Search

In this article, we examine the legal challenges encountered by LGBT+ individuals in Poland and Mexico within the context of prevailing cis-heteronormative structures. These structures deeply influence societal and legal systems in both countries, resulting in marginalization and discrimination. We compare the development of LGBT+ movements and their impact on legislative changes by analysing enacted laws, court cases, and law proposals. The study highlights the progress and obstacles to achieving equality in each case: Mexico has made significant strides in recognizing non-binary perspectives and advancing LGBT+ rights, while Poland has faced setbacks due to the continuous rejection of progressive reforms. Both countries continue to navigate unique challenges in their pursuit of greater inclusivity for the LGBT+ community, offering valuable lessons from each experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social model of disability has contributed important legislative modifications to civil law in several Latin American countries. Substitute decision-making regimes are being replaced by supports in the exercise of legal capacity based on the rights, will, and preferences of persons with disabilities. The Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities has pointed out that the legal concepts of 'unfitness to stand trial' and 'not guilty by reason of insanity' are contrary to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In the field of Latin American criminal law, the social model still bears scant influence in dogmatic and criminal procedures. Mexico and Argentina have recently incorporated procedural accommodations and support in their criminal procedural codes, which is an advance in terms of compliance with the CRPD. The reforms have not led to further discussion on the concepts of unfitness to stand in trial and inimputabilidad or their harmonisation with human rights standards, and thus persons with disabilities who are found not guilty by reason of insanity are sent to prison to receive treatment in Mexico, and in Argentina they are derived to civil judges and placed in psychiatric hospital. Despite changes, most local authors maintain traditional views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Over the last decade, there has been an increasing number of studies regarding experiences of mistreatment, disrespect and abuse (D&A) during facility-based childbirth. These negative experiences during labour have been proven to create a barrier for seeking both facility-based childbirth and postnatal health care, as well as increasing severe postpartum depression among the women who experienced them. This constitutes a serious violation of human rights. However, few studies have carried out specifically designed interventions to reduce these practices. The aim of this scoping review is to synthetise available evidence on this subject, and to identify initiatives that have succeeded in reducing the mistreatment, D&A that women suffer during childbirth in health facilities. Methods: A PubMed search of the published literature was conducted, and all original studies evaluating the efficacy of any type of intervention specifically designed to reduce these negative experiences and promote RMC were selected. Results: Ten articles were included in this review. Eight studies were conducted in Africa, one in Mexico, and the other in the U.S. Five carried out a before-and-after study, three used mixed-methods, one was a comparative study between birth centres, and another was a quasi-experimental study. The most common feature was the inclusion of some sort of RMC training for providers at the intervention centre, which led to the conclusion that this training resulted in an improvement in the care received by the women in childbirth. Other strategies explored by a small number of articles were open maternity days, clinical checklists, wall posters and constant user feedback. Discussion: These results indicate that there are promising interventions to reduce D&A and promote RMC for women during childbirth in health facilities. RMC training for providers stands as the most proven strategy, and the results suggest that it improves the experiences of care received by women in labour. Conclusion: The specific types of training and the different initiatives that complement them should be evaluated through further scientific research, and health institutions should implement RMC interventions that apply these strategies to ensure human rights-based maternity care for women giving birth in health facilities around the world. Plain english summary: Women giving birth experience mistreatment, disrespect, and abuse during labour in health facilities around the world, which constitutes a serious human rights violation. This scoping review synthetises all available information on interventions specifically designed to reduce these negative experiences and to promote respectful maternity care. Although research in this regard is still scarce and focused in low-resource countries, our results indicate that there are promising initiatives to tackle this phenomenon. The most tested strategy is respectful maternity care training for providers, the results of which suggest that it is successful in improving the experiences of care received by women in labour. Other different strategies have been explored, such as open maternity days, clinical checklists, wall posters and constant user feedback. This review shows that there are promising interventions to reduce disrespect and abuse and promote respectful maternity care for women during facility-based childbirth, which should be implemented by health institutions to ensure human-rights based maternity care for women giving birth in health facilities around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"When Children Become Migrants: Human Rights and Violent Exceptions in Mexico" is a book written by Elisa Ortega Velazquez that explores the experiences of children involved in migratory processes in Mexico. The book highlights how immigration control policies can undermine children's rights and exposes the mistreatment and violence that vulnerable migrant children face. It discusses instances of state negligence and unlawful behavior, as well as the use of "violent exceptions" by the state to restrict the rights of migrant children. The book also theorizes the concept of the "sacer child" and examines the impact of power discourses on child migration. Overall, the book sheds light on the specific vulnerabilities faced by migrant children and calls for their special protection. [Extracted from the article]

