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In academia, plagiarism is considered detrimental to the advancement of sciences, and the plagiarists can be charged with sanctions. However, the plagiarism cases involving three rectors of universities in Indonesia stand out, as they could defend their stand for not committing academic misconduct despite evidence found. By analyzing the three rectors' cases, the present study aims to answer how power relations take a role in plagiarism discourse in Indonesia, particularly in determining what is considered academic misconduct and what is not. By employing critical discourse analysis, we found that when the accusation of plagiarism appears during rectorial elections, the accused could equivocate that the accusation was meant to undermine them as a political opponent. When the accused plagiarists win the election, they have more power to deny and tackle the accusations of plagiarism. The findings indicate that plagiarism issues can be politicized, in which by those in power it can be used as a tool to undermine their political opponents, whereas the accused plagiarists can claim that the actual problem is personal and not about plagiarism. It is also shown that in the real context, whether something is called plagiarism or not is subject to interpretation by those in power.

This study aims to discuss democracy education practice on electing members of the Village Consultative Body in the Regency of Bangkalan --Indonesia. Through this study, the authors intend to describe models by which used in electing members of the Village Consultative Body (BPD) within the Regency of Bangkalan --Indonesia as well as to explore democracy values derived from the model chosen by related villages to be employed for society's education on democracy. This study is carried out by way of qualitative research methodology --by observing the ongoing election process of members of the Village Consultative Body in the Regency of Bangkalan in 2019; the authors were on the spot during the event. Furthermore, the study reveals that the Government of Bangkalan Regency drafts regulations by exercising the Regent's stipulation ,i.e., giving options to approximately 256 villages in Bangkalan in which, respective model or option is applicable in selecting the nominees to fill in the posts of members of Village Consultative Body in the Regency of Bangkalan The nomination procedure is held through a direct voting among village society or consensus by consultative assembly. Later, the result shows that the society who elect candidates for filling in the posts of BPD members agreed to use consensus as a model, and it is exercised in a specific consensus forum. Therefore, such model is considered suitable with the fourth of fundamental concept of Pancasila (five basic principles of establishing the state). The core issue regarding the fourth principle of Pancasila is the practice of democracy so that a consensus is also a reflection of democracy values and it can be used as a role model in educating people about democracy.

This article aims to explain Javanese women's political discourse in response to the various conflicts that arose from the 2019 Indonesian General Election. This study focuses on the political discourse among Javanese women in response to the electoral issues. It employed observation and in-depth interviews in its data collecting technique. Fairclough's critical discourse analysis model was used to analyze the data with reference to the textual, discourse practice, and sociocultural dimensions. The findings revealed that the political discourse of Javanese women is inseparable from the boundaries of the Javanese language and the cultural context. The textual analysis revealed that positive and negative sentiments about the presidential and vice presidential candidates dominated the discourse. A discourse practice analysis was then interpreted through four dimensions, namely (i) "What is going on?," (ii) "Who is involved?," (iii) "What relationships are at issue?," and (vi) "What is the role of language?" Furthermore, a sociocultural analysis attempted to connect the Javanese women's discourse practices with the sociocultural context. The use of traditional Javanese idioms as a cultural norm confirmed how local Javanese wisdom showed in the political conversation among the Javanese women, thus mitigating any negative effects.

Studies show educated citizens are more likely to vote in elections but few papers look at the relationship in developing countries and even fewer analyze whether the relationship is causal. I examine whether education increases voter turnout and makes better-informed voters in Indonesia using an exogenous variation in education induced by an extension of Indonesia's school term length, which fits a fuzzy regression discontinuity design. The longer school year increases education, but I do not find education increases voter turnout; it does not seem to affect voters' views of political candidates' religion, ethnicity, or gender when they vote either.

This qualitative research aims to describe the strategies applied by female parliamentary candidates to develop empathy values to gain constituent support in the legislative general election in 2014. Research subjects comprise 12 female members of parliament from seven regencies/cities in South Kalimantan who were chosen from different regencies/cities and different political parties. The research findings showed that in developing empathy values, female candidates were able to gain sufficient votes to be members of parliament. The strategies applied were as follows: first, the use of political marketing strategies that covered mapping or segmentation, positioning, and campaigns then monitoring and social capital strategies; second, socialization of empathy developing values conducted internally by meeting the constituents directly (door to door), whether individually or in groups; and third, utilizing their good social capital in relating to and working with other people. The social capital referred to covers: ability to build a network, build confidence, and attach themselves to Islamic values.

