with scope for further enquiry and education. To redress gender bias seriously through the development of family-friendly policies and practices requires supportive governance and logistics, along with some cultural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As well as serving as a critic and conscience for societies, universities are elite sites of privilege which, at a surface level, are unlikely locations for health promotion interventions. This paper provides a critical review of the existing health promoting universities (HPU) approaches which is informed by health promotion values. It explores the silence in the global literature around issues of structural discrimination such as the sexism, homophobia and institutional racism that can thrive within university settings. The existing literature also reveals a very limited engagement about positive mental health or indigeneity. In response, this paper brings together these three factors—structural discrimination, mental health, and indigeneity—all of which the authors consider are criterial to health and its promotion. The authors introduce the New Zealand university landscape, in which there are eight Western universities and three whare wānanga (Māori universities), and, drawing on a survey of their Charters and other official statements, offer a moemoeā (vision or dream) of an HPU that addresses structural discrimination, is based on holistic conceptions of health, and is centred on indigenous worldviews and concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated whether there are disparities in the way in which police proceed against females and males who commit sexual offences. We explored whether there are discrepancies in the severity of court sentences handed down to female and male sexual offenders. Using police and sentencing data, we compared the proportion of females and males who proceeded to court action once charged with a sexual offence and, separately, the severity of sentencing handed down to both genders. In terms of police decision-making processes, compared to males, a smaller proportion of females proceeded to "court action" for their offences. Furthermore, the severity of sentences handed down to males was greater than those handed down to females, both generally and when the sexual offence could be directly matched. These findings are discussed in the context of gender differences in how these crimes are processed and implications for justice, intervention, and community safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2012 a New Zealand feminist group launched a campaign against a series of local beer advertisements they deemed “retro-sexist.” The campaign generated media coverage across a range of viewpoints, but drew a largely negative response from the online public. This article analyses a comprehensive corpus of 753 online comments responding to news of the campaign. We discuss the dominant discursive constructions of gender and of feminists, and the ways these were deployed to trivialise the campaign, demonise the feminist campaigners, and depoliticise the issues. The comments overall, ironically, simultaneously disavow and perform sexism in this online public space. This imbrication of the denial and doing of sexism creates a hostile reception for public feminist voices, potentially dampening the field of possibility for action against sexism within mediated culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The passing of the Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) in 2003 has resulted in Aotearoa/New Zealand being in a unique position internationally in terms of the regulation of sex work. In this paper, I provide an overview of the history of sex work in Aotearoa/New Zealand leading up to and subsequent to the passing of the PRA. Underlying this overview are theoretically informed discussions considering how discourses of heteronormative sexuality result in sex work being gendered in particular ways, and how different models of regulating prostitution reflect different ideological and political concerns, and have different outcomes. The specifics of the gendering of sex work means that these understandings and outcomes have particular effects on women. While the interests of women are thus prioritised in recent theorising and, in some instances, in the regulation of prostitution, it is apparent that what is considered to be in 'women's interests' varies. I conclude by suggesting that while the PRA may not challenge the gendered nature of the industry, it protects the immediate interests of the women who work within it. This paper is intended to serve the dual purpose of providing the reader of this special issue of the Women's Studies Journal with some relevant background, and giving students interested in the area -- especially those in Aotearoa/New Zealand - a starting point for their research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation ( SDO) is conceived as an individual's level of support for group-based hierarchy in general that causes support for more specific group hierarchies. According to social dominance theory, group differences in SDO underpin ideological and behavioural group differences related to specific group hierarchies. Using representative 5-year longitudinal panel data from New Zealand ( N = 3,384), we test whether SDO mediates effects of sex and ethnicity on legitimizing myths ( LMs) relating to gender and ethnic hierarchy over time. The SDO mediation hypothesis is supported in the case of hostile sexism. However, it is unsupported