What are the consequences of the militarization of public safety? Governments increasingly rely on militaries for policing, but the systematic study of this phenomenon's consequences for human rights has been neglected. NGO and journalistic accounts point to widespread violations by the military, but these snapshots do not necessarily present evidence of systematic abuse. Based on unique data on military deployments and human rights complaints in Mexico, we conduct a systematic, country-wide study of the consequences of constabularization for human rights. Following matching and difference-in-difference strategies, we find that it leads to a 150% increase in complaints against federal security forces. We also leverage deployments for disaster-relief operations and complaints against non-security institutions to show that the increase is not due to underlying conditions or higher reporting in the military's presence. The findings have important implications for our understanding of quality of democracy and the democratic ideals of civilian policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reflects on a participatory embroidery project in Mexico, Bordando por la paz y la Memoria: una víctima un pañuelo, by the art collective Fuentes Rojas. For over ten years this public art initiative has used needlework to engage with human rights issues. Fibre art groups in Mexico use needlework and the internet to address issues such as disappearances, femicides/feminicides and other violent killings. Building on Latin America's heritage of activist needlework, the Mexican peace embroidery movement takes a transmedial approach to the memorialization of victims of violence in the country. They hold exhibitions and participatory sewing sessions in a variety of venues. They also disseminate information online to generate a dialogue about historical events and human rights issues. In this article, I explore the political and artistic context for the movement, as well as its aims. I argue that the embroiderers have developed a sophisticated memorialization strategy that helps disseminate information about the situation in Mexico while also countering the aversion that can arise from mass media coverage of the violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mexican State is part of the inter-American system, it safeguards the human rights of both the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States and the International Treaties, particularly in the interruption of pregnancy it protects the human rights to life, health, reproductive rights and non-discrimination. These human rights are analyzed in the resolutions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, to aknowledge both the international and national interpretation, which has served as a legal basis in the interruption of pregnancy in Mexico. Based on these human rights and resolutions, ten states have legislated to allow the interruption of pregnancy, due to which the legal framework of the former Federal District (D.F.), Oaxaca, Hidalgo, Baja California, Veracruz, Colima, Sinaloa, Guerrero, Baja is studied. California Sur and Quintana Roo, highlighting that they have reformed their Penal Codes and Health Laws, standardizing most of their criteria. Likewise, a legal comparison is made at an international level to highlight differences and similarities between Mexico and other countries. This issue continues in Mexico, the states continue to discuss the interruption of pregnancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to address the main changes and transformations of lgbti activism at the subnational level in Mexico that were effective in persuading decision makers and achieving the institutionalization of the rights of sexual minorities in adverse contexts, where there is a strong presence of sectors conservatives of the Catholic Church and political parties who openly implemented actions in order to oppose its recognition. Starting from a case analysis with an emphasis on tracking processes, it is argued that the recognition and institutionalization of the main lgbti demands were achieved, among other things, by qualitative, symbolic and discourse changes that occurred within the activism. Particularly in populations such as the trans, which historically was an invisible stratum and with a marginal position in activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Mexico's governance of migration and its geopolitical moral dilemma: an enthusiastic champion for migrants' human rights in the international sphere and a tough migration control enforcer. I consider this seemingly ambivalent and contradictory approach through the lens of euphemisms and dysphemisms, more specifically by analysing the use of euphemistic rhetoric and dysphemistic practices in the governance of migration. Through document analysis, I examine Mexico's use of euphemistic rhetoric in its role as migration control enforcer, as well as in its positioning in the relation to the Global Compact on Migration. Drawing on the experiences of irregularised migrants in Mexico and information obtained though Freedom of Information Requests, I analyse three dysphemistic practices in migration management: (i) bureaucratic negligence, (ii) precarious infrastructure, and (iii) spatial fixation and waiting. The Mexican case illustrates the discrepancy between discourse and practice in migration management and is an example of the ambivalences of global migration governance, which instrumentalises euphemistic rhetoric while promoting and tolerating dysphemistic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, the work of universities for gender equality and inclusion is recognized as a necessity. The diversity of the university community, the need to advance in gender and the presence of various manifestations of violence are evident. The aim of this work is to analyze the main achievements, obstacles and challenges in the promotion of gender equality in higher education institutions in the south-southeast of Mexico. The meetings and disagreements when working on social inclusion and the challenges that joint work brings with it are highlighted. The methodology is phenomenology. The techniques were: semi-structured interviews with 5 institutional gender equality representatives from different mexican universities. Additionally, a content analysis of various institutional documents was developed. Various advances in gender equality are evident. The main challenges are linked to the need to ensure progress to mainstream and institutionalize the gender perspective. In relation to inclusion, it is evident that the advances are very incipient. The work has focused on attention to gender violence due to its severity and magnitude. Working on inclusion within universities, under the framework of human rights, is a relatively recent task. The conceptual deficiencies in relation to inclusion, the difficulties in meeting the needs and for the operability in the face of the diversity of problems to be addressed are discussed. Some challenges are posed to favor a comprehensive approach promoting the construction of spaces for reflection, analysis and decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mexico, in the last two decades, there has been an increase in the activism of a sector of the LGBTTTIQ+ community struggling for the rights of people living with HIV (PLHIV). This article aims to explore the causes of this phenomenon, understanding that this process should not be explained only by gender-related variables, because it is rooted in the precariousness of living conditions within the framework of heteronormativity and determined by changes in the economic structure of society in a particular historical context. To do this, participant observation and interviews with activists belonging to groups in the political struggle for sexual diversity were used, as well as documental research. The results show the relations between discrimination and homophobia with the social structure, as a component of displacements in political activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Prolegómenos Derechos y Valores is the property of Prolegomenos Derechos y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of La Manzana de la discordia is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the historical stigma surrounding mental health and the transformative impact of the United Nations General Assembly's adoption of Resolution A/77/L.77, proposed by Mexico. The resolution emphasizes human rights, universal health coverage, and addressing psychosocial needs, marking a crucial step towards global recognition and standardization of mental health support. The article highlights the resolution's call for comprehensive healthcare and the elimination of discrimination,

This paper examines the written reflections of 30 Canadian undergraduate students who participated in an international field course focusing on migration and human rights in Mexico. It endeavors to understand how the students reconciled their thoughts and feelings about trauma and oppression in an intercultural setting. Borrowing Foucault's 'ethic of discomfort', which emphasizes the proactive and transformative potential of discomfort in education, the paper extends existing scholarship in teaching and learning around study abroad and social justice by focusing on ethically complex situations in the field. The findings reveal that while preparation for unprecedented and unforeseeable scenarios during an international field course was challenging for faculty, exposing students to the realities of migration ultimately facilitated learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mobility in Mexican territory of children and adolescents unaccompanied by parents or guardians is a delicate and complex problem that has been in force for at least 25 years. Based on a documentary analysis, the objective of this article is to discuss the Mexican legislation related to this population group, from its foundations in human rights and the best interests of the child, to the care models or programs that have sought to make those guarantees effective. In 2021, it was recorded a historic maximum of 112,192 unaccompanied children apprehended on the Mexico-United States border (Kandel, 2021), urging the strengthening of these efforts. However, the analysis suggests that there has been a disjointed development and a fragmented approach, with difficulties in moving from legislative abstraction trough enforcing via inter-institutional coordination and budget allocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the use of archetypal and symbolic images to promote greater integration within a community committed to psychological work. It focuses on an image created by artist Ana Teresa Fernández, titled "Borrando la Frontera: Erasing the Border," which addresses sociopolitical, cultural, racial, gender, ecological, and human rights issues related to the Mexico-United States border. The image depicts the artist erasing the border fence, symbolizing the dissolution of barriers and divisions. The article emphasizes the importance of integrating masculine and feminine principles to create a balanced and evolving perspective of wholeness. [Extracted from the article]