Indonesia's 2024 presidential election campaign was shaped by an alliance struck between outgoing incumbent Joko (Jokowi) Widodo and a former rival, Prabowo Subianto, who chose Jokowi's son as his running mate. The seeming affirmation of dynastic power drew criticism, as did Prabowo's former associations with the authoritarian New Order regime and its human rights abuses. But Prabowo remade his image with his promises of free school lunches and a new "cute" persona while pledging continuity with his popular predecessor's administration, demonstrating the ambiguities of Indonesian democracy a quarter-century after the end of the New Order era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prabowo Subianto's victory in Indonesia's 2024 presidential elections was decisive, and it is widely accepted that incumbent President Joko Widodo's de facto endorsement of him played a significant role in this outcome. But the motivations of Widodo (commonly known as "Jokowi") for picking his former adversary as his heir, and the reasons for his determination to get Prabowo elected in a landslide, remain poorly understood. This article demonstrates that Jokowi selected Prabowo after other options had fallen through, and that he made his choice with full awareness of the risks and uncertainties involved. By implication, he also tolerated the danger a Prabowo presidency could pose to Indonesian democracy. Tempted by Prabowo's offer to make Jokowi's son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, his vice-presidential candidate, Jokowi went all-in and mobilized state resources to secure their triumph. Based on interviews with key actors, this article delivers a detailed picture of the factors that made Prabowo president-and that gave Jokowi few guarantees of continued influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper projects that the figures and characteristics of leaders are needed in the power of political parties, especially in contesting simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia. In the 2014 and 2019 elections, Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto, respectively, were two central figures in each party. Analysis of survey data for eight Indonesian elections shows that party leadership and identity are the most important determinants of party votes in legislative and presidential elections. Political parties must correctly place a central figure in their respective parties. The central figure serves as a booster, navigator, and inspiration for party cadres. In addition, figures can also be public reference material to choose one political party, when it is difficult for people to distinguish ideology between one party and another. Nevertheless, the system, traditions, and regeneration process must run as it should. Because only systems, traditions, and regeneration will be the foundation of the future. Political parties as a large organization are certainly not enough to rely on only one individual. There must be a regeneration of leadership within the party. So, if the central figure is no longer in the party, the party can still survive to maintain its existence in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to examine the influence of Marketing Mix (4P) variables consisting of product, price, place, and promotion, perceived value, and vote decision. The approach used in this research is a quantitative approach. The sample used in this research is the community in South Tangerang City registered in the Permanent Voter List in the 2020 South Tangerang City Regional Election, totaling 175 respondents. Research data was obtained from the result of filling out a questionnaire and analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling analysis techniques with the help of the Smart PLS program. The results of this research show that (i) Political Product affects the voting decision; the higher the political product possessed by the political candidate, the higher the voting decision, and vice versa; (ii) Political Price affects the voting decision; the higher the Political Price, the higher the voting decision, and vice versa; (iii) Political Place does not have a significant effect on voting decision, which means that people in South Tangerang City prefer promotion through social media; (iv) Political Promotion affects the Voting Decision; the higher the Political Promotion, the higher the Voting Decision, and vice versa; (v) Political Promotion affects perceived value; the higher the political promotion, the higher the perceived value in the community, and vice versa; (vi) Perceived Value affects the Voting Decision; the higher the Perceived Value, the higher the Voting Decision, and vice versa; (vii) Perceived Value positively mediates the relationship between Political Promotion and Voting Decision. The promotion variable has the highest value and the strongest influence on voting decision. In general, the conclusion drawn from this research is that the implementation of Marketing Mix (4P) is important in influencing the voting decision of the community in South Tangerang City. Political candidates can pay attention to these aspects to strengthen their advantage in future political contests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interplay between the creation of 'meme factories' by political elites, and their operationalisation through WhatsApp. It uses the case study of Indonesian President Joko Widodo's (Jokowi's) bid for re-election in 2019 to argue that political elites are leveraging meme culture's association with popular voice to 'astroturf' public discourse, and that WhatsApp's unique infrastructure advances that project. Drawing on interview data, we offer a holistic picture of the processes and structures implicated in this instance of astroturfing, with a focus on how WhatsApp is positioned within them. The authors' access to campaigners affords a rare inside view of these processes and structures, and contributes to a growing body of work on the WhatsAppification of election campaigns globally. In addition, the article builds on scholarship on social media election campaigning in Indonesia by drawing attention to the role WhatsApp's unique features play in surreptitiously influencing public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity politics violations are a frequent phenomenon in elections in Indonesia, where ethnic, religious, ethnic, gender, or other social group identities are manipulated or exploited for political gain. The purpose of this study is to identify, analyze, and understand more deeply about identity politics violations in elections, as well as their implications for democracy and Indonesian society as a whole. The analysis will be based on the theory of identity politics, multiculturalism, and political participation. The results of the analysis show that political elites and candidates for regional heads tend to use or maintain identity politics for political interests and strengthen power hegemony. As a result, the use of religious issues as political tools in the 2019 Presidential Election is a source of tension and a potential threat to the country's social and political stability. With a deeper understanding of this phenomenon, this research is expected to provide valuable insights for political stakeholders, electoral institutions, and society at large to develop prevention and countermeasures against identity politics violation and strengthen the foundation of an inclusive and equitable democracy in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to analyze the relationship between political policy and social welfare, with a focus on the dynamics of the Social Assistance Program (Bansos) and its impact on electability in Indonesia. In a dynamic political context, social assistance programs have a significant role in shaping public perceptions of government performance. This research uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. This research found that the main focus of social assistance is on the poor as the group most in need. Unfortunately, the practice of politicizing social assistance often occurs before general elections, obscuring its true purpose. Research notes cases of politicization, such as the use of the Family Hope Program as a campaign tool, detrimental to the