in the case of benevolent sexism and LMs relating to ethnic hierarchy, where there was no cross-lagged effect of SDO. Moreover, being in the dominant ethnic group is associated with more legitimization of ethnic hierarchy but less legitimization of gender hierarchy, which is inconsistent with the notion of a general orientation underpinning group differences in legitimation. There was mixed evidence for a reverse path whereby specific LMs mediate group differences in SDO across time. We argue for the need to find alternative ways to theorize ideological consensus and difference between groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individuals on the right (vs. left) generally oppose abortion, but why? Past research (C.C. MacInnis, M.H. MacLean, & G. Hodson, 2014) tested whether differences in perceived preborn-humanness explain this difference, finding little evidence. Here we re-analyze two large datasets from New Zealand and the U.S., testing whether sexism can mediate the relation between conservatism and abortion opposition. This pattern would be consistent with feminist critiques, and with Social Dominance Theory (J. Sidanius & F. Pratto, 1999), whereby individual differences in ideology (e.g., conservatism) predict policy positions (e.g., abortion) through legitimizing myths (e.g., sexism) that justify/facilitate the ideology-policy relation. After controlling for potential confounds (e.g., participant sex; religiosity; abortion experience), 30% (Study 1) or 75% (Study 2) of the left-right difference in abortion stance was explained by sexism. Despite political rhetoric on the right emphasizing concerns for the pre-born, individual differences in abortion positions may instead concern the maintenance of group-based inequalities that disadvantage women. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study was designed to investigate levels of stress, anxiety or depression and to identify factors compounding or relieving stress in anaesthesia trainees within the Australian and New Zealand College of Anaesthetists (ANZCA) training scheme. An electronic survey was sent to 999 randomly selected trainees and 428 responses were received. In addition to demographics, psychological wellbeing was assessed using the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10) and questions were asked about depression and anxiety, exacerbating factors, personal healthcare and strategies used to manage stress. The majority of respondents (73%) reported being satisfied or very satisfied with their job and training. However, 28% of respondents had K10 scores indicating high or very high distress levels. Eleven percent reported being currently on treatment for anxiety and/or depression. Twenty-two percent reported having experienced bullying and 14% sexism. Twenty-eight percent reported that they did not have a regular general practitioner (GP), and 41% reported having not visited their GP in the previous year. Forty-seven percent of trainees reported that they self-prescribe medications. Major stressors reported were exams, critical clinical events and fear of making errors. Two stressors previously not identified in similar studies were concern about job prospects in 71% of respondents and workplace-based assessments in 51%. This survey demonstrates significant psychological impairment and poor personal healthcare amongst many trainees. Education, careful continuing assessment of trainees' welfare and a review of current support and remedial measures may be required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a decade and a half since Nigel Edley and Margaret Wetherell's (2001) “Jekyll and Hyde: Men's constructions of feminism and feminists” called scholarly attention to men's discursive splitting of feminism and feminists into good and monstrous variants. In this article, we ask whether this double vision persists and how it operates in a cultural moment when feminism and feminist issues are (re)entering the mainstream. We draw from data collected in the course of a New Zealand study exploring how young people were making sense of sexism, feminism and gender (in)equality. Our analysis of participants' accounts suggests a binary discursive formulation of feminism is alive and well: “unreasonable feminism” damns and dismisses feminism, while “fair feminism” affirms it, aligning it with equality. Where previous research has shown how such pejorative and affirming accounts are worked together in ways that dilute or depoliticise feminism, we explore how teenagers who explicitly adopted a feminist identity drew on these discourses to justify a more politicised feminist position. Many participants adopted a practice of “reasonable feminism”, embodying and evidencing feminist reasonableness through their rhetorical and performative devices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I examine whether justice in New Zealand is better served through the provision of gender-inclusive or gender-segregated men’s netball competitions (where netball began as a late 19th century women’s version of basketball). While the New Zealand Men’s Netball Association (henceforth called the ‘men’s association’) was initially established in 1984 under an inclusive ethos rooted in Māori community-based and fa’afafine1-based competitions, by the end of that most overtly transgender and fa’afafine players were excluded so as to boost the association’s heterosexist credentials. This process culminated in 2004 when the men’s association was replaced by the New Zealand Men’s and Mixed Netball Association (henceforth called the ‘mixed association’). While in principle medically verified postoperative transgender women may now play in mixed-gender leagues, virtually none do. Furthermore, anyone who foregoes such treatment – including fa’afafine – must dress as a man in order to play. If it is the coercion that makes coercive gender segregation problematic then perhaps justice would be best served if men’s netball was a gender-neutral activity. This seems consistent with the gendered history of both netball and men’s netball in New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although affirmative action based on race and/or ethnicity is a widely debated political issue within the public sphere, relatively few studies have examined the correlates of people's attitudes towards gender-based affirmative action. The few studies that have assessed this topic suggest that both Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and sexism are independently associated with people's opposition to affirmative action for women. The current study expands upon this literature by investigating the moderating effect of Benevolent Sexism (BS)-a dimension of sexism that sees women as weak and in need of protection-on the relationship between SDO and support for gender-based affirmative action within a nationally representative sample of New Zealand adults ( N = 5697). Specifically, we argue that protective aspects of BS will weaken the previously-identified positive relationship between SDO and opposition to affirmative action for women. As expected, our results showed that SDO was positively, whereas BS was negatively, associated with opposition to gender-based affirmative action. Also as predicted, BS attenuated the relationship between SDO and opposition to affirmative action for women. These results replicate and extend past research by demonstrating that SDO is an ideology that works to maintain existing unequal structures. We also show that part of the insidious nature of BS is that it offers women ostensible short-term benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article extends Billig's (1995) landmark thesis on banal nationalism by considering how processes of national deixis circumscribe the boundaries of citizenship and forms of belongingwithinnation-states. Drawing on critical analyses of sexual citizenship, the article provides a discursive analysis of the debate over civil union in the New Zealand mainstream press during 2004–2005. It argues that this mediated debate represented an historical moment where the routine deictic flagging of the nation, and the correlated flagging of the ‘banal citizen’, fundamentally broke down, thereby allowing this unmarked and ‘ordinary’ process to be systematically examined. Four major discourses are identified in press coverage: ‘Homosexual’ subjects as abnormal and disordered, tolerance, equality and human rights, the sanctity of marriage and the preservation of the family (and the social order). Although the passing of theCivil Union Actdoes mark a (faltering) step forward in sexual equality, we argue that the presence of these discourses suggests that forms of both ontological and cultural heterosexism persist in New Zealand society. Despite the Act conferring new legal rights, ultimately we conclude that the four discourses act to restrict the extent to which ‘homosexual’ subjects are considered ‘valid’ and ‘legitimate’ citizens. In continuing to structure the public politics of sexual citizenship in New Zealand, these discourses have influenced recent debates over legislative moves towards ‘marriage equality’ in ways that raise concerns over the continuation of heterosexist norms, as well as exclusionary forms of homo-nationalism. More generally, this research demonstrates the effectiveness of Billig's work as a valuable and productive analytic lens to explicate concerns over the exclusionary nature of citizenship itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Gender bias in the sciences is a prominent issue. Evidence suggests that more equal involvement of women in science, technology, engineering and mathematics fields leads to a diversity of working styles that can contribute to multiple measures of workplace success, such as better student outcomes in university settings and improved managerial approaches. One of the main ways we can combat gender bias is by increasing awareness. Thus, to directly draw attention to this issue for New Zealand ecologists, we performed a gender analysis of the publication process in the New Zealand Journal of Ecology (NZJE) for manuscripts reviewed between 2003 and 2012. First, we compared the frequencies of publication success between female and male authors. Second, we compared the frequencies of female and male reviewers selected by both female and male associate editors on the journal's editorial board from 2010 to 2012. Results show that publication success was not biased by gender, nor was it related to the gender of the editor. However, editors selected more male reviewers and this pattern was slightly more pronounced for male editors, suggesting that there is potential for at least some associate editors to reduce gender bias in their reviewer selections. We believe this will become easier with the development of the new reviewer database and mentoring scheme recently launched by the NZJE. It is important that publication of ecological research in New Zealand is unbiased so that the growing numbers of women in this field are not disadvantaged, and our results show that the NZJE is doing a good