Environmental injustice disrupts the human rights of populations. This article focuses on the state of Jalisco, Mexico, a territory in which 70% of human rights violations were recorded in environmental matters between 2016 and 2019. The objective is to analyze the recommendations issued by the Jalisco State Human Rights Commission in terms of violation of the rights to a healthy environment from 2000 to 2022. For this purpose, a qualitative analysis was carried out through newspaper data from this institution, which were systematized in analytical categories according to types of environmental injustice. In addition, three emblematic cases of human rights violations in this area were presented. The findings show that recommendations are linked to situations of contamination of water bodies, lack of water supply, and water privatization; with the loss of biodiversity or with related affectations; and with the poor management of urban solid waste. These problems occur particularly through processes of unequal distribution of environmental impacts and the exclusion of affected people from decision-making. The results show the slow process of recognition at the institutional level to point out the transgression of the right to a healthy environment in Jalisco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Telos is the property of Revista Telos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The advancement of parity rules in Mexico allegedly meant having achieved full equality between women and men who are dedicated to politics; however, the numerical advance of women in congresses showed that descriptive representation was not sufficient to eliminate obstacles, including gender-based political violence, which prevents women from exercising their political rights. To confirm the previous hypothesis through a local case study, this article present the expressions of gender-based political violence based on gender that is exercised against women who venture into legislative activities. It is based on sixteen in-depth interviews carried out with deputies of the Quintana Roo congress, an interview with a senior local legislative official, and two heads of political training areas in national parties with state presence, all of them in office in the period 2012-2022. The findings of this research allow us to maintain that, although the presence of women in congresses has been promoted by the parity rules, practices corresponding to manifestations of gender-based political violence persist. These practices inhibit and constrain the full exercise of the functions of the female legislators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The «War on Drugs», militarization, institutional and criminal violence in Mexico have caused a serious humanitarian crisis, that has seen over 112.000 disappearances of people from 2006 to 2023. In response to this tragedy, a human rights movement has arisen, composed mainly by relatives of disappeared that have grouped into Victims' Relatives Organizations (VRO), claiming truth and justice for their beloved ones. Despite having no previous experience in social activism, shared networks or political affinities, some of these groups have managed to build a strong collective identity, achieving important results in terms of public policies, laws against enforced disappearances, consciousness-raising. Drawing on social movement's literature and thanks to field research carried out in Mexico through the analysis of a single VRO named «United Forces for our Disappeared in Coahuila and Mexico», this article aims to analyse the collective identity formation and boundary work of the group, that is the process through which participants create identity boundaries, developing a sense of who they are and who they are not. I argue that the comprehension of the boundary work of this kind of groups helps to better understand how individuals and organizations create unity from diversity in order to stimulate collective actions and social mobilizations in high-risk contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article revisits the debate on the regulation of human genomic research, with a focus on Africa. The article comprehensively examines the concept of genomic sovereignty, which was invoked mainly in the global South as a conceptual framework for state regulation of human genomic research. It demonstrates that genomic sovereignty has no utility value in human genomic research as it violates the rights of individuals and researchers. By analysing Mexico’s regulatory approach based on genomic sovereignty and a divergent regulatory approach, viz Finland’s human genomic research framework, we show that a human rights approach is more promising as it aligns with the state obligations under the right of everyone to participate in and benefit from scientific progress and its applications in international human rights law. We conclude by recommending that African states should anchor regulation of human genomic research on a human rights framework based on the right to science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the work of Las Patronas, a group of women in Mexico who provide food, lodging, and guidance to Central American migrants passing through the railway in Guadalupe la Patrona, Veracruz. Over the course of 28 years, they have supported migrant caravans and Central American mothers searching for their missing relatives. The article also highlights the importance of civil society in the migration issue and mentions different forms of migration, as well as the need for humanitarian aid along migration routes. Despite the challenges, the work of Las Patronas has been recognized as important in defending the human rights of migrants. [Extracted from the article]