essence of the welfare program. Regulatory reform, application of the concept of graduation, and policy focus on economic empowerment are crucial steps to maintain the effectiveness of social assistance, avoid the risk of politicization, and address the root causes of poverty in a sustainable manner. The decision of the Government and DPR to shorten the campaign period further increases the risk of politicization, especially with the existence of a socialization period which can be used to maneuver without sanctions. Criticism of the increase in the allocation of social assistance funds indicates the potential for pork barrel politics, where the government may use it selectively for the benefit of increasing electability. Increased supervision, transparency, political literacy, and a strong media role are key in overcoming the complex challenges of politicization of social assistance and pork barrel politics ahead of the elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine how pragmatism has created rational choice behavior in candidate selection. Pragmatism has resulted in single candidates for local heads, which makes local democracy uncompetitive. The research method used is an explanatory approach that aims to explain how pragmatism as a rational choice behavior in the local government head election. Data were collected, compiled and analyzed using Nvivo 12 Plus software. The results showed that political parties as political institutions are very pragmatic in the selection of candidates for local heads. The incumbents utilized the support of almost all political parties based on clientelistic and programmatic relations. This has led the candidate selection process to prioritize pragmatic aspects, especially financial support, acceptability, and electability of candidates. The candidate selection process no longer determines ideological values at the official candidate selection process. Financial support for candidates has the highest priority for political parties in determining their endorsements in regional head elections. Meanwhile, the acceptability aspect refers to the dominant acceptance of all elites, cadres, and the mass base of supporters of the selected candidate. Electability is also a priority, although it is considered that electability trends are dynamic and able to change based on the level of competition. The behavior of political party elite actors and local head candidates eventually forms a rational choice pattern that makes local democracy backsliding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the critical role of intelligence in mitigating the potential risks of social conflict disasters during the 2019 elections in Indonesia. In the context of democratic processes, elections serve as a pivotal juncture where societal tensions can escalate, leading to potential conflicts and upheavals. This research investigates how intelligence, encompassing strategic information gathering, analysis, and dissemination, can contribute to the prevention and management of such risks. By delving into the proactive measures taken by intelligence agencies this study aims to unveil the ways in which timely and accurate information can shape policies and interventions aimed at averting social conflict disasters. Findings from this research contribute to the broader discourse on the nexus between intelligence, political stability, and conflict prevention. The insights gleaned may inform future electoral strategies and enhance the effective ess of intelligence-led initiatives in safeguarding democratic processes from the destabilizing forces of social conflict. Ultimately, this study underscores the imperative for a holistic and collaborative approach in harnessing the power of intelligence to foster resilient and peaceful democratic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyse the comparison of buying and selling voting rights in general elections from the perspective of Islamic law and Indonesian national law. The buying and selling of voting rights is an act that involves the exchange of voting rights for a certain reward, which is often considered a form of ethical and legal violation. In the context of Islamic law, this practice is viewed through the principles of sharia that emphasise justice, benefit, and the prohibition against buying and selling that contains elements of usury and gharar. Meanwhile, in the perspective of Indonesian national law, the buying and selling of voting rights is regulated by the law governing general elections, which confirms that the practice is illegal and subject to criminal sanctions. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach to outline the views of the two legal systems on the buying and selling of voting rights. The results show that in both Islamic law and Indonesian national law, the buying and selling of voting rights is viewed as illegitimate and violates the principles of justice. This research provides recommendations for increasing public understanding and awareness of the importance of maintaining the integrity of voting rights in general elections as well as stricter law enforcement to prevent the practice of buying and selling voting rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The election of regional leaders is an important agenda in the democratic system in Indonesia, which has significant implications for the direction of policies and development in a region. This research examines the influence of candidate figures and perceptions of leadership quality on electability in the Jakarta Regional Head Election, considering the complexity of issues and high development challenges in the area. This study uses a quantitative approach by distributing questionnaires to 85 respondents who are samples of the Jakarta community eligible to vote. The measured variables include candidate figures, perceptions of leadership quality, and electability. Data analysis is conducted using Partial Least Squares - Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) through the Smart PLS software. The research findings indicate that credibility does not have a significant influence on the electability of leaders, while capability and perceptions of leadership have a positive and significant influence. Perceptions of leadership have the greatest influence on the electability of leaders compared to other factors. These findings indicate that the people of Jakarta prioritize the capabilities of potential leaders, which include educational background, professional experience, and organizational involvement. However, the most influential factor is a positive perception of leadership, including the vision, mission, competence, and integrity of potential leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Article 22 E of the 1945 Constitution it is expressly stated that general elections are held to elect members of the People's Representative Council, Regional Representative Council, President and Vice President and People's Representative Council and the authority of the Constitutional Court, one of which is to break obstacles to the results of general elections. Constitutional Court Decision Number 97/PUU-XI/2013 which in its consideration states that the Constitutional Court cannot add authority that is not contained in the 1945 Constitution, so that the Constitutional Court Decision Number 85/PUU-XX/2022 remains conditional Constitutional authority considering The Lawmakers also did not draft a special law as intended in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 97/PUU-XI/2013. The problems are (1) What are the implications of the Constitutional Court Decision No. 97/PUUIX/2013 after the enactment of Law no. 10 of 2016 concerning the Election of Regional Heads on the Implementation of Regional Elections in Indonesia?; (2) What is the impact of resolving regional election disputes after the Constitutional Court Decision No. 85/PUUXX/2022?; (3) What is the ideal institutional model for resolving setbacks in regional head election results? To answer this problem, a comprehensive study is needed, namely examining the 1945 Constitution, Law N0.10 of 2016, Constitutional Court Decision Number 7273/PUU-II/2004, Constitutional Court Decision Number 97/PUU-XI/ 2013, Constitutional Court Decision Number 85/PUU-XX/2022. Research