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History teaching is often seen as essential to the project of nation-building and construction of national identity. Despite the rise of disciplinary approach, national master narratives and nationalist history teaching remain predominant in many countries. While most of the extant research were done on large nation-states, this study is focused on a refugee community. By employing qualitative thematic analysis of interviews conducted with fifteen teachers, it investigates Tibetan teachers' perceptions on the goals of teaching social studies and history in the Tibetan refugee schools in India. It argues that, for Tibetan refugees, who are engaged in a nationalist struggle for freedom and whose identity is threatened by displacement, history is perceived as pivotal to the construction of their ethno-national identity and the nationalist struggle.

Agricultural universities are integral to the history of modern India. The aspiration of the Indian state to be economically and socially modern is coincident with the origin of agricultural universities. This paper explores the making of agricultural universities from the Radhakrishnan Committee to the New Agricultural Strategy and shows their connections to the political and economic needs of the nation. Also, the Cold War imperatives encouraged American involvement in India's agricultural reforms. However, this paper argues that neither the Indian state nor the American experts determined the evolution of these institutes as per their developmental goals. Geopolitical events, like the Partition, the Union-state relationship and the history of marginalisation of agricultural scientists combined and produced varying dynamics. It is within these historical contexts that the paper has analysed the growth trajectory of agricultural institutions, with particular reference to the Punjab Agricultural University—the pivot of the agricultural modernisation programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article studies selected songs telecast by Doordarshan, the national channel from the 1980s to the 2020s to understand the representational politics of India's national culture. It explores how the national culture has been imagined and propagated by the state-owned channel by adopting a comparative focus on the selected songs. The discussion is foregrounded on Partha Chatterjee's theory of 'the spiritual' domain which is at the core of the national identity for a postcolonial nation. The article also attempts to understand the dynamic nature of India's national culture and how its transformation can be read from the songs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The start of management education in India in the early 1960s has been dominantly described from the perspective of 'Americanisation', characterised by isomorphism and mimicry. Existing scholarship has avoided the question of how management education and knowledge were reconciled and naturalised with India's specific socio-economic contexts. This article addresses the issue and provides a situated account of this complex history by delving into the establishment of the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad, one of India's first and most prominent management schools. Using the concept of sociotechnical imaginary developed by Jasanoff and Kim, the analysis describes how the development of management education and research was aligned with the objective of nation building. The article shows that the project to start management education did not take off before the capitalist connotations, associated with business education, were subtly removed and a narrative was created that put management education in the context of India's wider development trajectory. Under influence of a changing political atmosphere in the late 1960s, a particular imaginary on the role of management knowledge and education unfolded in the development of the institute, giving the field in India a distinct character in the early 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes selections from Modern Review and Visva Bharati Quarterly, to study the complex act of nation-building taking place in India during the first half of the twentieth century. Through these periodicals, it discusses three interconnected occurrences that contributed to the envisioning of new India: firstly, the construction of a politically aware public sphere through nationalistic sentiments and anti-imperial internationalism; secondly, India's localization of modernity as oscillating between the colonial subjects' reactionary modernity and the colonially administered modernity of domination; and thirdly, the emergence of a modernism that was more immersed in restructuring social and political systems of power than being restricted to formal and aesthetic novelty. Thus, drawing on writings published in Modern Review and Visva Bharati Quarterly, the paper assesses the degree to which the two periodicals realized the identity of new India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging technologies like nanotechnologies are governed in different ways around the world. This article draws attention to an important element that can help to explain the emergence of this diversity in governance practices: the role of nanotechnology in nation-building. By investigating the relation between nanotechnology and the nation in India, the article demonstrates that various particularities of the Indian governance of nanotechnology can be explained by the relation between science, technology, and nation-building. The article discusses four instances in which the governance of nanotechnology in India is informed by the role science and technology has in nation-building: the historical image of India as a country that can attain modernity and development by engaging with modern science and technology supported the government's decision to free funds for nanotechnology research; the view of India as a country that cannot rely on foreign assistance to get access to the latest technologies reinforced the strategy to pro-actively pursue nanotechnology research and development itself; the historical use of science and technology as crucial elements in overcoming deeply rooted societal divisions enabled the science-centered way in which nanotechnology was governed; and the Indian ambition to become a global superpower informed the governance of nanotechnology as an object of international competition. The governance of nanotechnology in turn defines 'Indianness' in a post-liberalization world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For plural societies like India, the only workable strategy of nation building is to provide all segments of society with an equal sense of belonging, respect and security. The Indian constitutional framework, despite some assimilationist influences, was broadly drawn on accommodationist lines. As a matter of policy, India adopted cultural pluralism rather than an assimilationist brand of cultural nationalism. The Constitution allowed federalism to develop and evolve as a dynamic process, despite certain inbuilt limitations that undermined its functioning in its initial three decades. Nevertheless, there has never been a consensus in India about using special provisions/autonomy as a strategy of nation building or as a mechanism of problem solving. Such an arrangement in the context of Kashmir was seen as an aberration and a potential source of disunity for the country. However, the erosion of Article 370 has undermined rather than promoted the cause of national integration in relation to Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the changing circumstances, our nation is facing plenty of disrupting and fissiparous tendencies arising out of various anti-social elements and the ideological clashes. The Indian nation is struggling to maintain its unity and integrity. Extreme fundamentalism of the own people and violent factors have been posing a major threat to the socio-political fabric of India. The people are fighting amongst themselves on very trivial issues that have interrupted the very process of nation building. In fact, the diverse condition in India is responsible for nurturing the myriad mutual problems and crises of identity and cooperation. The diversity syndrome of Politics in India led to dysfunctional activities like regional chauvinism, political apathy, pseudo-secularism and interplay between parochial demands and systemic outputs that challenged the established system of institutions and symbols towards new threshold of performance. There seems to be no easy approach to the development of a manifest and categorical national identity. In this article, divisive practices prevailing in Indian politics that are hampering the process of nation building are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter Four shows us how the local Urdu language press reflected and commented on these divisions, providing fora not just for Muslims who stayed in Delhi but also for Hindu and Sikh migrants who also published in Urdu. My one hesitation is with regards to interpretative and analytical strategy, namely the extent the book focuses on Delhi's Muslim communities. [Extracted from the article]