The interest of this work is to present the validity of the legal institution of the state of interdiction, mostly in Mexico, not only as the permanence of an obstacle in the exercise of the fundamental rights of the people declared in interdict, but as the vestige of ideas and prejudices that formed a legal institution whose origins date back to Roman law and which reflects the position of anachronistic and discriminatory models of disability treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: In Latin America, a variety of policies and programs have been implemented that are responding to the demand for care of the dependent population, mainly children and the elderly, although not all at the same pace or with the same importance. Objective: Take a tour of child care policies and the elderly population in Mexico, identifying the presences and absences in each of these and critically reflect on social inequalities around care. Method: An extensive documentary review of both applied research, theoretical contributions and official sources on the subject was carried out. Likewise, legislative documents and institutional programs were consulted, carrying out an exercise of analysis of the information collected and subsequently, raising questions and objectives that gave rise to the discussion and conclusions on the subject addressed. Results: The State's response to the demand for childcare and the elderly population is insufficient, before which it is clarified that it is the families and especially the women who assume this social responsibility. In addition, there are more child care services, which is not the case in the case of care for the elderly, a field in which a significant gap can be seen, especially in long-term care. Conclusion: It is necessary to implement care policies that take into account family transformations and weigh gender equality, so that the burden of caring for the dependent population does not fall on women; On the other hand, awareness was created about the importance of assessing the demographic changes that show the rapid increase in the number of older people and balancing the implementation of old-age care policies with equal importance to child care policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ámbitos: Revista de Estudios de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades is the property of Asociacion de Estudios de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Humanidades is the property of Common Ground Research Networks and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Public policy choices continue to bring dramatic changes to migration practices in the era of the coronavirus in the United States. In this article, we argue that the COVID‐19 pandemic facilitated the creation and maintenance of states of exception while continuing to destabilize practices at the Mexico–U.S. border through the politics of fear. Specifically, the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), Zero Tolerance Policy (ZTP), COVID‐19 CAPIO, Asylum Cooperative Agreements (ACA), and Title 42 used an arcane section of U.S. law to immediately expel asylum seekers and refugees. We show that these policies highlight the formation and maintenance of states of exception consistent with the work of Agamben. We further discuss how the politics of fear can reinforce hegemonic narratives targeting asylum seekers while shaping political agendas that lean toward a specific brand of nationalism using public health as a context. The U.S. government under the Trump administration—and the Biden administration to a lesser, yet continuous, extent—constructed these policies aimed primarily at refugees and asylum seekers from El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico thereby violating laws and international treaty obligations. Related Articles: Duman, Yoav H. 2014. "Reducing the Fog? Immigrant Regularization and the State." Politics & Policy 42(2): 187–220. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12065. Garrett, Terence Michael. 2020. "The Security Apparatus, Federal Magistrate Courts, and Detention Centers as Simulacra: The Effects of Trump's Zero Tolerance Policy on Migrants and Refugees in the Rio Grande Valley." Politics & Policy 48(2): 372–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12348. Maggio, James. 2007. "The Presidential Rhetoric of Terror: The (Re)Creation of Reality Immediately after 9/11." Politics & Policy 35(4): 819–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00085.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Whilst increased numbers of people worldwide exercise their human right to seek asylum, the US has greatly reduced the number of asylum seekers able to enter its southern border, resulting in informal encampments. Women and children are uniquely vulnerable to violence and other health risks. Aim: To describe the health and safety concerns of female asylum seekers living in an informal migrant camp, with a particular focus on the risks of violence against women and children. Methods: For this qualitative descriptive study, female asylum seekers were purposively recruited in an informal tent encampment in Matamoros, Mexico (n = 43). Semi‐structured interviews were conducted in January and February 2020. Qualitative data were analysed using thematic analysis. Results: The themes identified were constant vigilance, the effects of constant vigilance, lack of resources, and uncertainty. Women's unrelenting fears about their own safety and that of their children impacted their ability to access the camp's meagre resources and exacerbated negative effects on women and children. Conclusion: Applying established guidelines and best practices for health and safety in humanitarian settings could mitigate threats to women and children. Additionally, camp conditions represent human rights violations. Nurses have an ethical duty to advocate for an end to the US policies creating and maintaining this humanitarian crisis. Impact: As a result of changes to the United States immigration policy, individuals seeking asylum