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In October 1924, Paul Scott Mowrer, a foreign correspondent for the Chicago Daily News based in Paris, convinced his employers that an interview with Abd-el-Krim, the leader of the Rifian uprising against the Spanish in northern Morocco, would provide original and interesting copy for American readers. This article deals with Mowrer's difficult trek from French Morocco into the Rifian heartland, his observations concerning the Rifian environment and Abd-el-Krim's movement and his two-hour interview with the Rifian leader. Further, it discusses his journey out of the Rif back into French Morocco, his observations concerning French policies in their Protectorate and his general reflections on the Rif War. This essay employs materials from Mowrer's personal papers, his autobiography, and the twenty-one articles he published in the Chicago Daily News from November 1924 to early January 1925. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Disaster of Annual in 1921 was the greatest military catastrophe suffered by the Spanish Army in the 20th century. It took place in the Protectorate of Morocco and originated in a military camp in the village of Annual. Spain accepted the Protectorate to maintain its position in Europe, but faced armed resistance from tribes in northern Morocco. The Spanish military strategy was insufficient and resulted in a defeat against the army led by Abd-el-Krim. The withdrawal of Spanish troops was chaotic and disorganized, resulting in a great loss of lives. The disaster caused outrage in Spain and led to the formation of a new government and a more effective army. The repercussions of Annual contributed to the resurgence of militarism in Spain. [Extracted from the article]

Spain's importance in Morocco for much of her 44 years there (1912–56) was subordinate to that of France, yet Spain managed to carry out an independent policy during that time that corresponded with her continental interests. In the early years, her governing policy in the north was shaped by military concerns, especially during the Rif War (1921–26) when Berber warriors under the leadership of Abdel Krim nearly wrested control of the zone away from her. In the 1930s, Rifian troops fought at Franco's side during the Civil War, winning a reputation for steadfastness and ferocity. Spain managed to seize control of Tangier in 1940, but handed the zone back to international supervision as soon as the war ended. After 1953 Spain's Morocco policy lost direction as the tide of decolonisation swept over the region. Clinging frantically to her northern foothold, Spain played a dangerous game of encouraging the nationalists while trying to stay firmly in control. As independence became increasingly inevitable, Spain courted the Arab League, drawing away from ‘imperial’ France and Britain in an effort to become the ‘friendly’ interlocutor between the Arab peoples and Europe. But when France's withdrawal became inevitable, Spain too capitulated, for Franco's regime was ‘not ready to go to war over Morocco’. Spain's tenure in northern Morocco was marred by a bloody war, incapable administrators, unending corruption, harsh military rule, and the absence of clear goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Memoria y Civilizacion is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Eight out of every 10 jihadists arrested or deceased in Spain between 2013 and 2018 are of Moroccan origin. This figure includes Moroccan nationals, Spanish nationals born in Morocco, and Spanish nationals descending from Moroccan immigrants. The historically restive Rif region of northwest Africa is the main geographical provenance of those who were born in Morocco and, similarly, because of violent Salafist who are natives of Ceuta and Melilla, of those who were born in Spain. All this reveals the extent to which the enduring reality of global jihadism in Morocco is projected externally onto Spain. This is unsurprising, since a large majority of Muslims in Spain come from Morocco or have Moroccan ancestors. Yet, the blooming of homegrown jihadism in Spain over the mentioned six-year period, largely resulting from the radicalization of Moroccan descendants or second generations, points toward the internal dynamics behind the phenomenon. In Spain, however, these second generations may or may not be in a diaspora situation, an important feature which is unique in the context of Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Spanish colonial discourse on Morocco during the Rif War from the perspective of gender. It focuses on the most reactionary sections of the Army of Africa, which later revolted against the Second Spanish Republic. The image of the Rifian man in this colonial setting is analysed as playing a decisive role in the shaping of Spanish masculinity, which was built through dialogue with this representation of the other's manhood. This male archetype was especially relevant in the culture of the Africanist soldiers who would later have such a huge impact on the history of Spain. This article reflects on the complexities and ambiguities of the colonial relationship and aims to contribute to the discussion on the exceptionality of Spanish colonialism as compared with other European empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the intersection of Middle Eastern anti-colonialism and European anti-militarism in the interwar period through a case study focusing on French communist activities within the army during almost simultaneous anti-colonial revolts in Morocco and Syria. It argues that the interaction between revolutionary militancy in these two regions was not unilinear. Just as the impact of European revolutionary traditions was instrumental in shaping Middle Eastern communist militancy, so Middle Eastern anti-colonialism had an - underappreciated - impact on European communism. Through this case study it shows how the Communist International strove to give anti-militarism in the global north and anti-colonialism in the global south a common political language through which the two aspirations could converge. Instead of focusing on high-level decisions, this study takes a tentative step towards situating this alliance - or lack thereof - in the trenches of colonial wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Enfermería Cuidándote is the property of Colegio Oficial de Enfermeria de Malaga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arxiu d'Etnografia de Catalunya is the property of Universitat Rovira I Virgili and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At first sight, becoming the Prime Minister of