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As Brexit removes the Nordic countries’ most powerful ally from the EU, what does this imply for their approach to European affairs? The literature on small states within the EU suggests that they can counterbalance limited bargaining capacities by entering two types of alliances: strategic partnerships with bigger member states and institutionalised cooperation on a regional basis. Against this backdrop we ask whether, by significantly raising the costs of non-cooperation for Nordic governments, the Brexit referendum has triggered a revival of Nordic political cooperation. We scrutinise this conjecture by analysing Nordic strategies of coalition-building on EU financial and budgetary policy, specifically looking at attempts to reform Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union and proposals to strengthen the EU’s fiscal powers. We find that Nordic governments have successfully collaborated on these issues in the context of new alliances such as the 'New Hanseatic League' or the 'Frugal Four.' Yet, their coalition-building strategies rely on relatively loose and issue-specific alliances rather than an institutionalisation of Nordic political cooperation, implying that this revival of Nordic political cooperation hardly involves the institutions of 'official' Nordic cooperation. We argue that this reflects lasting differences among the Nordics’ approach to the EU as well as electorates’ scepticism about supranational institution-building, implying that ‘reluctant Europeans’ are often also 'reluctant Scandinavians.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1997 Northedge Essay aims to demonstrate that the coexistence of intergovernmental structures and integrative processes was a constitutive part of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) experience, which the traditional neofunctionalist-realist debate on European integration has overlooked. The first section outlines the original debate between the two leading proponents of neofunctionalism and realism, Ernst Haas and Stanley Hoffmann, respectively, demonstrating the consequences of this debate for the study of European integration and EPC. The second section describes the institutional framework and working practices of the EPC. It concludes that the complex nature of EPC fits uneasily within existing integration theory. The third section then proposes a modified version of Haas' original theory of integration—focusing on the sub-processes of socialisation, cooperation, and formalisation—which allows for a theoretical conceptualisation of intergovernmental integration. Finally, the article presents empirical evidence from the EPC experience for the processes accentuated by the modified theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amidst all the academic and media discussion in recent years of the causes and consequences of the rise in support for Radical Right parties (RRPs) in Europe, a related, but equally significant development, has generated less debate; namely the rise and fall in the European Parliament in 2007 of the trans-national Radical Right political group, Identity, Tradition and Sovereignty (ITS). Drawing on interviews with and a qualitative survey of former ITS members, as well as EP archival evidence, the paper begins by discussing why the notion of trans-national cooperation for Radical-Right political parties has proved difficult, and thus far has been doomed to failure, before analyzing the internal and external dynamics behind the rise and fall of the ITS group. Finally, the paper focuses on current collaboration among Radical Right parties post the June 2009 European elections and on the chances of a new trans-national far-right group emerging in the current parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the European Communities’ efforts against terrorism in the 1970s. It argues that in spite of the high ambitions to improve European legal integration, the attempts to develop an antiterrorism agreement were quite obviously a failure. Although the Dublin Agreement was adopted in 1979 after cumbersome and lengthy negotiations, it fell short of showing the member states’ unity and resolve to fight terrorism, and it never entered into force. The tedious negotiations drained the member states’ energy and willingness to such an extent that no other steps toward judicial integration or antiterrorism treaties were taken. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Based on analysis of characteristics of cultural-political cooperation forms in the EU, cultural policy aims and institutional activity improvement, the article reveals the specifics of culture management improvement and possibilities to implement the principles of the EU culture policy. The main attention is given to the analysis of improvement of EU cultural policy administration in the context of global changes. Goals of organizations, which implement the EU culture policy, institutions, the impact of programmes and projects on the implementation of the policy and improvement of management are discussed in the article as well. Acknowledging that by supporting culture both in Europe and in the world the EU plays a very important role, the authors state that culture must be understood as a necessary factor helping to implement the strategic goals of this international organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In times of 'polycrisis', numerous challenges threaten unity and cohesion on the European continent. European identities can play an important part in navigating these challenges and fostering solidarity. One key to understanding European identities is analysing the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion, as constructions of belonging form an essential component of individual and collective identities. Football fandom, a popular and highly Europeanised cultural phenomenon, has the potential to shape constructions of belonging to Europe. Given the diverse participation in European football, we posit that the identities of football fans are more inclusive than those of non-fans. Our analysis indicates that football fans are more likely to count countries outside of what is commonly associated with Europe as European. This points to a distinct effect of cultural integration through football and underscores the role football plays in fostering a sense of unity and shared identity across the continent. The findings highlight the importance of leveraging cultural avenues to strengthen European cohesion and unity in times of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the launch of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, scholarship has not yet addressed the role of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) in this context. This paper asks: What is the political role of the EHEA as an institution and the instrumentalisation of its higher education (HE) cooperation initiatives in the context of the invasion? To investigate this, the paper thematically analyses interviews with representatives from key HE stakeholders in three EHEA members -- Germany, France and Italy, as well as key recent international communications related to the EHEA's response to the war. The thematic analysis revealed two overarching themes leading us to consider that: (1) the EHEA has been regaining its lost significance through shaping and disseminating its response as an institution to the invasion of Ukraine; and (2) HE cooperation in the EHEA in the context of this war has been acquiring a new meaning. These themes lead us to conclude that the war has prompted the EHEA to re-establish its purpose, following the ebbing interest in standardising HE structures. Most importantly, the EHEA has begun to emerge as a platform for political cooperation beyond HE for the promotion of peace in the European region.

