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While many other democracies in the world celebrate or simply tolerate public expressions of difference, France has traditionally remained hostile toward them in the name of republican universalism. The rise of identity politics in recent decades, however, has posed a serious challenge to this position. Today, France is torn between republican values that do not reflect the complexity of a multicultural society, and a global culture war that has supercharged local disagreements and polemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural policies of the past decades in Europe and especially in France, have placed the objective of diversity at the heart of their field of action. However, no cultural diversity indicator is published, which would make it possible to evaluate the results of a policy in favour of diversity in audiovisual or music industries. However, we find in the scientific literature works that provide such measurement indicators. This article details the construction of these indicators and shows how they could be usefully mobilised in the service of new regulations in favour of cultural diversity on cultural online services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes how (post)-migrant media outlets discussed the position of (post)-migrant people in France. (Post)-migrant media are periodicals, radio stations, and other forms of media produced by (post)-migrant actors and addressed to them. I argue that changes in the Global Cold War order, French national politics, and social changes in French (post)-migrant communities fostered a transition from anti-imperialist to multicultural understandings of migration in the examined media. The paper shows how these changes affected the experiences and identities of (post)-migrant people and adds a global history perspective to existing explanations about generational change and national political developments. It tracks how (post)-migrant media offered a space to negotiate the position in France against the backdrop of global developments such as the Cold War, decolonization, the disillusion with postcolonial governments, and the rising human rights movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text analyses the turn to secularism [laïcité] by the National Front/National Rally as a legitimation strategy, and also examines the party's place in French political debate on this issue. To do so, a thematic analysis is carried out of party programmes presented for the presidential elections since Marine Le Pen assumed leadership in 2011. It concludes by showing how, in contrast to liberal conceptions that prioritise equal rights, a substantive, identity-based version of secularism has gradually been imposed in public policies established in France. It is this vision of secularism that has allowed the party to appropriate the issue, presenting itself as the true defender of the Republic and its values in the face of a supposed threat from Muslim immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the impact of counter-radicalization policies on minority membership in France? Probably more than any country in Europe, in France, the question of terrorism and radicalization has been inseparable from that of the accommodation of the Muslim minority – a debate structured around the French interpretation of universalist secularism, or laïcité. Laïcité is presented as both a principle of terrorism prevention and an ideal to safeguard. Avoiding communautarisme, the retreat of minority populations into cultural and political segregation, is what is at stake. If we follow this logic, counter-radicalization policies should be one step further into France's assimilationist and resolutely anti-multiculturalist system. Drawing on fieldwork in two suburbs on the outskirts of Paris, Pantin and Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, this article argues however that current practices of everyday anti-terror policing end up enacting precisely what they are trying to avoid, resulting instead in what I define as "policed multiculturalism". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twenty years, prominent theorists of citizenship envisaged cosmopolitan openings, the re-making of national identity, and progressive multicultural change. The paper explores perspectives on civic inclusion in Kymlicka's Multicultural Odysseys, Soysal's Limits of Citizenship, and Benhabib's Another Cosmopolitanism. It explores this work in light of two recent political episodes, the formulation of an "anti-separatism" law in France and "anti-ghetto" policies in Denmark. The paper contrast tendencies that theorists of inclusive citizenship envisage with the denial of associational rights in France and the assertion of racial logics in Denmark. It illustrates blinds spots in prominent accounts of civic inclusion, in particular the reliance on a prescriptive account of minority and post-migrant agency, a disembodied logic of human rights, and limited regard for status differentials on the inside of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an increasingly globalized world, sport has become a promoter of multiculturalism and sports teams can be considered true multinational organizations. In such a world, the concept of cultural intelligence is gaining increasing interest because it explains why individuals may or may not adapt to a new cultural context. Cultural intelligence is a form of intelligence that can be applied even in the field of sports, where huge amounts of money are allocated to expatriate athletes to add value to organizations. Cultural intelligence is a factor that influences the successful adaptation to a new cultural context, but in turn it can be influenced by other factors. Successful adaptation to a new cultural environment can lead to increased self- confidence, team integration and increased market share of athletes. This research is based on the responses of 150 athletes evolving in multicultural teams in France and Romania and analyzes how cultural intelligence influences adaptation to a new cultural context but also how adaptation influences the market share of athletes. Although the sample is represented by athletes, the research results can be useful for all those interested in multicultural management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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When it comes to public policies that recognize and accommodate ethnic, cultural and religious diversity, cities are active and innovative. However, policy adoption can differ greatly from case to case, with different policy processes leading to different types of instruments across local contexts. This paper focuses on two cases from France, a country usually associated with hostility towards recognizing group-based diversity. In Marseille, there has been a decades-long consensus around