job at this. However, it is also important that women's contributions to the field are encouraged and recognised. We believe that reviewer selection is one way to enhance this and we strongly encourage early-career female ecologists to enrol in the NZJE mentoring scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Benevolent sexism promises women a revered place within intimate relationships, which should lead to greater dissatisfaction when they face relationship difficulties. We collected self-reports of relationship problems and relationship satisfaction (Study 1; N = 91 heterosexual couples), relationship problems and relationship evaluations daily over 3 weeks (Study 1), and hurtful partner behaviour and relationship evaluations over 10 days (Study 2; N = 86 women). Women's endorsement of benevolent sexism predicted sharper declines in relationship satisfaction when they faced greater relationship problems (Study 1) and hurtful partner behaviour (Study 2). These effects were magnified in longer relationships (Studies 1 and 2), indicating that the sensitivity to relationship problems associated with women's endorsement of benevolent sexism is particularly pronounced when women have more invested in their relationship role being revered and cherished. The results suggest that women who endorse benevolent sexism are vulnerable within their relationships because their satisfaction is contingent upon the fulfilment of the promises of benevolent sexism. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a cooperative enquiry on how feminism looks like in daily practice in an educational setting in Aotearoa, New Zealand and how the application of feminism differ across academic disciplines. The enquiry led researchers through four phases that address propositional knowledge, recording and observing practical knowledge and highlighting experiential knowledge. It refers to feminism today as more about raising awareness about sexism and barriers to women's choices.

This study examined the proportion of people who held ambivalent versus univalent sexist attitudes, that is, those who simultaneously endorsed benevolent sexism (BS) and hostile sexism (HS). We examined this by capitalizing on recent innovations in latent class analysis to model latent types of sexists, or response profiles to BS and HS, in a nationally representative New Zealand sample (n = 6450). Our results show, for the first time, that by far, the most common pattern was for people to hold similar levels of BS and HS. Strongly ambivalent sexists, however, constituted only 8%-9% of the population. Most were classified as mild or moderate ambivalent sexists (28% and 44%, respectively). Univalent sexism was exceedingly rare, with between 2% and 5% of people solely endorsing HS but not BS, or BS but not HS. We validated the model by showing theoretically predicted differences across sexist types in demographics (gender, age), ideology (social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism), and relationship satisfaction. Strongly ambivalent sexists also held the highest levels of gender-specific system justification, invariant of gender. This provides novel evidence for the premise that strong sexist ambivalence promotes support for and faith in the patriarchical system. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This meta-synthesis of empirical and nonempirical literature analyzed 24 journal articles and book chapters that addressed the intersection of disability, [homo]sexuality, and gender identity/expression in P-12 schools, colleges and universities, supported living programs, and other educational and social contexts in Australia, Belgium, Canada, New Zealand, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The articles and chapters emphasized the diversity of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth with disabilities-culturally, linguistically, sexually, and in terms of abilities, disabilities, and related service needs-while noting that all (or certainly most) lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth with disabilities possess multiple stigmatized identities as sexual/gender minorities and young people with disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An Opposing Process Model outlining the pathways through which individual differences in Benevolent Sexism (BS) simultaneously enhance and attenuate support for gender equality of income and employment opportunity is presented. Results from a New Zealand electoral sample ( N = 336) indicated that BS predicted Hostile Sexism (HS), and thus indirectly opposition toward gender-related policies (a hierarchy-enhancing effect). For women, BS also directly predicted attitudes toward gender equality in the opposing, supportive direction (a hierarchy-attenuating effect). Analyses of a 9-month longitudinal sample of undergraduate women substantiated these results (Study II; N = 170). In stable societies, the dual opposing effects of BS seem to form a system where hierarchy-enhancing and hierarchy-attenuating processes tend toward homeostasis or equilibrium within the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of perceived normative (societal) levels of benevolent (BS) and hostile sexism (HS) on one’s own sexist attitudes were examined over a four-month period in an undergraduate New Zealand sample (76 women, 26 men). Perceptions of normative levels of men’s BS produced longitudinal change in one’s own BS, and this effect was invariant across gender. However, contrary to previous research suggesting that women endorse BS