In every democracy, established political parties are challenged by other parties. Established parties react in various ways to other parties’ presence. A key hypothesis in the relevant literature is that established parties can decrease another party’s electoral support by parroting it, i.e. adopting its core policy issue position. This article argues, and demonstrates empirically, that this hypothesised effect mainly occurs in the event that a critical prerequisite is in place. Parroting a party decreases its support only if that party is ostracised at the same time. The article classifies a party as ostracised if its largest established competitor systematically rules out all political cooperation with it. Analysing 296 election results of 28 West European parties (1944–2011), evidence is found for a parrot effect – however, concerning ostracised parties only. On several occasions established parties have substantially decreased another party’s support by simultaneously parroting that party and ostracising it. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the development of the European Community and offers predictions for its success. It discusses the relationship between liberal economics and the European integration. It examines the political cooperation and power politics between European countries in the European Community. It also talks about the monetary and trade protection policies of the organization. It also suggests that the equilibrium of European integration is unstable and that foreign, political, and economic issues will play a role in developing the European Community.

Examines the economic relations between Europe and Arab countries. Origins and development of Euro-Arab dialogue; Political sensitivity to U.S.; Focus of political cooperation.

Information is provided for the 2015 conference "Europeanization of Foreign Policies. International Socialization in Intergovernmental Policy Fields and the Example of the EPC/CSFP (European Political Cooperation/Common Foreign and Security Policy)," part of the DFG-Project (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft) "To speak with one voice? Europeanization in Intergovernmental Policy Areas: The example of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) 1970-1981," held at Hamburg University. Topics include the 1974-75 Cyprus crisis, German foreign policy toward the Middle East, and the the "Europeanization" of National Radio.