One of the major challenges that Indian state is confronting in north east India is the rise of extremist movements inspired by ethno-national consciousness. While there has been repeated reiteration of willingness on the part of Indian state to seek political solution, the present response of Indian state is primarily shaped by its security consideration. Such security based approach, however, has failed to curb such extremist movements and is ridden with serious problem. It is in this context that the present paper seeks to examine the nature of the present state response, its rationality in the larger context of India's nation building process and its effectiveness and implications. This paper argues that while security and integrity may be legitimate concern for the Indian state, over emphasis on these aspects may creates problems for groups with distinct ethno-national consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few Indian regions evoke political, economic, and cultural marginalisation as much as North-East India. Solutions to its political instability often assume that, provided the vicious circle of under-development and violence can be broken, the region will eventually build a stable relationship with the Indian nation-state. This understanding in turns rests on a long intellectual genealogy that associates development with the state and the nation. By examining development schemes in the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA, today's Arunachal Pradesh) in the 1950–1960s, a hitherto scarcely administered region where these were the primary mode of state-building, this article cautions against the tendency to see the Indian state's developmental ambitions as an instrument of nation-building. Instead it argues that, in North-East India at least, state-making and nation-building have not historically gone together, and that developmentalism played an important part in this rupture. On the ground, tribal development did little for NEFA's integration into the Indian nation. In fact, state-making processes resulted in the disintegration of the links that had tied NEFA with its regional hinterland in India. In the process, some of the seeds of tensions plaguing today's North-East India were planted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the constitutional system of India in a comparative perspective for determining the impact of globalization on Indian society. Information on the methodology used by the Indian Constituent Assembly is presented, and reflects its pragmatic approach which does not follow one particular model of constitutionalism. It depicts that despite the existing border disputes and ethnical communalism in India, the legitimacy of democratic institutions among the citizens is present.

This essay builds upon the premise that heritage and decolonization share histories of obsessive emphases upon exclusive, unique and fiercely acquisitive identities. Considering that the scholarship of decolonization increasingly fixes attention upon the displays of the colonial in the realms of the former imperial powers, the aims here are to shift attention to the curation of the national within the post-colony. The essay explores histories of archaeological collections, collecting practices, museums, and exhibitions within India to illustrate the imbrication of the practices of heritage making and politics of decolonization. It highlights the pedagogic value of biographies of collections and exhibitions for analyzing the shared histories, and engages with the Authorized Heritage Discourse (AHD) of nation-making for interrogating the practices of naturalizing cultural heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a criticism on the identity politics and social exclusion in the Northeast India. It investigates the effects of colonial days particularly in how various brands of identity politics had serve to create the basis for exclusion of groups which result in various forms of rifts. It mentions that cultural differences and incongruity heightened the ethnic boundaries and generated cleavages along ethnic lines in Northeast India. Moreover, it notes that poor governance has been a major problem in the region.

