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In the post 1999 era, although a number of minority issues have been resolved between Turkey and Greece, no progress has been made on the issue of the election of muftis in Greece. In spite of the presence of Protocol No. 3 that was annexed to the 1913 Treaty of Athens, which recognizes the right of Muslims to elect their muftis, Greece argues that the Treaty of Athens and Protocol No. 3 are invalid. The underlying reason for this argument is the fear stemming from the extensive secular and judicial authorities of the muftis and the possibility of politicization of their authority. This paper aims to discuss the validity of the 1913 Treaty of Athens and Protocol No. 3 and to examine relevant international treaties on the election of muftis. The paper further aims to explain the positions of Turkey and Greece and ongoing developments on this issue [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the realm of the recent refugee crisis, latent euroscepticism has once again become higly topical in Greece, as many Greeks feel abandoned by their European partners in controlling irregular migration and providing protection to people in need. Moreover, the country’s membership in the European Community and its subsequent participation in the European Union has always been considered as an additional security guarantee against Turkey. However, under EU-pressure, the Greek state submitted to a large extent with regard to the refugee-migrant issue in terms of guarding its borders and managing the hot spots on the eastern Aegean islands. For example, Greece consented to NATO patrols in the Aegean aiming to stem the flow of refugees. This decision, whose terms were agreed with Ankara on 25 February 2016, has proven very unpopular given an array of actions undertaken by the Turkish State intending to dispute Greece’s territorial and air space sovereignty over a part of the Aegean Sea. The paper examines the current anti- European trends within Greek society, their origins, as well as Greece’s course within the EU immigration policy framework. It also attempts to answer the question of whether the Greek State is able to address the daunting and existential significance of the refugee-immigration challenge and to analyse the possible impact the recent geopolitical developments in the Eastern Mediterranean might have on the EU-Greek Relations and Greek-Turkish relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to theorize about how dynamics of party competition influence government decisions to engage in foreign policy change. It shows how a focus on the functioning of polarized two-party competition in Greece in the late 1990s sheds light on crucial questions concerning the content, timing and institutionalization of Greece’s decision to allow the EU to grant Turkey candidate-member status. The article problematizes this foreign policy change as a decision influenced, among other factors, by the demands of party competition, and especially the strategy of the then ruling socialist party. More generally, this article shows how a focus on party politics complements in various interesting ways our understanding of foreign policy decisions and foreign policy change. Party system dynamics are shown to act as significant intervening factors between determinants of foreign policy usually analyzed in the literature and eventual foreign policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In June 1925, General Theodoros Pangalos imposed his dictatorship on Greece. During his 14-month rule, he set as one of his basic foreign policy goals the revision of the territorial settlement imposed on Greece and Turkey by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Wanting to secure Eastern Thrace and possibly even part of Western Asia Minor for Greece, Pangalos sought the backing of at least one Great Power with interests in the region, in this case Italy, as its dictator, Benito Mussolini, remained equally hostile and aggressive toward Turkey. Pangalos tried to reach an understanding with Mussolini concerning the possibility of joint Greco–Italian action against Turkey. The first signs of closer co-operation came in early July 1925 when the Italian under-secretary of foreign affairs, Dino Grandi, visited Athens for discussions with Pangalos. However, a more important initiative involved the official visit of two Greek ministers—Loukas Kanakaris-Roufos, the foreign minister, and Anastasios Tavoularis, the transport minister—to Rome in early March 1926. They met with Mussolini who, because of British pressure, now seemed reluctant about Pangalos’ ambitious plans for joint action against Turkey. The Greek leader’s hopes to revise Lausanne ended. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Europeanization has been a fashionable term over the last decade. However, when it comes to foreign policy, extant work has produced inconsistent findings and few theoretical insights. This paper aims to fill this gap by constructing a synthetic theory which integrates into a ‘thick rationalist’ approach four mechanisms of Europeanization identified in the literature (policy adaptation, normative framing, differential empowerment, diplomatic coordination), and specifies a set of mediating conditions that can explain variations in the scope and direction of Europeanization. This theory is used in order to explain why Greece has become, since 1999, an active and solid supporter of Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership prospect. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Balkan post-war animosities involved the osmosis of Cold War cleavages with older regional/nationalist disputes. By providing for deterrence and for the integration of Balkan affairs in a global context, NATO played a major role in discouraging territorial claims between Greece and Turkey on the one hand, and Bulgaria on the other. By the 1970s, the Cold War enemies of the Balkans were firmly on the path of détente. Ironically, NATO was less successful in facilitating a definite reconciliation between its two members, Greece and Turkey, although arguably it also contributed in averting a bilateral clash. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the changing dynamics of Greek–Turkish relations since the end of the Second World War. The initial sections focus on tensions during the Cold War and their impact on relations with the USA and NATO. Subsequent sections examine the origin and impact of the thaw in relations between Athens and Ankara since l999; the changing role of the Cyprus issue; and new regional security threats. A final section discusses prospects for future relations between Greece and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article deals with NATO strategy in the Balkans from 1951, when Greek and Turkish admission to the alliance was decided, to 1967, when NATO revised its strategic concept for the last time until the end of the Cold War, while another serious Greek-Turkish crisis over Cyprus erupted. The analysis places emphasis on the defence posture of the southern Balkans, regional correlation of forces and the evolution of NATO military strategy throughout the period under examination. Consideration is also given to the integration of the southern Balkans in the NATO command structure, the provision of aid to Greece and Turkey, and Greek-Turkish relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the alliance of Turkey and Greece, two countries that have followed policies on issues involving the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It states that Ankara, Turkey and Athens, Greece authorized the dispatch of troops under the umbrella of NATO's International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan to fight the Taliban. Greece plans to reduce its military commitments to NATO missions while Turkey has committed 12 billion U.S. dollars on defense.