Hassan II after having been considered, a few decades earlier, to be 'the foreign minister of the resistance and the plotters' against the monarchy might constitute a spectacular turnaround in a political career. In fact, this reversal was part of a process that was both slow and discontinuous, with bifurcations, and moments of fluidity and uncertainty. By examining oral sources from an interactionist perspective, this article shows that Youssoufi is the paragon of a segment of the nationalist elites, and that his trajectory embodies the transformations in the relations between a part of the Moroccan left and the monarchy. It stresses that individual and collective destiny cannot be reduced to explanations in terms of 'domestication', and that not everything was played out beforehand and once and for all. These strategic changes were intrinsically linked to variations in the resources available to the actors, their perceptions of their environment and the dynamics at work within it, their appreciation of the cards they could play, and so on. More specifically, if the left epitomised by Youssoufi benefited from 'reputational capital' acquired through repression, it never managed to accumulate the organisational capital of the mass parties. After bidding a regretful farewell to the revolution, the Maquis, and even the putsch, its leaders chose the only option they perceived as available to them: institutional participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Documentación de las Ciencias de la Información is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nation in Moroccan historiography writings has traditionally been described as culturally, ethnically and racially homogeneous; an all-encompassing discourse that silences episodes about the historical legacy of slavery and racism in the country, and undermines multicultural Morocco. In fact, the history of Morocco's blacks of sub-Saharan descent remains fragmented, scattered and undocumented – partly because of the scarcity of archival sources. Recent years, however, have witnessed the revival of an 'African consciousness' in Moroccan history and in literature. This is also the case of Maghrebi (North African) and Arabic literature from the Mashreq (the Middle East) and the Gulf. In this paper, we consider how two recent Moroccan novels, Le Lutteur [The Wrestler, in French] by My Seddick Rabbaj (2017) and Dhākirat al-narjis [The Daffodil's Memory, in Arabic] by Rachid al-Hachimi (2018), deal with salient moments of trans-Saharan cultural connections. We argue that the historical and the geographical imaginaries connecting North and sub-Saharan Africa compel a discussion of the 'decolonial' as outlined by the Moroccan critic Abdelkebir Khatibi, and enforce a rebound on the concept of 'significant geographies'. In engaging with the narratives' concern about the construction of racial and cultural identities in Morocco, we consider how these works resonate with the recovery of the subaltern history of black Morocco, and how gender, rural and ethnic identity inform and imbue the texts with a knot of ambivalent discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The disputes that led to the exiling of Kabaka Mutesa II of British Uganda and Sultan Mohammed V of French Morocco in 1953 highlight the shifting and involved agency of the Indigenous rulers in the postwar decolonization struggle. The time was painful for the colonial powers as nationalists brought profound pressure on the Allied Powers to comply with their promises of "self-determination" for colonized peoples.1 In Uganda, Britain's move to sideline the kabaka from the transition process triggered a quarrel between Governor Cohen and the Buganda monarch. In Morocco, the French officials' intent to undercut the sultan's authority turned Mohammed into a radical nationalist. The African rulers' rebellious stance, their consequent punishment with deportation, their homecoming, and reinstatement mirror the new nationalist Zeitgeist's incompatibility with colonial punishment. The result reveals that exile, which effectively forced compliance in the prewar period, proved counterproductive in the postwar era. With young and radical nationalists on their sides, many African rulers exiled in the 1950s used their banishment to negotiate, hasten and even modify the decolonization program to their advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the Spanish army during the decolonization of Morocco, and it explores the connection between Spanish cultural perceptions – seen most clearly in the myth of Spanish-Moroccan brotherhood – and strategic and operational failures. It pays particular attention to the views of Spain's last High Commissioner in Morocco, Lieutenant General Rafael García-Valiño, and the Franco dictatorship's ideologue of Spanish imperialism in North Africa, the influential army officer and prolific writer Tomás García Figueras. Highlighting the diversity in outlooks within Spanish military culture, the study explores why key military africanistas did not see what was coming so that they might have prepared better for the departure process. This failure left the Spanish army in unwinnable, humiliating, and in some cases fatal predicaments, and it has had consequences that linger to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This paper deals with a nonlinear control of a wind energy conversion system (WECS) based on a permanent magnet synchronous generator (PMSG) interconnected to the distribution grid. The system connected to the grid is achieved by two IGBT based back‐to‐back converters controlled by pulse width modulation (PWM) and a capacitor as a DC link between them. Firstly, a literature review on the recent studies of nonlinear control in the wind energy field is introduced. Subsequently, a complete description of the wind energy conversion system with its dynamic modeling is presented. The second part of this article focused on the proposed control laws that rely on backstepping control as well as the maximum power point tracking (MPPT) command. The main objective of the control is to optimize the extraction of the wind power in the presence of a real wind profile and to keep the PMSG working properly with the best performance in both static and dynamic modes. The wind profile of this simulation is measured from the Dakhla region in Morocco to test the system robustness against real conditions. The simulation analysis prove the validation of the control strategy using a 2‐MW wind turbine and showed that the backstepping control based on the Lyapunov stability technique offers excellent results in terms of THD rate that does not