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This article examines how landscape and environmental factors shaped the eleventh-century Norman conquest of southern Italy and Sicily. The conquest was documented in several narrative histories, including those of Amatus of Montecassino, William of Apulia, and Geoffrey Malaterra. These texts have been extensively analyzed for their rhetorical qualities as literary texts, but such an approach has tended to cast the landscape in a passive role, as an object awaiting rhetorical shaping. In light of recent developments in ecocritical studies, these texts ought to be revisited. The dynamic is not one of conquerors triumphing over conquered land. Instead, these texts offer a much more ambivalent picture. Norman mercenaries struggled to adapt to the ecological and environmental challenges of the region, its heat, volcanic activity, hostile fauna, and scarcity of water. A careful reading of these Latin historical accounts can be used to supplement absences in the archival record, and to provide a picture of medieval co-adaptation to the challenges of a particular Mediterranean landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between saints and secular rulers as presented in the Vitae of the Italo-Greek saints in Southern Italy in the tenth and eleventh centuries have been treated in terms of identity and difference, namely to measure the degree to which the Italo-Greeks identified themselves with the Byzantine people, thus differentiating themselves from the Latins. In this way, however, the mediating function of the saint, the narrative strategies of the hagiographers and the interaction between the texts and their audiences are ignored. Taking its cue from the frontier character of Southern Italy and the local context of the cults, this paper examines the narrative representations of these relations in order to understand how local communities gathered around a cult to find support and how they perceived the political powers acting in their region. It is argued that in this frontier society multiple local frameworks of power relations rather than identities are represented in the saints' Lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Normans conquered southern Italy and Sicily during the eleventh century, a significant part of the population were Greek-rite Christians (mainly in southern Apulia, Calabria and north-east Sicily) or, on the island of Sicily, Muslims. To begin with, at least, it was very much in the interests of the new rulers to tolerate these groups, and hence the reputation of the Norman kingdom of Sicily for its diversity and multi-culturalism. But over the next two centuries this consensus slowly dissolved, the position of the Greek and Muslim communities weakened, and ultimately both disappeared. However, while with the Greeks much of the pressure for acculturation and Latinisation was unconscious and unintended, and the decline of the Greek rite and contraction of the Graecophone areas were very slow, the Muslims of Sicily were provoked into revolt at the end of the twelfth century, and had been almost entirely eliminated from the island by 1250. It has usually been assumed that most of the Muslims of Sicily were deported to Frederick II’s military colony at Lucera in the Capitanata. Yet when examined closely, this thesis seems improbable, and what happened to the Sicilian Muslims remains an enigma. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyzes how the neighbors of the Byzantines, the Lombards (who occupied a portion of southern Italy), and the Normans (who put an end to Byzantine rule in southern Italy in 1071), described their common adversary. The examination of the features that the chroniclers living in early medieval southern Italy attributed to the Byzantines demonstrates that, at least for this part of Europe, there is evidence of strong hostility to Byzantium before the twelfth century, a period traditionally perceived as crucial for the deterioration of relations between Westerners and Constantinople. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between one of the most famous Byzantine sources, the Alexiad of Anna Komnene, and the Gesta Roberti Wiscardi, written by William of Apulia at the end of the eleventh century. It shows that Anna not only had access to a substantial archive of material relating to the Normans of southern Italy, but also that the author drew extensively on William of Apulia's account of the attacks of Robert Guiscard on Epirus in 1081–5. Multiple borrowings are identified, including a crucial case of mistranslation from the Latin into Greek, demonstrating that the Gesta lay at the heart of the Alexiad's coverage of the Normans. It argues that Anna Komnene makes carefully judged variations from the southern Italian text, before suggesting that the latter was composed shortly before the Council of Bari (1098). It concludes with a suggestion that the contribution of William of Apulia is surreptitiously acknowledged by the Byzantine author. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Catalogus Baronum has long been overlooked in the corpus of texts relating to the Norman period of south Italy due to its chaotic nature and the difficulties of obtaining information from it. Seeking to rectify this situation, this article re-evaluates the current conclusions drawn from the Catalogus by academics such as Jamison using data derived from a statistical analysis of the document. By abandoning a rigidly 'feudal' interpretation of the document new areas of research are opened up. Additionally, it offers new theories on the use and nature of the Catalogus, informed by this research and approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines fragments of stucco reliefs from three churches located in Sicily and southern Italy, Santi Pietro e Paolo at Itàla, San Giuliano at Caltagirone, and Santa Maria de Terreti near Reggio Calabria. The churches and stuccoes date from the late eleventh century and reveal unexpected connections and conflicts among cultures, artists and patrons during the first years of Norman rule. Stucco, a material that is rarely included in discussions of European art of the Middle Ages, merits serious consideration; in this article, it helps illuminate such major art historical questions as the status of 'Islamic' Sicily and the genesis of the polyvalent art forms associated with the later Norman kings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 1060 the Normans of Melfi had greatly expanded their dominions in Apulia and Calabria. The next step in their ambitious plans in the Italian peninsula, the invasion of Sicily, took place in 1061: it was not completed before 1091, mostly owing to a combination of political setbacks in the mainland, along with several inefficiencies in Norman military organization. No comprehensive study of the military aspects of the Norman conquest of Sicily has been written, and this paper intends to cover this specific gap. It deals with the first two stages of the Sicilian conquest, the period between the first invasion of 1061 and the first unsuccessful siege of Palermo in 1064, and the second period, which is marked by the five-month siege and capture of the Muslim capital in 1072. It examines the composition of the Norman and Muslim armies, in terms not only of numbers but also of the ration of cavalry, infantry and auxiliary units. It also considers how far the Normans had been willing to adapt to the Mediterranean reality of warfare, more specifically the construction of siege engines and of a navy capable of imposing a blockade and transporting troops and horses from the Italian mainland to Sicily; the Norman fighting tactics used in the field of battle against the Muslims; and whether those tactics changed during the several stages of the Sicilian conquest. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article deals with the medieval Calabria in the XI-XII centuries, in particular about the Normans' influence on the architecture and on the use of materials, in a region characterized by an extremely Byzantine religiosity and culture. Authors use both written documentations and archaeological-architectural resources (excavation activities, masonry stratigraphycal analysis etc.), with the intent to suggest a reference frame which includes characteristics of a period where the cultural polyvalencies had a fundamental importance for Southern Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the career of Sikelgaita (1040-1090), wife of the Norman conqueror of southern Italy, Robert Guiscard, as a means of understanding the impact of the 'other' Norman conquest of the eleventh century. Sikelgaita is unusual in that she has left images in narrative sources both within and well beyond the confines of southern Italy. She is also well documented at a local level. Both types of material combine to reveal her crossing gender boundaries in titles she used, the way in which she managed property, her legendary presence alongside Robert on his campaigns and, more speculatively, in organising a campaign of written propaganda to ensure the succession of her son to his father's patrimony in preference to his half-brother by Sikelgaita's predecessor as Robert's wife. Her history raises the problems of women's access to written texts, their conscious shaping of their own identities, their conflicting loyalties between natal and marital families, and the need for competing male heirs to prove themselves against a prevailing notion of masculinity in a period when one aggressively masculine group, the Lombards, was being supplanted in power by another, the Normans. As such, it demonstrates that the lives of so-called 'exceptional' women continue to have a value to historians of gender in the middle ages, and can often demonstrate the patriarchal boundaries which even they could not cross. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]