The relevance of the Greco-Turkish population exchange in 1923 to memory can be conceptualized on two imbricated levels. The collective memory of "the nation", which entails a highly selective reading of the past, can be used for manipulating or redefining collective and/or individual experiences. How the population exchange is incorporated into the carefully crafted biographies of Greece and Turkey is a question directly relevant to the mnemonic nature of history on a national level, which is called "memory from above" in this study. On the other hand, how the memory of the exchange is formed and reproduced by individuals today is becoming an increasingly important question, not only to scholars wishing to revise the history of the exchange, but also to various segments of society, particularly to those who have a direct, familial link to the population exchange. Descendants of the exchanged/expelled population have the means to process the trauma of their progenitors and to share their thoughts with the public through different means, which have the potential to challenge the established patterns of thought regarding the exchange and to constitute a popular memory, that is, "memory from below" This study aims to analyze how the population exchange and the process that led to it is "remembered" on these levels in order to comprehend the multiple meanings of an epochal event and to observe the interconnectedness of these levels, as well as the relation between memory and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses official discrimination against the Muslim minority in the Thrace region of Greece in the late 20th and early 21st centuries and its becoming an issue of international human rights activism. The author situates these developments within the broader framework of Greek-Turkish and Greek-European relations and highlights the importance of émigré activists in Germany and Turkey, among other countries, in influencing international public opinion on the matter. The human rights policies of the United States, the Helsinki Watch human rights advocacy and monitoring organization, later known as Human Rights Watch, and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) are also examined.

The article discusses the relationship between Greece and Turkey in the post-Helsinki era and the reestablishment of their cordial relation. It states that European Council's decision in December 1999 in Helsinki, Finland is regarded as the start of a new era in Greek-Turkish relations, and the change in bilateral relation could be found since the mid-1990s. It mentions that the Greek-Turkish relations have improved substantially, the inadequacy of a resolution on Cyprus and the Aegean has suppressed their progress. It notes that functional cooperation might have contributed dividends since 1999, but its potential to change Greek-Turkish relations are not limited.

The Aegean conflict is the main bilateral bone of contention between Greece and Turkey. The paper presents the little-known two instances of meaningful Greek-Turkish talks on the Aegean (in 1975-81 and 2002-3) highlighting points of convergence. The parameters of a settlement are obvious yet the conflict remains in place after 40 years, not permitting Greek-Turkish reconciliation. The main reason for the impasse is that behind the tangible interests at stake lie mutual fears and mistrust as to the intentions of the other party in the Aegean. This is but the tip of the iceberg of what is a deeply engrained antagonism founded on historical memories, real or imagined, that depict the 'Other' as the implacable enemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the politics and history of Cyprus, focusing on its division between Turkish Cypriots in the North and Greek Cypriots in the South. It comments on the attempted coup d’état in 1974 that aimed to overthrow the government and annex Cyprus to Greece, and the subsequent invasion by Turkish forces. The author reflects on Cyprus' European Union (EU) membership and Turkey's prospects for EU membership. Other topics include international mediation, the prospect of reunification, and the influence of nationalism.