at the Southern border of the US have been largely prevented from entering the US since early 2018. Asylum seekers living in an informal encampment on the border awaiting entry describe a public health, humanitarian and human rights crisis. Women in this already vulnerable group lacked necessities, such as housing, food security, potable water, protection against gender violence and other forms of physical threats to themselves and their children. This created a heightened sense of vigilance and fear, with implications for their mental health and well‐being and that of their children. These findings highlight the need for governmental and international organizations to implement the best health and safety practices for humanitarian settings to ensure equity in relation to the social determinants of health. Nurses have an ethical obligation to be strong human rights advocates. Patient or Public Contributions: One member of the research team has extensive experience as an advocate for recently immigrated women experiencing intimate partner violence. The study procedures were reviewed with advocates providing direct services to migrant women and children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mobilising human rights discourse in pursuit of justice by local social movements is often treated as a straightforward process. However, social movement practice is rooted in domestic socio-political culture, the ability to affectively engage publics and envision 'political horizons'. Human rights discourse is often deployed in this process, but the dynamics involved have both enabling and constraining features which movement participants exploit, negotiate and disagree over. This article explores scholarship on human rights, social movements and democracy to examine these dynamics through the reflections of participants in two recent social mobilisations in Mexico: the Movement for Peace and Justice with Dignity and Ayotzinapa 43. Both movements arose in response to abuses and impunity in the context of spiralling state and non-state actor violence and corruption in Mexico, but also challenged the dominant political narratives of Mexico's democratic development. They focused on the justice demands of victims, but also involved plural groups, many hoping for wider change. Human rights discourse featured in each movement, but they were not human rights movements, raising important questions about how human rights discourse is understood, made meaningful but also kept in check as part of sustaining contentious collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this study is to explore the inclusion of human rights in the curriculum of social work degrees in Mexico's universities. Through a mixed quantitative and qualitative methodology, we analyzed the content of the degree program's academic guidelines. The presence of elements that intersect human rights, and explicit reference to these elements in the program description suggest that professional training is based on a view of education as a means to spread a culture of human rights, emancipation, and social transformation. Most of the universities offer a specific human rights course, yet course contents do not have the required components for integrated education in human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies from North- and South-based scholars have examined the femicides and disappearances/abductions of women and girls in Juárez and Chihuahua, Mexico. The Campo Algodonero ruling of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (2009), where the Court held Mexico responsible for the handling of disappearances and murders of women, whose bodies, like tens of other women, have been found in public spaces in Juárez and Chihuahua, Mexico, is widely cited and analysed by feminist lawyers and researchers. Much less is known about the personal and first-hand experiences of women's rights defenders who contributed to bringing just attention to this phenomenon. This article is about one of the most influential women's rights defenders in Mexico in the last decades: Lucha Castro. Inspired by a feminist approach of making the personal political and using an auto-ethnographic methodology, this article is authored by Lucha Castro, her daughter, and granddaughter. In first person, and using their voices, they connect their anecdotal and personal experiences to provide a broader understanding of the political and social meanings of violence against women and the creativity deployed to defend human rights and challenge the law in one of the most dangerous places in the world, to be a woman. De nombreuses études menées par des experts basés dans les hémisphères Nord et Sud ont examiné les féminicides et les disparitions/enlèvements de femmes et de filles à Juárez et Chihuahua, au Mexique. De nombreux juristes et chercheurs féministes citent et analysent le jugement de Campo Algodonero de la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l'homme (2009), dans le cadre duquel la Cour a tenu le Mexique responsable de la manière dont ont été traités les disparitions et les meurtres de femmes, dont les corps, comme ceux de dizaines d'autres femmes, ont été retrouvés dans des espaces publics à Juárez et Chihuahua, au Mexique. On en sait beaucoup moins sur les expériences personnelles et de première main des défenseurs des droits des femmes qui ont contribué à attirer une attention justifiée sur ce phénomène. Cet article porte sur l'une des défenseuses des droits des femmes les plus influentes du Mexique au cours des quelques dernières décennies: Lucha Castro. Inspiré par une approche féministe consistant à rendre ce qui est personnel politique et à l'aide d'une méthodologie auto-ethnographique, cet article est écrit par Lucha Castro, sa fille et sa petite-fille. Elles écrivent à la première personne et utilisent leurs propres voix pour connecter leurs expériences anecdotiques et personnelles afin d'aider à comprendre de manière