Results: (1) The authority to examine and decide on the voting results of regional head elections is carried out as long as there is no special court, in order to provide legal certainty in resolving disputes over the results of simultaneous regional heads in 2024. (2) Look at the stages of regional head elections that have been advanced and have not yet been brought forward. It can also be seen that the legislators took concrete steps to form a special court for the Constitutional Court based on its Decision number 85/PUU-XX/2022 stating that it has the authority to examine and decide on the protection of results, which authority is unconstitutional because it is not given in the 1945 Constitution. (3) Model The ideal institution for resolving disputes over regional head election results must be a special ad hoc judicial body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elections in Indonesia are closely linked to religion, with politicians using religion as a medium to appeal to voters. In addition, the increasingly widespread commodification of religious rituals in Indonesian politics confirms that religious symbols in campaigns are still part of democratisation. This research aims to explain how to understand the phenomenon of Islamic religious commodification in the context of democracy in Indonesia, starting from the use of religious symbols, forms of commodification, and their implications. This research uses a descriptive qualitative method to analyse the commodification of religion by three Indonesian politicians running for the Indonesian presidential election 2024. Data was collected from Instagram, with 1,154 posts indicating the commodification of religion. The data was analysed using document searches and experts' views and combined for descriptive analysis. The commodification of religious rituals in Presidential Elections in Indonesia has transformed spiritual values into political interests, using religion to gain support and establish a leadership identity. The three politicians have intertwined religious symbols and relationships with clerics, resulting in Islamic populist ideology and identity politics. This has led to the polarisation of society and the recruitment of politicians for electoral purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura is the property of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Court decisions are repressive because they exist after the problem has occurred. Related to the background of the problem in this thesis is regarding PTUN's decision. 56/G/SPPU/2018/PTUN-JKT. The Justice and Unity Party of Indonesia sued the General Election Commission of the Republic of Indonesia at the Jakarta State Administrative Court for the issuance of the Decree of the General Election Commission of the Republic of Indonesia Number 58/PL.01.1-Kpt/03/KPU/II/. This was regarding the provisions of the decree stipulating that the Indonesian Justice and Solidarity Party not meet the requirements to take part in the General Election. Based on the problems above, the objectives of this study are: To find out the judge's consideration of the decision Number 56/G/SPPU/2018/PTUN-JKT regarding the Determination of the PKPI Political Party as a Contestant for the 2019 Election. And, to find out the Fiqh siyasah qadhaiyyah regarding the judge's considerations in Decision Number 56/G/SPPU/2018/PTUN-JKT regarding the Determination of PKPI Political Parties as Participants in the 2019 Election. In this study, the library research method was used (Library Research) using various library literature in the form of books, laws, journals, manuscripts, and thesis. The data analysis technique used was qualitative by using the deductive thinking method, with the nature of analytic descriptive method. The results of this study were based on the PTUN judge's decision, which won PKPI for its lawsuit in PTUN court No. 56/G/SPPU/2018/PTUN-JKT. Second, from the point of view of Fiqh siyasa qadhaiyyah, the settlement of election process disputes at the State Administrative Court was included in At-taqodliala darojatain aw al-isti'naf (Appeals). Based on this principle, litigants had obtained a legal decision on a case at the lower-level court, first. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legislative elections using an open-list proportional system always generate identical controversies during general election season. This, mainly involves the prevalence of misconduct by both the prospective legislative candidates themselves and their campaign teams. This issue has become a latent problem in every general election season, resulting in several adverse effects, including high campaign costs leading to corruption practices and poor political education to the public. The closed proportional system is once again considered as a solution to prevent vote-buying practices, also known as money politics. This research is a normative legal study using the statute approach, conceptual approach, and case approach. There are two types of legal materials used in this research. First, primary legal materials, namely Law No. 2 of 2011 Regarding Amendments to the Political Parties Law and Law No. 7 of 2017 Regarding General Elections. This study focuses on the importance of reconsidering the implementation of the closed proportional system in legislative elections as an effort to prevent the ongoing issue of money politics, which has been a latent problem in every general election in Indonesia. This research aims to reevaluate the use of the closed proportional system as the most suitable system to combat money politics practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia's 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates' selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources. The 2019 election was the first national legislative election to be held after Indonesia's new disability law was passed in 2016, and many more people with a disability competed than in it compared to previous elections. Most candidates who ran did not have any previous experience running for public office, but the majority did have experience with disability activism. Candidates were motivated to run for office to build on the previous successes of the disability movement, to make sure people with disability had a voice within parliament and to use the electoral campaign to raise awareness about disability rights within the community. Candidates with a disability struggled with physical accessibility, social stigma, and costs during campaigning. Ultimately, it was the skills, networks and resources that candidates previously acquired through their links with the disability movement that helped them to negotiate these limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia is a democratic country where general elections serve as a fundamental pillar in realizing democratic principles and act as a crucial mechanism ensuring active citizen participation in determining their representatives. Indonesia bears a significant presence of terrorism, ranking third in the Asia-Pacific region according to the Global Terrorism Index 2023. This research aims to elucidate the evolution of security strategies implemented by Mako Brimob Kelapa Dua Depok in facing terrorism threats related to the 2024 elections. The research method employed is qualitative, utilizing theories of security intelligence, social construction, and terrorism concepts. The results indicate that the 2024 General Election in Indonesia is a crucial political event, with a primary focus on anticipating terrorism threats due to the perceived intense political dynamics, increased political polarization, fierce competition among political parties, and extensive use of social media. Forms of terrorism leading up to the election include physical attacks, cyber-attacks, voter intimidation, and potential political conflicts. Security intelligence strategies in facing terrorism have evolved to involve prevention, intervention, and recovery. Strategic steps include establishing specialized intelligence agencies, technological advancements, and inter-agency collaboration. The evolution of security strategies related to the 2024 elections encompasses increased intelligence activities, enhanced intervention capabilities, and preparation for