The Euro-Arab Dialogue (EAD) was established by the European Economic Community in 1974 as a way of improving bilateral relations between Europe and the Arab world in the wake of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli War and the subsequent global energy crisis. This article examines the success of the EAD in its first three years in existence (between 1974 and 1977). It begins with an analysis of the literature on the framework in these years. Much of this material argues that the EAD was a success in achieving its goal of improving relations with the Arab world as well as evidence of the success of the recently established European Political Cooperation (EPC) framework in general. This article challenges this view and instead argues that the EAD, even in its early years, was not a success due to three factors: the first was the failure of the EEC to keep the EAD focused on economic issues and to prevent the politicization of the framework; the second was the Community's inability to come to grips with the deep internal divisions over both the mandate and goals of the EAD; and the third was American hostility towards the EAD from the time of its birth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract Cross-border commuting is a growing phenomenon both in metropolitan and peripheral areas. Its increase is mostly guaranteed by private vehicles, which cause several negative externalities. Among the European macro-areas of cross-border commuting, Central Europe is characterized by relevant flows, which are originated by EU-13 countries and are headed to EU-15 ones. This article first investigates the specificities of transboundary commuting in Central Europe. Thereafter, it analyzes its transport challenges and best practices. Central European specificities are detected through socio-economic, territorial and transport related indicators, which are compared with other commuting areas. A best practice analysis is performed for four thematic fields: connectivity, multimodality, info-mobility tariffs/ticketing, political cooperation. The followed process highlights the rural character of Central European bordering regions, as well as the necessity to address their cross-border challenges by integrating different mobility aspects. In this way, a proper improvement of the quality of cross-border public transport may be an occasion to enforce minor relationships across borders. Further, it may grant a balance with the numerous policies focused on the development of the main centers and corridors. Highlights • Analysis of cross-border daily commuting in Europe • Central Europe shows peculiar features influencing its transboundary commuting • Differences and similarities between western and eastern parts of Central Europe • Analysis of connectivity, multimodality, tariff integration and info-mobility • A possible solution for transport issues via transregional cooperation through EGTC [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How effective is EU cooperation in higher education? This article treats the issue as one of effectiveness in policy-making. What are the policy ideas which the EU wishes to feed into a policy domain where it has to operate largely through political cooperation and a modest degree of incentive funding? What outcomes are possible? The question is of interest since Europe has two processes which aim for a better regional integration of higher education in order to boost the quality of European higher education and to make a global impact. These are the world- famous Bologna Process and the EU process to drive Europe's universities to make better use of their interlinked roles of education, research and innovation, part of a larger strategy (EU 2020, Lisbon) for European Union growth to support employment, productivity and social cohesion. Building on the theoretical insights of an institutionalist literature concerned with the dynamics of European policy-making in the knowledge domain (Maassen & Olsen, 2007; Gornitzka, 2006, 2010) and complementary theories of historical institutionalism (Pierson, 2003, Thelen, 2003) and agenda setting (Kingdon, 1995), this article examines policy-making on higher education cooperation in the European arena since the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992. It seeks answers to two questions. Why did the Bologna Process dominate the agenda from 1999 to 2004? How did the European Commission acquire the power to shape the issue of European higher education cooperation? Rejecting simple spillover explanations, it theorises in terms of policy entrepreneurship why the EU has latterly been effective in shaping European cooperation in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the developments on the common achievement in democracy and human rights in the Council of Europe in 2009. It reveals the 60 years of the international organization that was founded for political cooperation in Europe following the horrors of World War II. It notes that the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has celebrated 50th anniversary in 2009 while the signing of the European convention will celebrate its 60th anniversary in 2010.

The article describes the evolution of the "ecological border" concept in Europe in general and in the European Community/Union in particular. After the Second World War the environmental pollution, caused chiefly by chemical plants, determined important changes in the perception of this concept. In this context the European Economic Community demonstrated a special experience of political cooperation in the environmental field. It represented a new perspective of ecological border. Another important step was the East-West re-unification, following the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union (EU). This article also describes the EU international role and the construction of a global political cooperation such as the last "ideal" ecological border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an impact assessment of the current European higher education reform (Bologna process) in the context of German educational federalism. The goal is to come to grips with the puzzling observation that the reforms have had a large impact, even though the joint decision-making trap of German educational federalism has continuously impeded structural changes in previous decades. It suggests that the reason why the Bologna process has been so influential is its openness, ambiguity, and the complete absence of binding commitments. These characteristics of soft governance dovetail with the strategy of the central government and the federal states to protect their political autonomy against potential threats resulting from inter- and transnational political cooperation as well as the national reform of the constitutional principles of federalism at home. However, drawing on empirical examples of policy fragmentation, understood as the co-existence of partly incompatible reform islands, illustrates the costs of soft governance in the national implementation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parties willing to engage in cross-ethnic political cooperation are essential for the stability and democracy of ethnically divided post-conflict states. The investigation of voting in Macedonia and Bosnia, which are similarly small, impoverished, ethnically fragmented and threatened states that arose out of Yugoslavia, helps uncover factors that encourage voters to support parties willing to engage in cooperative multiethnic governance. Analysis of survey data suggests that supporters of the non-nationalist challengers in the first post-violence elections expressed both strong positive associations with the past communist system and clear negative assessments of the governing record of the incumbent nationalists, sentiments that were stronger among Macedonians than among Bosniaks. Data, however, call into question popular contentions that voters' support for non-nationalists is rooted in their social tolerance or engagement in civil society. The finding that Macedonian support for non-nationalist parties is partly due to negative voting combines with difficult domestic social and economic conditions, unfriendly neighbours and uncertain regional integration processes to suggest continuing challenges for Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) has become a contentious subject in transatlantic security relations. This essay identifies the ambiguities that have occurred in the policymaking on both sides of the Atlantic that appear to have generated a basic lack of confidence and trust in the other side's good intentions and commitment to cooperation. It does so by sketching three historical time periods—1981–1986, 1988–1996, and 1998–2004—that convey the recurrent patterns and outcomes in the ESDP dispute. These three cases cover the periods (1) from the London Report on European Political Cooperation to the Single European Act and the Western European Union Security Platform, (2) the Maastricht Negotiations on a Common Foreign and Security Policy, and (3) the evolution of ESDP from St. Malo to Brussels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of Europeanization on ethnoregionalist parties in Europe. In contrast to other European party families, traditionally this family has been characterized by the lack of ideological affinity and major differences in two dimensions - demands for political autonomy and traditional ideological orientations - that in the past jeopardized collective action and political cooperation. We argue that the process of Europeanization allowed the very constitution of a European party family from scratch. The article singles out the effects of Europeanization: the creation of a new structure of political opportunities for nationalist parties, changes in party behaviour at the European level, the definition of a new European internationalism and a common political European agenda based on the principle of the lowest common denominator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the complexities of economic policies and their impact on global trade, regulatory frameworks, and technological advancements in various industries. Topics discussed include the challenges of navigating international trade disputes, evolving regulatory landscapes affecting market dynamics, and the transformative role of technology in enhancing operational efficiencies and competitive strategies across sectors.