plus large les significations politiques et sociales des violences à l'égard des femmes et de la créativité mise en œuvre pour défendre les droits humains et mettre la loi en cause dans l'un des lieux du monde où être une femme est le plus dangereux. Numerosos estudios de académicos del Norte y el Sur han examinado los feminicidios, las desapariciones y los secuestros de mujeres y niñas en Ciudad Juárez y Chihuahua, México. La sentencia Campo Algodonero de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (2009), ampliamente citada y analizada por abogadas e investigadoras feministas, responsabilizó a México del manejo dado a las desapariciones y los asesinatos de mujeres, cuyos cuerpos, al igual que el de decenas de otras mujeres, fueron encontrados en espacios públicos de Ciudad Juárez y Chihuahua, México. Mucho menos se sabe de las experiencias personales y de primera mano de las defensoras de derechos de las mujeres que contribuyeron a llamar la atención sobre este fenómeno. Este artículo trata sobre una de las defensoras de derechos de las mujeres más influyentes en México durante las últimas décadas: Lucha Castro. Inspirado en un enfoque feminista de hacer político lo personal, y utilizando una metodología autoetnográfica, este artículo fue escrito por Lucha Castro, su hija y su nieta. En primera persona, y desde sus voces, conectan sus experiencias anecdóticas personales para proporcionar una comprensión más amplia de los significados políticos y sociales involucrados en la violencia contra las mujeres y de la creatividad desplegada para defender los derechos humanos e impugnar la ley en uno de los lugares conocidos por ser de los más peligrosos del mundo para ser mujer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article considers two recent works of nonfiction that treat migrations toward the US-Mexico border: Óscar Martínez's Los migrantes que no importan: En el camino con los centroamericanos indocumentados en México (2010) and Francisco Cantú's The Line Becomes a River: Dispatches from the Border (2018). Reading these contemporary "pseudo-ethnographic narratives" alongside colonial-era crónicas de Indias, the article considers how both works ultimately succumb to a colonialist "chronicle logic" despite advancing a pro-migrant human rights discourse. Thus, the works of Cantú and Martínez are called into question not only for the ethics of their respective methodologies—Cantú became a US Border Patrol agent to better understand the borderlands whereas Martínez traveled the migrant trail as a journalist—but for the ways in which their discourses prove self-sabotaging. Moving beyond mere questions of positionality, the partial failure of Los migrantes que no importan and The Line Becomes a River is used to question the viability of the pseudo-ethnographic narrative and, more critically, the sustainability of human rights discourses that require the approximation of migrant experiences and traumas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States targeted by human rights criticism usually do something—whether ratifying treaties, passing laws, establishing institutions, prosecuting perpetrators, or shifting discourse. But how do we know how coordinated, comprehensive, and effective these actions are? This article proposes five questions to assess how willing a state is to take the steps necessary to meaningfully respond to human rights crises. It applies this approach to two human rights crises in Mexico: femicides and violence against women, and disappearances. This approach effectively differentiates state responses that initially appear similar, demonstrating that the Mexican government has been more willing to address violence against women and femicides than disappearances. An explanation for this difference in outcomes points to a combination of factors related to the underlying preferences of the government involved, the characteristics of victims, and the specific human right being violated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text examines the progress in achieving universal health coverage in Mexico under the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). The government aimed to implement policies that would protect the most vulnerable groups and transform the country's healthcare system. However, they faced the inertia of previous health policies and challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The text explains the concept of "path dependence" in Mexico's healthcare system, where each regime established and consolidated its own policies over decades. During the neoliberal period, policies were implemented to leave healthcare in the hands of the market, but with mixed results. The 4T government (Fourth Transformation) sought to break away from this path dependence by creating the Institute of Health for Wellbeing (INSABI) and eliminating the Seguro Popular program. However, the implementation of INSABI faced challenges due to preexisting issues in the healthcare system, such as shortages of medicines and medical equipment, corruption, and a lack of specialists. While the neoliberal path dependence was contained, there were also negative consequences, including medicine shortages and difficulties in accessing public healthcare services. The incoming government will face the challenge of consolidating the transformation of the healthcare system, improving the health of Mexicans, federalizing the healthcare system, and establishing a healthcare model that prioritizes the fulfillment of the human right to health. In conclusion, there is a need to establish a new paradigm of health in Mexico that combines continuity and change, with the goal of achieving universal healthcare services and a counter-hegemonic care model. If an approach focused on the population's needs is achieved, it will be possible to attain the long-awaited universality in healthcare that Mexicans deserve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]