Understanding of the military culture came as a crucial and to some extent, a bewildering bone of contention in the Indian media and military relationship. The paper attempts to throw light on this complex understanding between the two different institutions, with different objectives, motivations, and structures, and who have to cross each other paths due to the professional and institutional demands at the micro level and for the nation building at macro level. The paper is based on qualitative research and presents a slice of that reality, (not reality as a whole). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Indian democracy, reservation policy is one of the major tools to reaffirm and develop right to equality as guaranteed, by the Constitution, to all the citizens of India and, in a way, to uplift the weaker and deprived sections of the society. But, due to its wrong interpretation and implementation in the present scenario, it is continuously creating a new type of disadvantaged and disheartened group in Indian society. Hence, the research paper tries to explore poetic expressions of a few contemporary Hindi poets for understanding the present form of reservation policy and its resultant effects on nation-building and nation-branding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite significant advances in Sikh studies, Sikh nationalism is still poorly understood. As a complex community with competing narratives of self-identity – as a religion, as an ethnicity, and as a global and national minority (in India and in the diaspora) – Sikh nationalism requires an integrated framework that recognises the rich symbolic heritage and how the nation and state-building projects of India and Pakistan have defined Sikh politics. Such a framework also needs to rethink the role of the diaspora as the agent of long-distance nationalism against the background of the rise of religious nationalisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proceeds from a critical reading of the role of religion for nation-building in India. In particular, the authors discuss how the Indian notion of secularism relies upon a number of religious legacies manifest in a Gandhian notion of what constitutes religious and political communities. Proceeding from this general picture, the authors examine how Hindu nationalists have used such legacies to enforce exclusionary practices by establishing certain hegemonic structures of rigid religious boundaries and practices with the aim of maintaining antagonistic movements within the Hindu fold. This, the authors argue, has been the case both among Hindu nationalists in India and among the widespread diaspora in Europe, Canada and the United States. Here, the authors critically evaluate a number of attempts to challenge these hegemonic structures in terms of secular and religious forces as well in terms of legalistic understandings of citizenship rights. It is argued that religion can and has played a positive role in Indian nation-building, but that Hindu nationalism has continuously reproduced exclusionary practices against other religious communities and worked against any forms of assimilatory processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 15 August 1950, just as India was celebrating its third independence anniversary, an earthquake of 8.6 magnitude struck the remote northeastern state of Assam and its surrounding borderlands. Rivers burst their banks and landslides blocked Himalayan valleys, destroying towns, villages, roads, fields, and tea gardens in their wake. Beyond the disaster's shattering impact on the physical geography of the region, this article explores how it participated in another reconfiguration—that of Assam's place within India's political geography and national imaginary. The Indian public had hitherto known very little about India's remote ‘northeast frontier’; the cataclysm and subsequent relief measures served to carve out a space for it on Indian mental maps. Simultaneously, by forcing a large-scale encounter between Indian authorities and the people of the scarcely controlled eastern Himalayas, post-earthquake relief and rehabilitation led to unprecedented state expansion in this newly strategic borderland. Yet in the same breath, the aftermath of the disaster fuelled stereotypes about Assam and its hinterland that would eventually further their marginality within India and undermine their continued unity. The crystallization of Assam's image as a place irreducibly subject to the whims of nature and, more importantly, incapable of taking care of itself (and hence, of its highland dependencies), would poison centre–state relations for decades to come. Imperfect and contradictory, the reordering of this border space from a colonial frontier to a component of independent India's national space did not end marginality, but instead reinforced it. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Whereas the rare existing comparative studies of Chinese and Indian diaspora policies have focused on recent periods following economic restructuring in both countries, this article, using a historical perspective, looks at diaspora policies in both countries from the angle of conceptions of the nation. Comparing three specific periods – the early twentieth century, the period between the 1950s and the 1970s, and the period since the 1970s – the article argues that there was a similarity between China and India in terms of how conceptions of the nation expanded and contracted together with both domestic and international changes during these periods, in spite of differences in nationality laws. As such, it demonstrates that countries with nationality laws based on jus sanguinis are not necessarily always more inclusive towards diaspora populations than those with nationality laws based on jus soli. In both cases, there is a tension at work between a state-led paradigm that is territorial in nature and ethnic and cultural notions of nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Territorial disputes between India and Pakistan got a new dimension with the release of a new political map by the latter on 4 August 2020, apparently in response to India's move to administratively reorganize the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Widely described as 'cartographic aggression' against India, the new map lays claim over many parts of India. The article traces the historicity of map-making as a nation-building project for Pakistan and seeks to decipher the strategic objectives behind this move. The article argues that this cartographic aggression is essentially an expression of its longstanding territorial desires against India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comparative Education is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: Nation brand building is a complex task as it involves multiple stakeholders. In the context of globalisation, a strong nation brand has important implications not only for attracting foreign businesses and tourists but also for the brands originating from that country. This study examines the role of nation brand experience in enhancing a nation's global reputation. Design/methodology/approach: The relationships between nation brand experience, nation brand love, nation brand loyalty and positive word of mouth (WOM) were examined by analysing 334 survey responses collected from foreign tourists in India. Structural equation analysis was carried out as part of the analysis. Findings: The results confirmed that international visitors' sensory and affective nation brand experiences significantly enhance brand love for a nation, leading to national brand loyalty and positive WOM among them. The findings are expected to help practitioners understand consumer buying behavior related to nation brand and develop innovative strategies for improving brand values. Originality/value: Understanding a developing nation brand experience and how it converts to brand loyalty through the mediation effect of nation brand love from the lens of foreign tourists is the novelty of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on problems of democracy and nation-building in Pakistan. Topics include Pakistan was established in 1947 as the state for the Muslims of India; Pakistan has failed to stabilise as a Muslim/Islamic democracy while in the regional and international arena it enjoys the unenviable reputation of being a sanctuary for terrorists and terrorist networks; and Jinnah had kept the idea of Pakistan vague, using Islamic identity as the main reason for a separate state outside India.