Using new evidence from Czech, German, Hungarian, Polish, and Romanian archives, a reconstruction of Eastern European diplomacy at the end of the Cold War shows that it was not just the superpowers that shaped events during this pivotal period: the non-Soviet members of the Warsaw Pact also had agency. From 1989 to 1991, these states recognized that the world was changing and that their relationship with the Soviet Union, codified in the Warsaw Pact politico-military alliance, would impede their success in the post–Cold War world. Eastern European policymakers resolved to destroy the Warsaw Pact that bound them to the Soviet Union, and they decided to align with Western Europe. They also sought to exclude the Soviet Union from the European security architecture, including the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. They sought security and wanted to hedge against a hard-line takeover in the Soviet Union; but their primary aim was to reap the West's economic benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on foreign policy principles in the European Political Cooperation on human rights. Abandonment of Westphalian norms and respect for human rights; Submission of joint demarches; Adoption of common positions in international organizations.

This article examines the economic and political relationship between the European Community (EC) and the Republic of South Africa (RSA). From the economic perspective, the Community's objective of securing economic independence for the region, trends in EC-RSA trade and the arguments pertaining to mineral dependency are discussed. From the political perspective. Community statements on apartheid are compared with its foreign policy record. In particular, the Code of Conduct for European firms operating in the Republic is analysed within the framework of European Political Cooperation (EPC). The achievements, failures, future role and alternatives to the Code are considered and the limitations imposed by EPC in realizing a collective foreign policy are recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on peace organizations of neutral countries and the European Community (EC). In 1970, the European Political Cooperation (EPC) started as an inter-governmental arrangement between member-states with the aim of coordinating foreign policy based on consensus decision-making. One of the Single European Act's objectives is to address a need for the completion of the internal market to adopt also a common industrial policy. The position of major neutrals, until 1985, as compared with the EC was tolerable or in the case of Sweden and Finland comfortable. However, several factors contributed to the reassessment of their situation including the EC enlargement. There is a negative perception of the EC among the peace organizations of neutral countries.