post-terrorism recovery. Special task forces, specialized equipment procurement, and collaboration with various stakeholders demonstrate Mako Brimob's efforts to enhance responses to terrorism threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses developments in Indonesia's terrorism landscape and counter terrorism efforts in 2023. In line with the trends of the past five years, the threat posed by terrorist organisations in the country declined last year. While the number of terrorist plots increased, no attacks were successfully conducted in 2023. While major terrorist organisations in Indonesia do harbour intentions to exploit the sociopolitical dynamics in the upcoming 2024 national elections, it is unlikely that they will possess the necessary operational capacities to successfully execute them -- if counter terrorism efforts are sustained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: The rapid technological advancements of Industry 4.0 have influenced government politics, extending to the adoption of electronic voting in village head elections. In Sleman, e-voting was introduced in 2020, aiming for voting system efficiency and synchronization of population data, positioning the region as an e-voting pioneer in Indonesia. While e-voting offers efficiency and cost savings, it faces some problems. OBJECTIVES: This study endeavors to comprehensively assess the implementation of the e-voting system in village head elections and provide recommendations for its optimization, with a specific focus on the context of Sleman Regency. METHODS: This qualitative research encompasses data from 17 villages spread across 35 sub-districts within Sleman Regency. The study utilizes a comprehensive approach that includes secondary data analysis, incorporating literature, internet-based resources, scientific journals, books, regulations, and official documents. It further involves interviews with government officials at Sleman offices, officials at polling stations, and voters. Additionally, observational data is gathered to shed light on the intricate dynamics of e-voting. RESULTS: The evaluation focused on four pivotal aspects of the e-voting system's success: public trust, public participation, technology, and adherence to election principles. The findings reveal improved dynamics in 2021 when compared to 2020. Public trust in the e-voting system has notably increased, aligning with the relatively successful implementation in the previous year. While community participation has reached a satisfactory level, it has yet to attain full community control, with interesting nuances observed, particularly in less ‘advanced’ villages where participation tends to be lower. In the realm of technology, the e-voting system excels in terms of security, hardware reliability, the comprehensiveness of application features, and userfriendliness. CONCLUSION: The study underscores that the enhancement of e-voting systems presents an avenue to fortify democratic practices and electoral processes in Indonesia. Acknowledging imperfections in data collection systems and addressing participation disparities among villages should be prioritised. Furthermore, the study suggests that comprehensive future research is needed to evaluate the feasibility of extending e-voting systems to higher levels of government elections. This examination offers valuable insights into the evolution of e-voting in Indonesia and the prospects for its expansion in democratisation efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vigilante groups in Indonesia are changing. These actors and activities are not only connected with conventional international vigilantes (i.e. extremism organizations) but also the local extremism organizations that recently emerged and perpetrated violence extremism and intolerant activities at the international, national, and local levels. These activities organizations have, for instance, encouraged the formalization of religious teachings and the elimination of things deemed incompatible with religion—including the ongoing secularization of the public sphere. Responding to religious and theological issues in the public sphere, these organizations aim to erase or replace those they perceive as hindering their plans. Diverse organizations, through their local, national, and international networks, have been able to operate at the local level. This article aims to analyze vigilante groups after Indonesia's 2019 general election by paying attention to vigilante actors, activities, agencies, and networks. This study uses networking and political mobilization theories, as well as the political sociology perspective. This study uses data collected through big data and bibliometrics, covering 200 articles published between April 2019 and May 2021, then analyzes it was using Nvivo-12 Plus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys the marquee events in the year ahead of Indonesia's 2024 election, finding that the field of democratic political contestation has further narrowed due to the criminalisation of political opponents, the end of the campaign against corruption, the decline of judicial activism, political recentralisation and the collapse of national protest movements. Examined in totality, this article argues not only that Indonesia's reformasi movement is dead as a salient political force, but also that today's political elites seek to roll back many of its core achievements. While elites continue to support national elections, those in 2024 will occur in the context of a weakened opposition and heavy presidential interference in the coalition formation of key candidates. Why has democratic contestation, including by oppositional and protest movements, contracted so noticeably under the two-term Joko Widodo (Jokowi) presidency? The article proposes a structural contribution to the continuing debate about Indonesia's democratic decline, arguing that Indonesia's middle-income status under Jokowi has been accompanied by dramatic changes to the country's socio-economic makeup. Importantly, Indonesia's electorate is now dominated by a massive number of 'precariously non-poor' whose dream of social mobility lies in the provision of quality government services and changes to the structure of labour. This article suggests that the intractable political challenge of managing this group's aspirations for economic security in a context of lagging reform has set in train the demobilisation of the opposition, the consolidation of President Jokowi's ruling coalition and the curtailing of political contestation. The project of managing the political economy of the middle-income trap will continue to dominate Indonesia's political future regardless of which coalition will triumph in 2024. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Factors influencing the health of populations are subjects of interdisciplinary study. However, datasets relevant to public health often lack interdisciplinary breath. It is difficult to combine data on health outcomes with datasets on potentially important contextual factors, like political violence or development, due to incompatible levels of geographic support; differing data formats and structures; differences in sampling procedures and wording; and the stability of temporal trends. We present a computational package to combine spatially misaligned datasets, and provide an illustrative analysis of multi-dimensional factors in health outcomes. Methods: We rely on a new software toolkit, Sub-National Geospatial Data Archive (SUNGEO), to combine data across disciplinary domains and demonstrate a use case on vaccine hesitancy in Low and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs). We use data from the World Bank's High Frequency Phone Surveys (HFPS) from Kenya, Indonesia, and Malawi. We curate and combine these surveys with data on political violence, elections, economic development, and other contextual factors, using SUNGEO. We then develop a stochastic model to analyze the integrated data and evaluate 1) the stability of vaccination preferences in all three countries over time, and 2) the association between local contextual factors and vaccination preferences. Results: In all three countries, vaccine-acceptance is more persistent than vaccine-hesitancy from round to round: the