Cyprus problem which have being continued since 1950s can not be solved until today because of attitudes of turkey and Greece sides. Cyprus problem based on ethnical reason put relationships into trouble between turkey and European Union. European Union emphasizes that Turkey invades Cyprus impoliticly international laws. Turkey's attend discussion has gained a different standpoint with the attention of South Cyprus to European Union. By the exact membership to European Union of south Cyprus in 1 may 2004, different problems has appeared. In this article, this problems has been analyzed and scrutinized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study concerns religious fairs that, in Turkey, are mainly limited to the islands of Gökçeada and Bozcaada. Continued by the resident Greek minorities (Rums), these traditional fairs attract the interest of not only off-island Rum communities but also of the Turkish public in general. Recently, the fairs' religious, social, and cultural aspects have developed economic and political dimensions. Besides providing new opportunities for faith tourism in these small-economy islands, the fairs also prepare the ground for cultural and economic partnerships between Greece and Turkey. The cultural characteristics of Gökçeada and Bozcaada could set a global example for developing dialogue between civilizations. The centuries-old Greek Orthodox tradition of island fairs could function as a bridge between neighbouring civilizations today. These two Turkish islands in the North Aegean await the world's interest and continue to contribute to positive relations between Greece and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the foreign policy of Greece in relation to its relationship with Turkey and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). It states that policy-making within Greece uses public opinion as the fundamental source of its decisions and priorities. Furthermore, it says that the Greek media plays a protagonist role in defining an acceptable foreign policy, and in the negotiations that reinforce the public's perception of a country under siege.

Copyright of UNISCI Discussion Papers is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the history of Greco-Turkish political relations from the early 1996 armed dispute over the sovereignty of the uninhabited islet of Imia, as well as on-going conflicts over Aegean overflight rights, the continental shelf, and territorial waters. Details of subsequent negotiations are reviewed, as well as the political clashes occasioned by Turkey's potential admission to the European Union (EU).

This paper revisits the Greek-Turkish rapprochement, taking as its point of departure the two states' economic relations, and explores possible linkages to political cooperation. The paper finds growing collaboration in a context characterized by the proliferation of non-state actors in economic decision-making, and underlines the role played by FDI flows and trade decisions in stimulating cooperation. At the same time, it rejects an uncritical acceptance of economic functionalism and stresses the salience of politics, above and beyond Turkey's EU candidacy, to consolidate the gains from the rapprochement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary history of three countries was marked on July 1974 when the Greek colonels overthrew the legitimate government of Cyprus, Turkey invaded the island to preserve her interests and Greece returned to democracy, but withdrew from NATO. The apathy of her allies was a bitter experience for Greece, considering that the government in Athens was struggling to cope with the consequences of the invasion and Turkey's aggression, as well as with the diplomatic isolation caused by the seven-year dictatorial rule. This paper examines the response of the Greek government and makes particular reference to Karamanlis's archives and Greek parliamentary proceedings. The purpose of the present study is to explore whether Greece was genuinely committed to the settlement of the Cyprus issue and failed due to lack of support or simply ignored the appeals of the Cypriot people and pursued more vital foreign policy objectives, thus contributing to the partition of the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is not to provide and evaluate the long list of inter-state disputes between Greece and Turkey. Instead, the paper will focus on how it might be possible to break out of this pattern of conflicts and break or undo a rivalry that has endured half a century of relentless efforts at conflict resolution. The first part of the paper will address the causes or rather the processes that make the rivalry so unrelenting. Why is it that Greece and Turkey can not cooperate? The second part of the paper, on the other hand, will explore the possibility of whether the notion of 'democratic peace' might be a possible path towards creating an environment conducive to cooperation. The paper will conclude that though techniques such as confidence building measures, inter-governmental dialogues, mediation, etc., are very important they may not succeed in achieving more than conflict reduction or management. What is really required is a sort of paradigmatic shift allowing a conducive environment for the notion of 'democratic peace' to take root. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to evaluate the forces behind the Turkish-Greek rapprochement, its prospects and its limitations. In the first part, through an analysis of the route from détente to rapprochement, the case for sustainable changes in the foreign policies of the two countries will be made, from confrontation to cooperation. In the second part, the effect of Europeanization on the foreign policies of Greece and Turkey and on their bilateral disputes will be discussed, with a view to presenting the overall contribution of the EU to bilateral affairs in the way of opportunities offered and constraints set. Finally, in the third and fourth parts it is argued that obstacles to rapprochement still remain, particularly in the form of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]