This study traces the history of the European Parliament's efforts to deal with international terrorism from 1975 through 1988. It also examines the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism, efforts at intergovernmental cooperation (the Dublin Agreement, TREVI, the European Political Cooperation), anti-terrorist legislation, and extradition. It is argued that the establishment of a European judicial area is essential in a unified Europe, so as to overcome the legal and procedural barriers that exist between nations. The political and legal spheres must develop in parallel, necessitating a harmonization of legislation and increased coordination of the judiciary and of security forces. The essay concludes that creating a European Court would resolve the dilemma of countries refusing either to extradite or try a suspect. In such cases, the suspect would be tried before the European court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the links between the British and Scandinavian Conservative parties in Europe between the late-1940s and the late-1970s. Its findings show that these parties were closer to each other than has been assumed. The British and Scandinavian Conservative parties built up significant relationships with each other at the organisational level throughout the 1950s, which led to transfers of political knowledge and information mostly from Britain to Scandinavia. From the 1960s the circulation of knowledge started to flow in both directions, but it was strongest in the Swedish case. The British Conservative Party then bridged the gap between the Scandinavian Conservative parties and the West German CDU/ CSU and the Austrian ÖVP in Europe, helping to cement the parties into a new centre-right international known as European Democrat Union. This gave the British and Scandinavian Conservative parties more contacts abroad and reinforced the view that British Conservatism was not an ideological outlier in Europe. But the history of inter-party cooperation shows that the British and Scandinavian Conservatives were mostly at odds with the greater integrationist and federalist ambitions of Christian democrats. Therefore, the article offers us another way of explaining the persistence of Euroscepticism in the British Conservative Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Artl@s Bulletin is the property of Purdue University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on economic geography concepts, this article proposes an original analytical framework to understand co-operation between countries in the Maintenance in Operational Condition (MOC) of defence equipment in Europe. European countries are facing problems of MOC cost growth under strong budgetary and usage constraints. A possible solution is to share costs to benefit from economies of scale. However, as the number of participating countries increases, the "distances" (geographical, normative, political) multiply and generate new costs. These costs are likely to weigh on the choices made by countries and therefore constitute a brake on pooling and sharing initiatives. This article proposes to understand the mutualisation of MOC in Europe through a set of centripetal forces (all the advantages offered by mutualisation) and centrifugal forces (all the costs generated by mutualisation). Such a reading grid makes it possible to consider the multidimensional trade-offs underlying the organisation of MOC in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explain the role of identity politics in defining the national elite's perceptions of the European Union and their foreign policy choices. It is argued that when analyzing foreign policy choices of the national elite, not only the interests and preferences but also the identity questions must be taken into account. In any national context, ideas, identities, and perceptions of self and the EU are expected to impact on the subsequent policy choices about Europe. This article seeks to explain this impact by applying a combination of the fusion approach and social constructivist approach on Norwegian policy-makers. Although not a member of the EU, Norway established a good level of economic integration and political cooperation with the EU through the European Economic Area Agreement. This article seeks to analyse this relationship empirically using Justice and Home Affairs Policy as a case study area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast majority of cultural networks in Europe have as core values humanism, interculturalism (intercultural sensitivity), human rights - especially a right to culture - the ethics of cultural operators (artists, administrators and managers), professionalism, with greater emphasis on education aiming at permanent specialty. It is believed that networks should work outside the field of conventions and international political cooperation, because they are emanations of the spirit of civil society and the necessary impetus for its development. In their work so far, networks have helped to identify many problems in the cultural life of Europe, the gaps in cultural policy, professional work within culture, especially in international collaboration. In terms of cultural management, it appears that the networks contributed to the recognition of professional manager both nationally and internationally, especially pointing out the importance of lifelong learning of the manager in various trades in which the profession can occur (network manager, mediator, sponsorship agents, etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to demonstrate how the project of the 'European Union' evolved both in the interwar period and in the years following the Second World War, focusing on promoters of the idea of federal Europe who attempted to find the best ways for building a suitable European Community development. The establishment of three European Communities in the 50`s, although they were mainly orientated economically also involved political cooperation, thus contributing to a new federal vision. Evolution of the European Communities has been marked by the widening of their accession of new members and by the review of the institutive treaties in order to speed and flexibly achieve those objectives. Given the constant changing of modern world, the European leaders had to agree on new rules that would take into account political, economic and social changes, while also meeting the aspirations and hopes of the Europeans. Signing the Lisbon Treaty was the recognition that the EU needs to modernize and to have effective and consistent tools, not only adapted to the functioning of a Union extended to 27 countries, but also to the rapid changes of the present day world. The Lisbon Treaty clearly defined objectives and values of the European Union on peace, democracy, human rights, justice, equality, rule of law durability and also set up a stable institutional framework which gives the ability to obtain better results closer to expectations of European citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the USA helped the countries of Western Europe rebuild economically with the Marshall Plan after the Second World War, they demanded that the European governments cooperate super-nationally in the distribution of the funds. Thus the USA contributed towards closer political cooperation. Already in 1940, the American government had engaged in manifold deliberations about the post-War reorganisation of the world in general and Europe in particular. Top-class experts in three study committees appointed by Franklin D. Roosevelt debated whether Europe should be rebuilt as a customs union, a confederation or a federal state. The article investigates what debates the American experts engaged in before they wrote their final report in 1944. Their conclusions were by no means the blueprint for the course the United States actually followed after the War. On the contrary: they surmised that American trade and security interests would be compromised by a united Europe and that consequently the organisation of Europe as nation states would be more advantageous. Only after Harry S. Truman had taken over the Presidency and the expansion drive of the Soviet Union had become conspicuous did the American assessment change. Now, the organisation of a united Europe gained strategic importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The article builds on Ishiyama''s (1998) seminal study of Communist successor parties [Ishiyama, J.T., 1998. Strange bedfellows: explaining political cooperation between communist successor parties and nationalists in Eastern Europe. Nations and Nationalism 4(1), 61–85] by providing the first comparative study of the fate of Communist successor parties in Eurasia and Central-Eastern Europe. The article outlines four paths undertaken by Communist parties in former Communist states: those countries that rapidly transformed Communist parties into center-left parties; countries that were slower at achieving this; countries with imperial legacies; and Eurasian autocracies. The fate of successor Communist parties is discussed within the parameters of previous regime type, political opposition in the Communist era and the nationality question. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The purpose of this article is to contribute to the analysis of the European identity's narrative. Drawing on a range of focus group interviews with Erasmus students, it is aimed to understand how they perceive European identity and the meanings of Europe in these students' representations. In the light of the empirical findings, it is considered that Europe is more an adjective condition than a substantive one on their representative anchorages. The outcomes also point to the ambivalent and ambiguous character of the meanings associated with Europe's project. Besides, the significance they attribute to their exchange experiences does not always have implications in their ideas about a united Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the regional inequalities and the trilemma of the European enlargement. Regional employment and income situation in Central and Eastern Europe; Territorial and non-territorial forms of social inequalities; Economic and labor market inequalities.