group-based multiculturalism. The impetus has come from mayors ("policy entrepreneurs") of both the centre-left and the centre-right. In Grenoble, the uninterrupted dominance of a strong left-wing administration has infused diversity policy with more traditional themes, such as anti-discrimination, universalist participation and civil-society support in the city's stigmatized southern neighbourhoods. The study demonstrates that local-level diversity policy may feature a mix of multicultural, intercultural and universalist elements, and that tracing local policy processes can explain puzzling policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the transformation of the Louvre from royal atelier to Republican museum in 1793, French museums have played an important role in reinforcing ideas about the place of France in the world, and defining its relationship with its others. However, many Paris museums struggle to represent, confront or express the full complexity of France's colonial past, its multicultural population and its place on the world stage in a postcolonial era of immigration and globalization. This article explores how Parisian "ethnological" museums, from the Palais de la Porte Dorée to the Musée du Quai Branly, struggle to represent these truths. It then focuses in on the Musée de l'Institut du monde arabe, and how this museum mostly fails to portray the interlaced and even inseparable histories of the Arabophone and Francophone worlds. Instead, the museum's representation of the "Arab World" favours a discourse of cultural separatism which is at odds with the multicultural reality of the contemporary French population, and ignores the linguistic and cultural ecologies of the many former French colonies across North Africa that comprise a large proportion of the "Arab World" itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in the mid-2000s, a number of documentaries about Chinese migration to Italy have been produced both by professional directors and by amateurs, all with no Chinese background, that are mainly aimed at revealing the hidden 'reality' of the Chinese immigration population on one hand and, on the other hand, at discarding some of the wide spread prejudices about this group. I selected five of the professionally shot documentaries in order to analyse how they portray the Chinese migrant presence in Italy. While all of these documentaries make an important effort to present Chinese migration to Italy as a positive phenomenon, Orientalism as well as elements of cultural essentialism can still persist. My analysis focuses on the points of view that different directors adopt in depicting Chinese life in Italy, stressing if, where, and how their narratives emphasize cultural distance, otherness and essentialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Laïcité has assumed centre stage in much of the public debate in France over a little more than a decade. As it retraces the main legal developments that this heightened debate has triggered, the present article underlines the radical transformation the French constitutional principle has undergone. It insists that the principle has assumed a meaning that radically contrasts with its Republican articulation in the law of 1905: it now applies to private individuals (and no longer commands only public authorities), has come to being equated with a commandment of religious neutrality (whereas it did not for most of the twentieth century) and is mainly applied to (if not targeted at) Muslim women. For all these reasons, it is argued that French laïcité can no longer be coined 'liberal'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Language Problems & Language Planning is the property of John Benjamins Publishing Co. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Current literature on multiculturalism is often based on the analysis of national legislation and institutions. But to understand the evolution of multiculturalism, we also have to take into account the various public debates over it. In this article, I analyse how the term ‘multiculturalism’ was used in four French national newspapers from 1995 to 2013. I use critical discourse analysis, which, through the study of vocabulary and the discursive process, allows us to chart the underlying ideologies of the texts. This research modifies the widespread perception that France is an ‘assimilationist’ country. In fact, the philosophical principles of recognition and non-discrimination have grown widespread in intellectual circles: the term ‘multiculturalism’ is used in largely positive fashion in three of the four national newspapers analysed. Criticism of ‘multiculturalism’ must be interpreted as apprehension over the potential consequences of the demographic evolution triggered by post-colonial immigration. The theme of multiculturalism is increasingly present in public debates in France, and has become an entrenched element of the left–right ideological divide. The ideological stances of all the newspapers remained constant over time: we see a sharp dichotomy between two opposing philosophies that reflect different visions of the individual and the larger community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyzes the citizenship courses and exams recently introduced in Europe. Does the manner in which each country understands nationhood and citizenship determine the content of these programmes or are there similarities, regardless of the country's conception of nationhood? How can we explain these similarities and differences? Do these programmes reflect an idea of belonging based on a commitment to civic values that are inclusionary and universalist rather than on shared cultural traditions that are exclusionary and particularist? Or are there tensions between the normative proposal of liberal universalism and its realization in certain policies of integration?. To answer these questions, I propose an analytical framework that enables a normative evaluation of civic integration programmes in France and Germany. I, thus, carry out an in-depth analysis of the programmes, in order to explain their similarities and differences, both from a theoretical perspective and in relation to the political life in each country. Although these countries represent divergent conceptions of nationhood and citizenship, the analysis of their respective programmes reveals many similarities. However, in spite of what one might expect, both bring to light certain paradoxes regarding the liberal and universalist ideal that inspires them, which expose the possible exclusionary consequences of this type of measure, which are hard to reconcile with the liberal democratic values they are trying to protect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how sports in France have responded to the challenges of globalization, and also to the opportunities of an increasingly multicultural society. Two case