exceed 0.95%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that mass protests across the Rif are rooted in the region's socio-economic marginalization and historical and contemporary violence inflicted by the Moroccan state onto what constitutes an area of challenged state authority. The legacy of the heavily repressive approach of the Moroccan regime toward the region nurtured a collective memory of injustice and alienation among Rifians, which deepened their distrust in the Moroccan state. The emergence of the Hirak al-Shaʿbi (Popular Movement) in Al Hoceima province, following the death of a fishmonger crushed in a garbage truck, strengthened the irredentism of people's activism and empowered the movement's regionalist identity. Faced with further securitization of public space from central powers, Hirak has forged a strong autonomy from both the region's public authorities as well as the regime's elites, all of which has boosted Hirak's legitimacy among activists and the region's population. Hirak's innovative modus operandi in accessing physical public sites has succeeded in transforming the interaction between society and public authorities and has shown that people can claim their rights to public space without the state's prior consent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 2011, several Arab states initiated decentralisation reforms to address the demonstrators' demands for more participative governance and more efficient public services. Taking Morocco's new decentralisation reform as a case in point, this article assesses the requirements for, and impediments to, progress. It discovers that the reform articulates important democratic principles and formally opens new spaces of action that may facilitate more efficient and participative governance. However, historical legacies of centralised control, few opportunities for participation, low institutional capacities and weak accountability, and also unclear regulations within the reform, are still hindering effective decentralisation. The potentially positive impact of current reforms on political liberalisation is thus uncertain. Recent uprisings in the Rif region are symptomatic of the neglect of regional inequalities and grievances, and of related dissatisfaction. They also illustrate that increased regional autonomy can only alleviate the structural problems in the longer term and when thoroughly implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the discursive and artistic expression of Moroccan youth identity politics through the production and consumption of rap music online, particularly on YouTube. Drawing on multimodal discourse analysis (MDA), the study explores textual, visual, and reception modes and discourses of Moroccan rap songs mediated through songs' lyrics, video clips, and user comments on the video sharing platform. Focusing on four levels of discourse, namely, narrative and interpersonal representation, genre, modality, and style, the study examines the following key questions: What are the discourses that emerge from the production, circulation, and consumption of online rap music by Moroccan youth? How do online rap production and reception contribute to identity formation among Moroccan youth? To what extent does online rap music contribute to the development of a progressive and alternative social youth movement that challenges dominant cultural and political power relations? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This articles analyses the campaign conducted by the Moroccan nationalist movement in Cairo after World War II aiming to enlist the Arab League in its anti-colonial struggle. Although the Maghribi activists initially celebrated several successes, they ultimately failed to obtain any diplomatic support, especially following the Egyptian revolution of 1952. Drawing on Moroccan as well as French, Spanish, and US sources, this article argues that Nasser and his colleagues refused to support the Moroccans due to irreconcilable ideological differences, thus laying the foundation for the scepticism towards the Arab world that characterised Morocco's foreign policy during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of the International Committee of the Red Cross ( I. C. R. C.) in the Rif War ( Morocco, 1921-6) and places humanitarian action in three inter-related contexts: the complexity of the international scenario after the First World War, the institutional architecture of the Red Cross and the developments in international humanitarian law. Challenging simplistic approaches to an otherwise historically overlooked affair, the article argues that the rather undignified role of the I. C. R. C. during the conflict was a result both of Eurocentric assumptions and international manipulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the Spanish Protectorate in Northern Morocco between 1912 and 1956 brought with it the need for Spain to create a colonial policy. Education was just one of the instruments put at the service of colonisation in the policy of territorial control. Spain implemented a colonial school model made up of Spanish schools, Spanish-Arab schools and Spanish-Jewish schools designed to educate the Moroccan and Spanish populations living in the area. Since education was considered a priority by the Spanish colonisers, they promoted Spanish-Arab schools as a key part of their colonial policy. The schools created for Moroccans by the Spaniards united tradition – the Arabic language and Muslim religion – with modernity, since the schools did not adhere to traditional Koranic education, but rather followed the teaching models and principles of the schools in Spain at the time, marking a turning point in education in Northern Morocco. The end goal was to instruct the population according to a pro-Spanish, coloniser-friendly ideology in order to control the society and territory in a way that complemented military policies. The instrumentalisation of these schools is reflected in the different names they were given throughout the period: consular schools, Spanish-Arab schools, indigenous schools, advanced schools and Moroccan schools. During the Franco period (1936–56), these institutions were instrumentalised not only in the Moroccan context, but also in the Spanish international context, and the process of Moroccanisation and nationalisation that Spanish-Arab schools underwent can only be understood against this backdrop. For Spain, this school model was new, although similar institutions had already been implemented in other Mediterranean countries including Turkey, Lebanon and Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]