This article demonstrates that recent manifestations of religious neutrality in the case-law of Europe's highest courts amount to 'shifting strategies', which prompt systematic and excessive judicial restraint from European supranational courts. It argues that these shifting strategies end up (wrongly) framing the visibility of religion as the problem to be solved. It suggests an alternative approach, under which neutrality would only have a derivative and conditional value, to be established and assessed by European courts. The role of European courts would then no longer be to display (allegedly neutral) judicial restraint but to provide a democratic forum in which equality and liberty interests may be constantly confronted and revisited as new contestations emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research focusing on climate change and cultural heritage informs heritage management and policy. Fatorić and Seekamp assessed this field up to 2015, highlighting the need for periodic reassessment of the field given the observed growth and research that documents how cultural heritage contributes to climate change mitigation and adaptation. Five years on, this systematic review reflects on the state of the art by evaluating 165 publications (2016–2020) about cultural heritage and climate change. We find the field continues to grow, and remains rich in disciplinary and methodological diversity, but predominantly represents research in and about Europe. The number of publications about integrating cultural heritage into adaptation and mitigation are increasing but remain relatively few compared to those about physical impacts on individual buildings or sites. The impact of climate change on intangible heritage has rarely been the sole focus of recent research. Although researchers are increasingly situating their research in a wider context of opportunities and barriers, vague timescales, and unspecific references to changes in the natural environment are additional limitations. This review also identified a lack of international collaboration, highlighting the urgent need for global cooperation and knowledge exchange on climate change and cultural heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the foreign economic relations between the United States and Western Europe. Advances in economic integration and political cooperation; Dimensions of political relationship; Difference between structure and process.

The article examines political factors in Europe that have muted progress toward political union in the European Economic Community (EEC). Topics addressed include disintegration within the EEC's decision-making function, new political goals of European nations, institutional tools for regenerating momentum toward political integration, and a proposed system for electing representatives to the European Parliament.

Focuses on the role of the European Political Cooperation in changing the format of Western European foreign policymaking. Details on the widespread belief on the importance of European Community (EC) to the political force in world affairs; Failure of the EC to produce a defense policy to go with its apparent foreign policy.

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Thirty years after 1989 Europe is once again divided, despite 15 years of integration within the European Union. In contrast to the West's liberal conception of internationally constrained democracy rooted in the protection of individual human rights, Central Europe has developed an illiberal version centred on the popular sovereignty of the nation. I argue that these divergent understandings of democracy and the nation-state are rooted in collective memory. Whereas the West's historical imaginary is based on the traumas of Nazism associated with 1945, Central Europe's is dominated by the legacy of communism symbolically signified by 1989. These differing understandings of past teach strikingly different lessons for the present: one focused on the dangers of nationalism, the other on protecting national self-determination from external interference. The future of the EU depends on its ability create a broader historical narrative that can incorporate both the lessons of 1945 and 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]