studies are offered in which a distinctive national model may be seen to have been exposed to powerful transnational forces between 1985 and 2015, a period which also corresponds to sport's digital age. The sports primarily targeted are football and athletics, the most visibly international of modern games, as highlighted by their quadrennial showcases: the World Cup and the Olympic Games. The resulting case studies are intended to suggest some of the ways in which the state, the media and the relevant federations have responded to the multiple challenges of the corporate-financed and electronically mediated 'global sporting system'. Featured athletes include Zinedine Zidane, Lilian Thuram, Marie-José Pérec and Mahiedine Mekhissi-Benabbad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion in general, and Islam in particular, has become one of the main focal points of policy-making and constitutional politics in many Western liberal states. This article proposes to examine the legal and political dynamics behind new regulations targeting individual religious practices of Muslims. Although one could presuppose that church–state relations or the understanding of secularism is the main factor accounting for either accommodation or prohibition of Muslim religious practices, I make the case that the policy frame used to conceptualize the integration of immigrants in each national context is a more significant influence on how a liberal state approaches the legal regulation of individual practices such as veiling. However, this influence must be assessed carefully since it may have different effects on the different institutional actors in charge of regulating religion, such as the Courts and the legislature. To assess these hypotheses I compare two countries, France and Canada, which are solid examples of two contrasting national policy frames for the integration of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the formulation of policy frames towards new minorities in France by analysing Lyon's membership of the European Commission's and Council of Europe's Intercultural Cities programme (ICP). Here, with culture accounting for 20% of Lyon's budget, emphasis is placed on the adoption of the Charte de Coopération Culturelle to use cultural institutions to implement difference-orientated policies. Critically, important issues emerge with this strategy. The effort to engage new minorities is hampered by significant apathy from cultural institutions in Lyon, and the limited geographical area of Lyon included in the ICP. Finally, institutions who engage with promoting interculturality co-opt existing organizations, with negative implications for the treatment of diversity in the city. This illustrates the problems with a European framework fostering a policy frame based on recognition for minorities in a context that has yet to fully embrace such policies at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will address the broad issue of the role of dress as a means and an indicator of cross-cultural encounters in a colonial context through the example of metropolitan France and colonial Algeria (1830–1930). It will assess the links between imperial power relations and cross-cultural dressing. The example of colonial Algeria is particularly relevant for a study of the inner motivations, expectations and tensions at stake in sartorial Orientalism as it was then home to three communities with very different cultures and dressing patterns: French settlers, Algerian Muslims and Algerian Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an interview with Édouard Philippe, Mayor of the city of Havre, Lyon. Topics mentioned include the development of several different libraries in the city in 2014, the cultural diversity of Le Havre, and Philippe's work promoting reading and the development of the access to culture.

Copyright of Bulletin des bibliothèques de France is the property of ENSSIB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

The question of whether to accept the data collection of racial and ethnic statistics is part of a debate in France that has been going on for 20 years, as French census does not include racial or ethnic categories. Over the years, there have been several attempts—mostly unsuccessful—by scholars, nongovernmental organizations, and also elected officials, to argue in favor of the inclusion of “ethnic statistics,” as it has come to be called in France. Through the examination of the structure of the census and other state-sanctioned enumeration processes in France, this article explores the relationship between France’s color-blind discourse with regard to racial categorization and the material conditions of racial inequality. This article offers an alternative to previous explanations as to why France refuses to include race and ethnicity in its census. I argue that the so-called colorblindness of the French census can be best analyzed through the lens of Bonilla-Silva’s concept of color-blind racism and Feagin’s concept of white racial frame. This article claims that the principles of universalism and national identity in the French Republican order, constructed in opposition to multiculturalism and differentialism, serve as the dominant white racial frames that deny the reality of social relations based on race and support a color-blind racism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Bulletin des bibliothèques de France is the property of ENSSIB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last few years, humour has provided many Muslims with a means of seeking to establish a positive sense of self-identity, as well as a means of challenging misconceptions and fears of Islam in a wide variety of countries on both sides of the Atlantic. This article brings together two interviews with performers who use comedy to engage with perceptions of Islam and (re-)present Muslims in a generally non-threatening and everyday context. It compares and contrasts atrio of American stand-up comedians who tour under the name 'Allah Made Me Funny' and the two French performers who created 'À part ça tout va bien'/'Apart from that everything's fine', a humorous web series in France. The interviews provide an insight into processes of identity negotiation and (re)presentation by performers based in countries with very differing approaches to multiculturalism and diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politix is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the ways by which one sub-category of road cinema in France, the return road movie, opens the door to a reading of contemporary identity as a concept of the geographic boundaries of the country. It provides a detailed understanding on how these films use mobility to demonstrate that it is conceivable to be French and retain a connection to another identity. It also identifies 20 films that make up the return road movie corpus.