long-run probability of staying vaccine-acceptant (hesitant) was 0.96 (0.65) in Indonesia, 0.89 (0.21) in Kenya, and 0.76 (0.40) in Malawi. However, vaccine acceptance was significantly less durable in areas exposed to political violence, with percentage point differences (ppd) in vaccine acceptance of -10 (Indonesia), -5 (Kenya), and -64 (Malawi). In Indonesia and Kenya, although not Malawi, vaccine acceptance was also significantly less durable in locations without competitive elections (-19 and -6 ppd, respectively) and in locations with more limited transportation infrastructure (-11 and -8 ppd). Conclusion: With SUNGEO, researchers can combine spatially misaligned and incompatible datasets. As an illustrative example, we find that vaccination hesitancy is correlated with political violence, electoral uncompetitiveness and limited access to public goods, consistent with past results that vaccination hesitancy is associated with government distrust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of general elections in Indonesia from 1955 to 2019. It emphasizes the significance of these elections in establishing a democratic government that represents the people. The study examines the electoral system used during legislative and presidential elections and emphasizes the importance of adhering to democratic principles. It also discusses key elections during the New Order period and the transition to a democratic political system in 1999. The article concludes that general elections in Indonesia have been successfully conducted with the aim of creating a government that is accountable to the people. It provides specific details about the 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019 general elections, including the political parties involved, vote counts, and winners. The text also highlights the principles of general elections, such as direct voting, honesty, fairness, freedom, secrecy, and non-discrimination. Overall, the article underscores the importance of conducting general elections in a democratic and equitable manner. [Extracted from the article]

The election of RT/RW leaders is a regular event that takes place in every village across Indonesia. Similarly, the election process was carried out at RW 23 Permata Biru housing area, located in Cinunuk Village, Cileunyi District, Bandung City Regency, West Java Province, Indonesia. The leadership of RT/RW is elected every 5 years, and in this instance, the election process occurred in November-December 2021, determining new leaders for the 2022-2027 term. However, the election faced a challenge due to the restrictions imposed by the Indonesian government related to the Covid-19 pandemic. Gathering in large groups was not permitted to curb the spread of Covid-19. Despite these circumstances, the transition of RT/RW leaders was considered crucial to avoid potential conflicts within the community. As a result, an alternative solution was implemented, conducting an online election using the E-Voting application. Through explanations and community outreach in RW 23, the people were receptive to the idea of conducting the election online, considering the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. RW 23 comprises 732 families, divided into 10 RTs. The election process took place in two stages: first, the election of the leader of RW 23, followed by the election of the leaders of the RTs. The selection of the RW 23 leader began with the formation of a committee, followed by the dissemination of rules, candidate selection, and further outreach. The election itself was conducted through the E-Voting application. The E-Voting software was created using Google Form Apps, with the assistance of Microsoft Excel. Community members accessed the E-Voting application through their PCs and smartphones. Despite the challenges, the election of the RT/RW leaders proceeded smoothly and safely. As a result, a new team of RT/RW leaders was formed for RW 23, serving during the 2022-2027 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disbandment of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) in 2017 marked a significant shift in the dynamics of Islamist movements within Indonesia's political landscape. Although officially banned, the HTI continued to operate in the shadows, employing various camouflage methods. This article analyzes how political dynamics led HTI to its outlawed status and how it adapted in pursuit of its goals amidst the challenges faced. By adopting a political opportunity structure and Islamist ideology as the theoretical framework with the case study as the method, this study scrutinizes HTI's postdisbandment endeavors at the national level and delves deeper into cases in West Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java. The primary findings of this study reveal that the disbandment of HTI reflected the peak of incongruence between the antisystem ideology they embraced and Indonesia's political structure. HTI's ideological drive to exploit electoral events in 2016-2017 eventually put them at a threshold that the ruling authority perceives as a severe threat. HTI struggled to maintain its movement, mixing overt and covert operations, and facing significant pressures and constraints. Its strength is rooted in an Islamist ideology that integrates political and religious beliefs, supported by a disciplined structure. This resilience, seen as adaptive resistance, leverages tactical ingenuity and militancy in response to external pressures and the socio-cultural context in which they operate. Nevertheless, the disbandment has rendered it nearly impossible for HTI to reestablish its expansion in Indonesia's political arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of technology, information, and communication has entered all aspects of life, including politics, through big data technology. In electoral politics, the quick count method is considered superior to the manual process. However, the level of accuracy depends on industry 4.0. This study analyzed the potential for using big data in electoral politics. This research uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Data obtained through literature study. Data analysis is done by collecting data, making an analysis, and concluding. This study found that big data is the right technology to facilitate electoral politics in Indonesia. The results of the significant data method have complemented and validated the old way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the regionally varying electoral outcomes of Islamist parties in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim democracy? By employing a three-stage approach inspired by Evan Lieberman's nested analysis, this article aims to gain a better understanding of how adaptability to local political contexts matters in determining the vote share of the Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) at the sub-provincial level. It uncovers that PKS' electoral mobilisation in non-Javanese regions depends more on whether the party leverages a strong predisposition towards personal votes underpinned by pre-existing clientelistic ties. In contrast, the PKS support base in Java tends to be embedded in specific milieus shaped by deep-seated sociocultural cleavages. The findings thus not only demonstrate the limitations of programmatic, institutionalised parties like PKS in the Indonesian context, but also resonate with a larger body of broader literature on politics in the Muslim world, indicating strategic considerations of local political conditions as an important factor in electoral support for political Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study investigates the frequency and specificity of health-related issues discussed during the East Java Indonesia Gubernatorial Election Campaign 2018. Design/methodology/approach: The research utilized a mixed-methods approach, combining topic modeling and qualitative thematic analysis, to analyze 4,023 online news articles from March to June 2018. From the data sources obtained in terms of time frame, this research can be categorized as a retrospective study because it examines origins from events that have already occurred. Findings: The study found that health issues accounted for only 6% of all gubernatorial election