Focuses on the dynamics of cultural revival in the context of Islam and nation-building in India. Role of Islam in the cultural/civilizational conflict; Perception of islamic fundamentalist movements toward modernization; Effect of the concept of secularism on Indian democracy.

Leidig's article addresses a theoretical and empirical lacuna by analysing Hindutva using the terminology of right-wing extremism. It situates the origins of Hindutva in colonial India where it emerged through sustained interaction with ideologues in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany who, in turn, engaged with Hindutva to further their own ideological developments. Following India's independence, Hindutva actors played a central role in the violence of nation-building and in creating a majoritarian identity. Yet Hindutva was not truly 'mainstreamed' until the election of the current prime minister, Narendra Modi, in 2014. In order to construct a narrative that furthered Hindu insecurity, Modi mobilized his campaign by appealing to recurring themes of a Muslim 'threat' to the Hindu majority. The result is that Hindutva has become synonymous with Indian nationalism. Leidig seeks to bridge the scholarly divide between, on the one hand, the study of right-wing extremism as a field dominated by western scholars and disciplines and, on the other, the study of Hindutva as a field that is of interest almost exclusively to scholars in South Asian studies. It provides an analytical contribution towards the conceptualization of right-wing extremism as a global phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India is a large and extremely diverse multination state that is constantly faced with the challenge of maintaining its unity. In the past two decades the Hindu nationalist movement has become a significant factor in Indian politics, and has systematically leveraged heritage to create communal tensions. This has resulted in short-term political gain, but is also tied to longer-term goals of establishing a homogenously Hindu state in South Asia. This article argues that instead of being in decline, this movement is actually progressively expanding, and that the case of Ayodhya is only one part of a much larger programme in which heritage academics play a significant role, and that their collective actions will be pivotal to the future stability of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nation as performed by the state has found either endorsement or criticism on the stage in postindependence India. The decolonization drive, undertaken during the 1950s, aimed at identifying performance forms that would define what 'national theatre' would be for a free India and thus help reclaim the 'Indian' cultural ethos. Nation in contemporary Indian theatre is as much a thematic trope as a question of form – but both critical of the previous postcolonial-nationalist tendency to institutionalize through theatre an Indian culture in sync with the state narrative of nationhood. Twenty-first century theatre in India is largely experimental, moving far beyond the thematization of issues to their presentation in forms that are 'inter-artistic exchange' (Lehmann) and partake of performance-making protocols from domestic as well as global theatre practice. The present study discusses two theatrical productions – The Antigone Project (2003-4), directed by Anuradha Kapur and Ein Lall, and Work in Progress: A Nationalism Project (2018), directed by scenographer Deepan Sivaraman. The former is the artist's reaction to the 2002 post-Godhra riot (called 'pogrom' by many); the latter critiques the distortion of the idea of modern India, prompting readings from the country's Constitution. Although centered on these two productions, the essay quickly meanders through a couple more contemporary performances in the second section to demonstrate through the diversity of forms the shift in the relationship between politics and theatre, especially when it comes to the performance of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building upon a vast literature and Ministry of External Affairs Annual reports, this article argues that India's foreign actions through its 75 years are not only domestically generated. Analysis of India's foreign relations must include an assessment of changing global structures and how they affect domestic imperatives. A 'inside-outside' perspective, with a focus on India's ideas and actions, must to be combined with an 'outside-in' analysis. Such an outside-in analysis places India's statecraft in the context of global structures across four phases: 1947-1989, 1999-2000, 2000-2014, and 2014-2021, while also exploring the domestic foundations of changing foreign policy interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's leaders have pursued a series of ambitious agendas in international relations, driven by a sense of national destiny and civilisational mission. This article explores these different agendas and the strategies they shaped, noting the underlying convictions that unite them: that India's civilisational inheritance has lessons for the world, that India's status is yet to be properly respected, and that New Delhi must strive for the highest levels of autonomy India can attain in international affairs. It argues, however, that their pursuit has been confounded by domestic challenges, which inhibit India's capacity to accumulate power and exert influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on American historians' focus on globalization and cosmopolitanism in early American history. It comments on global, Atlantic, and national historical approaches. The author explores connections between the early U.S. and British India, reflecting on trade, travel, ideas, missionary activities, and racial views and policies. The British East India Company (BEIC) and the missionary group the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) are examined.