Purpose – This article aims to propose a both theoretical and operational definition of the notion of propensity to discriminate (PTD), as a diagnostic indicator for diversity management. Design/methodology/approach – This model is tested using a few criteria, including origin, race and religion with employees of French organisations which promote professional integration (n=103). Findings – The results show the general nature of the process and lead to prospects for the use of PTD for diversity management. Originality/value – This indicator is concerned with the "dark side" of diversity, as it focuses on the triggering factors of discriminating (vs non-discriminating) behaviours in work situations where the risk of discriminating against others is high. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like other European democracies, France appears to be moving towards a ‘new politics’. Cultural issues such as immigration and multiculturalism are now said to be more influential on voting behaviour than socioeconomic issues. In this paper we question the impact of values on the French presidential elections since 1988 and show that: (1) both new and old politics are playing a role; (2) this two-axis politics is the result of a transition period begun in 1995 and accomplished in 2007; and (3) it has changed dramatically the way parties (including the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire and the Socialist Party) and voters interact with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

France is usually conceived of as an assimilationist country, where national identity is based on principled colour-blind values. The emergence of values running counter to the dominant French model during the 1980s and 1990s has therefore led to the formation of two dominant positions in the literature: advocates of the path-dependent nature of models have refused to acknowledge the existence of structural and durable dissonances with this formal colour blindness à la française, while the epigones of Gunnar Myrdal have only seen a contradiction between formal colour-blind principles and the actual treatment of minority groups in France, described in terms of a ‘French dilemma’. Both positions are unsatisfying insofar as they fail properly to articulate the co-existence of, on the one hand, principles of colour blindness that have saturated public discourses in France over the last 30 years and, on the other, the no less omnipresent framing of French citizens with postcolonial immigrant origins in public and political discourses in racial and ethnic terms. To overcome this difficulty, Bertossi suggests we look at the mutually supportive relationship between colour blindness and the culturalization of French citizenship, and examine how the performative effects of the French colour-blind model have produced a framing of membership and identities in ethnic and racial terms in contemporary France. This analysis focuses on two different settings in which these effects can be observed: first, the official narrative on French citizenship, as provided by a series of public reports on immigrant integration published over the last three decades; second, the negotiations on ethnic and racial diversity in the French military after the end of conscription in the late 1990s and early 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The integration of minorities in France, particularly those with roots in North Africa, has been of national concern since the 1980s and remains so today. Official and public discussions about minorities, and social relations with them, are saturated with mutual distrust and misunderstandings. Despite structural and social impediments, these minorities are encouraged to integrate into the national mainstream and to avoid communitarian and community-building practices that might be interpreted as a rejection of the nation. Minority cultural associations are among the focal points of these negotiations, being places where communities can both strengthen internal bonds and create zones of intercultural contact, mutual education, and debate. In the following I analyse the activities undertaken by North African and Pied-Noir cultural associations in France as examples of boundary maintenance (Barth, F., 1969. Introduction. In: F. Barth, ed. Ethnic groups and boundaries: the social organization of culture difference. Prospect Heights: Waveland Press, 9–38). I argue that community building activities within associations are a necessary component in their ability to organise outreach activities designed to create dialogue and improve inter-communal relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There has recently been extensive debate on the relation between multiculturalism and orientalism. Yet the question which elides this is how orientalist visions of political subjectivity find themselves articulated through multiculturalism. To address this question, this article explains whether liberal-pluralist multiculturalism poses a challenge to political orientalism. Historically, Edmund Burke's writings on the French Revolution and speeches on India illustrate the emergence of the orientalised political subject. The traces of this in the present can be seen through the relationship between British multiculturalism and the undocumented migrant. By identifying the traces of the orientalised political subject within multiculturalist practice, this article reveals unsettling connections between multiculturalism, orientalism and political subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including republican and multicultural models in France and Netherlands respectively.

This study proposes a model and examines the relationships between a personality trait (openness), multicultural behavior, and cultural intelligence and their impact on the likelihood of an individual accepting ajob in a country with a very different culture. The proposed model is tested using 279 university business students in France and the United States. This is the first study to examine the role of multicultural behavior and the likelihood of job acceptance. The results suggest that while a significant variance in the likelihood ofjob acceptance was explained by the afore-mentioned variables, the relationships of the variables differed between the two countries with multicultural behavior having a significant impact in both countries and cultural intelligence being significant only in the United States. In addition, personality tended to play a more central role in France than in the U.S. The results also found mean scores to be higher in France than in the U.S. in all variables except the personality factor of openness to experience. Results are discussed as well as limitations and suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]