when men are high in HS for its protective benefits, women instead expressed subjectively positive paternalistic attitudes toward their gender to the extent that they perceived BS as normative in men. The transmission of patriarchical-defined ideologies is tempered by the degree to which such ideologies espouse benevolent versus more overtly hostile attitudes toward women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of kiwi men's participation in paid early childcare and teaching work has not been documented to date. But what can be learned from the New Zealand experience may be helpful internationally in the movement towards greater male representation in early years work. This paper provides a brief recent history only, highlighting issues that may be specific to New Zealand's cultural and political context as well as those likely to be generic to men's experiences within any Western country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two longitudinal studies examined the system-justifying effect of women’s benevolent sexist ideology in New Zealand female undergraduate samples. Women’s endorsement of benevolent sexism predicted longitudinal changes in hostile sexist attitudes toward their gender over 6-month (study 1; n = 117) and 12-month (study 2; n = 76) periods. Consistent with Ambivalent Sexism Theory, these findings indicate that women’s endorsement of benevolent sexism disarms resistance to, and increases their endorsement of, more hostile forms of sexism directed toward their gender. However, the disarming effect of benevolent sexism occurred only for women high in Right-Wing Authoritarianism (study 2), suggesting that threat-driven authoritarian motivations for collective security and social cohesion cause women to actively participate in an ideological system that perpetuates gender inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade the relationship between feminism and eugenics has become an increasingly important site of research. This relationship, however, remains to be examined in New Zealand. This article interrogates the ways in which female reformers, colonial feminists and female health and welfare workers engaged in eugenic debates in New Zealand during the first three decades of the twentieth century. It situates the 1924 Inquiry into Mental Defectives and Sexual Offenders in New Zealand and the sterilization debate of the 1930s as representative of women's role as both the agents and subjects of eugenics in this period. Eugenics offered women a discourse of moral and social reform that fitted neatly with the ideals of colonial feminism and, by extension, enabled them to participate in national debates about racial health. However, in their testimony before the 1924 Inquiry and in the subsequent debates surrounding sterilization, women articulated and prescribed eugenic solutions for 'deviant women' and cast themselves as the 'mothers of the race'. As authors of eugenics for other women, white middle-class female reformers, health professionals and colonial feminists complicate the history of eugenics in New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The additive and interactive effects of Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) were examined using 16 independent samples of New Zealand European participants (N = 2,164). Consistent with Duckitt's (2001) Dual Process Model, SDO and RWA displayed strong additive effects across various domains of intergroup-related attitude, including measures of racism, sexism, homosexual prejudice, and ethnic and religious in group identification. In each of these five domains, meta-analysis indicated that the statistical interaction of SDO and RWA accounted for an average of less than .001% variance in addition to their linear combination. It is concluded that the association between SDO and various discriminatory attitudes and beliefs is only extremely weakly dependent on RWA, and vice-versa, suggesting that these two ideological attitudes are primarily additive, rather than interactive, in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the ways in which representations of masculinity and sexuality in schools operate to reinforce limited opportunities for male students in New Zealand. Data were gathered from in-depth interviews with ten young gay men and focus group interviews with seven young gay men. The discussion demonstrates how schools currently restrict opportunities for young gay men to explore masculinity in relation to their sexuality and highlights the ways in which schools support and reinforce binaries of heterosexuality/homosexuality in terms of normality and abnormality. The paper raises important implications for gender identity and equity in schooling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the circulation of heterosexist positions within several recent New Zealand media texts. It argues that a recent form of discourse engages liberal language and assumptions in ways that support the privileged position of heterosexuality and the marginalization of homosexuality. The examples given highlight not only the tenor of some recent representations of homosexuality, but also some problems within liberalism. Most notable of these are liberalism's individualism and its failure to recognize the systemic nature of hierarchical power relationships and the constituting of lesbian and gay subjectivities within these relationships. These problems allow liberalism to play an active part in processes of domination and subordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]