The article focuses on the establishment of technical institutions by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in India and in Iran. MIT emerged from World War II having an impressive, worldwide reputation in basic and applied science and engineering. After MIT redefined its own engineering education, policy makers in the U.S. urged the institute to develop new technical institutions of higher education around the world, which led to its participation in creating the said institutions.

The article focuses on the role of social sciences in nation building. Social Sciences have reference not only to the future but to the past as well. It is common-place now-a-days to say that history should not deal with the story of kings and princes or of great wars, but should concern itself with the social and economic life of the past. It is obviously impossible to think effectively of changing customs unless we know what these customs really are and how they are linked with other aspects of ones life. Even in the field of education also social research is now recognized as a necessity. It has also to be remembered that in addition to the ethnic and religious divisions in what one may call the progressive section of the population, we have a large number of primitive tribes who are on the fringe of national life and still retain their tribal institutions, either partially or almost intact. The author recommends for the consideration of the Government and academic institutions of India for the formation of Social Science Research Council on lines similar to the Scientific and Industrial Research Council of India, which have done so much for the development of physical sciences and industry within a very short space of time.

The postcolonial unity of India as a single nation state incorporating the princely states covering two-fifth of the territory and a quarter of the population that remained outside the direct jurisdiction of the colonial state has not been problematized in the colonial and postcolonial historiography of India. This problematization is nonetheless essential in order to understand the internal dynamics of the colonial social formation in India, especially the agency of peasant movements in princely states in the dissolution of tbe colonial state and in preparing the ground for the postcolonial unity of the Indian state. The tendency to ignore the agency of peasant movements in princely India during the colonial rule is what I have characterized as the colonial mode of historiography. Subaltern Studies project which claims to distinguish itself for its role in restoring the agency of peasant insurgency in colonial India is indeed a continuation of the colonial mode of historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on Indian nationalism under British imperialism. Opposition of colonialism; History of Zionism; Assessment on the paradigmatic inability to consider the relationship between the Jewish middle classes and the British colonial state.