news in each selected online media portal. The health issues identified were categorised into eight groups: health financing and facilities, health workforce, malnutrition and stunting, leprosy, cigarettes and tobacco, healthy lifestyles, pregnancy and breastfeeding, and disability. The study also reveals a need for increased attention to health-related issues in political campaigns and media. By focusing on the health-related issues raised during the campaign, the study provides valuable insights into the gaps and priorities in addressing the health needs of the East Java population. The research framework used in this study offers a valuable approach for analyzing online data sources using qualitative analysis capacity. The study can improve health policies and outcomes in the local election campaign by raising awareness of health issues and promoting informed decision-making among voters. Research limitations/implications: This research limitation is a local political campaign case in Indonesia. The research indicates that health issues receive limited coverage during election campaigns, suggesting a lack of emphasis on health as a critical issue among East Java's electorate. Originality/value: The study can improve health policies and outcomes in the local election campaign by raising awareness of health issues and promoting informed decision-making among voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public health issues should be a focal concern for public leaders. A critical moment for articulating intended policies is during elections. At this time, candidates present significant ideas and proposals derived from the evaluation and reflection on the previous administration’s governance. This approach ensures that the proposed programmes are grounded in evidence. In 2024, Indonesia conducted general elections, amid significant public health challenges such as the persistently high prevalence of stunting and poor maternal and child health outcomes. The Prabowo-Gibran, who then won the election, focused their campaign on providing free food and milk. This campaign appears to be unsupported by a comprehensive improvement plan, leading to the impression that public health issues are merely used to enhance electoral appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This descriptive research examines the impact of using religious ideology in electoral politics on interfaith harmony and tolerance in Indonesia, focusing on the 2024 presidential election. This research aims to investigate how political candidates use social media to mobilize religious ideology and its effect on public opinion and electoral outcomes. Secondary data were collected through a comprehensive literature review, analyzing recent elections, content analysis of social media posts, patterns in social media engagement, the effectiveness of existing interfaith dialogue initiatives, and the role of misinformation, hate speech, and hoaxes related to religious ideology in electoral politics. The study found that the use of religious ideology in electoral politics has the potential to negatively impact harmony and tolerance among religious communities in Indonesia. Social media plays a crucial role in the mobilization of religious ideology by political candidates. The combination of religious ideology and social media usage may exacerbate existing interfaith tensions and further polarize the political landscape in Indonesia. The research concludes by recommending that citizens need to have a moderate understanding of religion, understand digital literacy, and always be wise in using social media with a filtering culture before sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from the 2019 electoral incident, this study seeks to comprehend election officials' working context, providing insights for the forthcoming 2024 general election (Pemilu). Specifically, this study investigates the working conditions of election officials during Indonesia's 2019 general election by examining their job demands, job resources, psychological and physical stress responses. Utilizing the job demands-resources (JD-R) model, the study evaluated the job demands, job resources, psychological and physical stress responses of 212 election officials in Yogyakarta Province using part of The New Brief Job Stress Questionnaire (NBJSQ). Latent Class Analysis revealed three distinct class profiles among the 2019 election officials based on their JD-R model scores, which included job demands, job resources, psychological and physical stress responses. The majority of participants fell into class 2, characterized by high job demands and job resources but low stress reactions. In contrast, class 1 had low job demands and job resources but a high level of stress, while class 3 exhibited high job demands, low job resources, and low stress. These results indicate that high job demand and job resources can potentially lead to work-related stress, although this relationship is influenced by the specific context and nature of job demands and job resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay aims to study why politicians engage in dynastic politics within democratic institutions and how they reject institutional changes that may limit their ability to pass on political power to family members. While scholars have emphasized institutions as an enabling factor, it is unclear how the power struggle manifested to preserve the institutions that continually suit the interests of aspiring dynasts amidst the democracy shift and pressure. This study seeks to fill the gap by delving into how political players struggle to preserve the structures that allow them to form political dynasties. This study also presents an original empirical conclusion demonstrating that Indonesian political dynasties more than tripled between 2010 and 2018, or in only one election cycle. This study contends that the primary cause of the rapid growth of political dynasties in Indonesia is inextricably related to the gradual institutional changes following Indonesia's democratic transition in 1998. In the process, the parasitic symbionts—i.e. the aspiring dynasts—were able to make institutional drifts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This writing was written to understand the legal protection of candidates for regional heads in the election process based on Supreme Court Decision Number 1 P/Pap/2021. This study uses the method of literature (library research) and uses laws and regulations as well as decisions as research objects studied. The problems studied in this study are (1) What is the authority of the KPU in carrying out the election process in Indonesia? and (2) What is the legal protection for Regional Head Candidates in the election process based on Supreme Court Decision Number: 1 P/PAP/2021? The conclusions obtained are (1) In carrying out the election process in Indonesia, the KPU is given attributional authority based on Article 13 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, the KPU which principally plays the role of executing orders issued by adjudication agencies (both judicial and quasi-judicial). The KPU also has the authority to implement decisions made by Bawaslu and DKPP, follow up on Bawaslu recommendations, and implement MK and judicial decisions within the Supreme Court, (2) Legal protection for Candidates for Regional Heads, namely the Panel of Judges who examine disputes using the legal basis of Article 135A paragraph (6) Law Number 10 of 2016. This article is a form of legal protection for candidates for regional heads whose constitutional rights have been harmed and violated as a result of the issuance of a KPU decision in the election process, namely by taking legal action through the Supreme Court. The result of the legal effort can be in the form of an annulment of the KPU's decision, and the KPU's decision is declared null and void. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2024, Indonesia is poised to conduct a significant national event - the simultaneous general election for both presidential and local leadership positions. Historically, manual voting has been the method of choice since the inaugural election in 1955. However, as Indonesia prepares for future electoral exercises, the potential adoption of electronic voting systems is a consideration that merits comprehensive investigation, given the nation's expansive geographical spread and substantial population, which presents considerable challenges in executing any election. Despite several countries previously implementing electronic voting systems in their general elections, these cases have often culminated in failure, primarily due to concerns surrounding data security, public trust, and technological preparedness. This study, employing the structural equation modelling-partial least squares (SEM-PLS) approach, endeavors to evaluate the multifarious factors that could influence the successful deployment of an electronic voting system in Indonesia. The findings reveal that dimensions such as trust in government, technology, and electoral commissions; technological infrastructure; human resources; and constitutional readiness all significantly contribute to the potential success of electronic voting system implementation. These results are anticipated not only to inform the development and application of electronic voting in Indonesia, but also to provide a foundational platform for future research efforts dedicated to constructing a robust and effective electronic voting framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the determinants of voters' trust level regarding official candidates at presidential, legislative, and governor levels in the 2014 general election in Indonesia. Data from the 2014 National Socioeconomic Survey was utilized in this study. The data was analyzed using two-stage regression analysis. The first stage regression analyzed the determinants of individual trust in official candidates, while the second stage analyzed probabilities of individuals to vote. This study found that voters' experiences in vote buying reduced their trust in official candidates in the 2014 election. The second-stage regression results indicated that voters' experiences in disasters reduced their intention to vote at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research focuses on the power relations of the local elite and the village head candidate, namely Asep Kurniawan, where the local elite plays a role and has a stake in the life of Sukaluyu Village, both physically and politically. This study uses elite theory and the concept of power relations which will explain the form of power relations that occur between local elites and Asep Kurniawan and explain the role of local elites in mobilizing community support for Asep Kurniawan in the 2019 Village Head Election in Sukaluyu. This study uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. The results of the study show that the power relations that occur between the local elite and Asep Kurniawan are used as a strategic game, domination and governance where each local elite has a political agreement during the Head Election. In addition, this study reveals that the role of local elites in mobilizing community support for Asep Kurniawan has worked well because each local elite has a strong influence with power in each area of Sukaluyu Village, making it easier for Asep Kurniawan to be elected as Head of Sukaluyu Village. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of Indonesia's governance is currently quite rapidly developing. Indonesia is one of the countries that adheres to a democratic system. This understanding is elaborated constitutionally and fundamentally in the Preamble to the NRI Constitution of 1945 Alenia IV, which affirms one of the country's policies which reads: "Peoplehood led by wisdom in consultation/representation". The purpose of this study is to determine the legal consequences of having a single candidate in the general election when viewed from the perspective of democratic principles in Indonesia. This study uses normative research, which uses secondary data in analyzing the problems raised and supported by primary legal materials consisting of laws and regulations, court decisions, legal theories and legal principles recognized by civilized nations (general theory recognized by civilized nations ), secondary legal materials such as journals, books, and other scholarly articles, and tertiary legal materials consisting of encyclopedias, and legal dictionaries. The legal framework for regional elections must be able to guarantee the holding of democratic elections. However, seeing the condition of a single candidate, it caused a reaction from elements of the community by submitting a judicial review to the Constitutional Court regarding the rules for nominating regional heads. As a result of this vacancy, it has an impact on postponing the regional elections until the next regional elections so that the regions that are postponed will be led by temporary officials appointed by the Ministry of Home Affairs. This circumstance was deemed by the plaintiff to be unfair to the spouse of a qualified candidate to run in the local election competition. The existence of a single candidate begins with a legal vacuum when the requirements for at least two pairs of candidates to be able to hold elections are not met, so that the legal vacuum results in the inability to hold regional elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2024 election has become Indonesia’s political agenda to carry out elite circulation in a timely manner, but the political party elite threw out the idea of postponing these activities. Therefore, this study aims to explain the political motive of party elites and responses on Twitter about the idea of postponing the 2024 Indonesian elections. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. This study also uses NVivo 12 Plus software as a data analysis tool. The findings in this study are that the political motives of Muhaimin Iskandar, Zulkifli Hasan and Airlangga Hartarto in raising the idea of postponing the 2024 election tend to be material-intensive motives. Meanwhile, the content and narrative of Twitter netizen responses tend to lead to rejection of the idea of postponing the 2024 election. Twitter netizens prefer the 2024 elections to be held according to a predetermined schedule. The conclusion in this study is that the idea of postponing elections, which is dominated by the private interests of the elite, is not responded positively by the public. This has implications for the emergence of public distrust of private elites and their political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The State of Indonesia is a State of Law". As a constitutional state, Indonesia places the foundations of law above all else. The purpose of this study is to analyze and find regulations adjudicating the determination of village head election results as objects of dispute. State administration is not based on the value of justice. The results of the Election of the Village Head as the object of a state administrative dispute based on the value of justice. The paradigm in this study is Constructivism. The legal research used in this dissertation is qualitative legal research, i.e. non-doctrinal legal research using a socio legal research approach, and the nature of this dissertation research is descriptive. The theory used is Pancasila justice theory, dignified justice theory (Grand Theory), legal system theory (Middle Theory), as well as progressive legal theory and authority theory (Applied Theory). The results of the study found that the Reconstruction of regulations on the authority to adjudicate the Determination of Village Head Election Results as Objects of State Administrative Disputes based on the value of justice, Reconstruction of regulations on objects of state administrative disputes on Bodies or Officials and State Administrative Decisions as follows: contents of Law No. 51 of 2009 concerning the Second Amendment to Law No. 6 of 1986 concerning State Administrative Courts Paragraph (1) Number 8 concerning the meaning of State Administrative Agencies or Officials Paragraph (1) Number 9 concerning State Administrative Decisions Prior to reconstruction in the event of disputes over the determination of the Village head election committee regarding the results of the village head election not being resolved by the Regent can be directly challenged to the state administrative court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]