This article argues against the common assumption in the field of development studies about "depoliticization" of the terrain in which development is conceived, implemented, and received. Taking the case of the history of "community development project" in India between 1952 and 1958, it makes the case that technocratic development in post-independence India involved a case of active, all around politics of negotiation. India's postcolonial elites were quite self-consciously geared to "own" the program in the name of nation and nation-building. The subjects of development were not passive either. It is certainly possible to read their politics of resistance in the process of development's implementation and in elite narratives of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how, in the decade following India's independence, the psychology of childhood became a locus of experimentation, and an avenue through which approaches to postcolonial development were expressed. Tracing the ideas of educational reformers, psychological researchers and child welfare advocates, we show how a 'science of childhood' in this period emphasised both the inherent potential and the emotional complexity of India's young citizens. However, while identifying this potential, these actors at times circumscribed it by deploying culturalist assumptions about Indian childhood that were linked to a teleology of the new nation state. These were ideas that shaped a 'pedagogic' approach to postcolonial modernisation. Nation‐building was not just a technocratic undertaking, but an educative project that was scientific, spiritual, and therapeutic in orientation. The article argues for greater attention to the pedagogy of the state in analyses of past and present state‐citizen relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can the postcolonial thought bring to light the development of International Political Thinking in India? In this article we argue that the development of the Indian thinking about foreign affairs was limited not only by the British colonial administration but also by the sense of nationhood created by the liberation movement – especially under Nehru. Most of the literature addressing Indian international thought focuses on how Nehru centred the thinking of postcolonial Indian foreign affairs. Using Bhabha's ideas, we explore this essential part of India's nation-building, mapping out the origins of Indian IR through a postcolonial. The paper contributes to knowledge on post-Western IR and postcolonial literature, while reconceptualising ideas of nationhood as they have been applied to the development of Indian international thought. Beyond the thinking about the international, our contribution has broad relevance for understanding how colonialism has affected the political, economic and intellectual development of former colonial states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the main conclusions of a two-year research project that aimed at reconstructing the history of the Indian documentary film sector over the first three decades of independence (1948–1975), based on the combined empirical study of rare official documents, interviews and under-studied films. It looks into the organisation, development and governance of the Indian documentary sector and films, details how the state plan of national integration informed the development of the documentary and how the independent state organised and controlled the sector. This article also presents how the films articulated the state’s vision and challenges in the area of nation-building. It reveals that the documentary film sector was the stage of intense power relationships between the government, who prioritised the use of documentary as an instrument of official information; private companies, which claimed the right to free enterprise; in-house and independent filmmakers, who pleaded for greater free speech and artistic expression; and the general audience, who gradually criticised the repetitive form of the films and the growing gap between official messages delivered in the films and the reality on the ground. These tensions more widely reflect the challenges of identity formation and national integration in post-colonial India. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this ethnography of India’s border roads, I follow the circular/seasonal journeys of migrant road labourers from Jharkhand to the upper reaches of the Himalayas and back. I pay particular attention to the notions of masculinity and nation-building as they reveal themselves in their travel narratives. These migrants travel every May to work as road construction labour for the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) of India working in the Himalayan frontiers. While the BRO advertises its roles through various road signs claiming to be ‘creating, connecting and caring’ (for) the nation – it is the ambivalent construction of the labourers gendered national subjectivities emerging in the narratives of and about the migrant labour that is of particular interest to this article. One of the central contributions of this article is to show how hierarchical domains of the nation and the hierarchical structures within masculinity intersect and rely upon each other to build gendered national subjects. This research is based on over five years of a very mobile ethnography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study of Indian gaming's genesis and development on the Pechanga Reservation highlights profound changes made possible by a coordinated strategy of nation building and economic development in Indian Country. It also highlights the profound influence of coordinating intertribal political and economic initiatives. Examining one tribe's particular experience with Indian gaming provides insight into the ways federal and state policies actually ‘play out’ at the tribal level. Economic and institutional development at Pechanga has resulted in rapid and profound changes in the quality of life on the reservation. Today, the Pechanga government's gaming and resort revenues have allowed the tribe to effectively eliminate its reliance on other governments and create opportunities that benefit the entire region. The results are a sense of independence and self-determination among Pechanga citizens and productive and mutually supportive relations with surrounding communities where once there was very little positive interaction between the tribe and its neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the influence of the International Geophysical Year (IGY) in Indian science. It states that IGY has enabled India to join the world club of science as an equal, support basic sciences, modernize its existing institutions, and prepare ground for new initiatives geared towards nation-building. One example is India's space program which was established from the IGY exposure. It also emphasized the dependence for assessment and encouragement of Indian science on the West.

The article offers information on the advantages and disadvantages of the instant universal suffrage in India after the democracy in1970, which mention that instant universal suffrages was a great nation-building, national preserving tool, but hurt state-building and state-capacity.