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Doctoral education is often lauded as a site of academic socialization and research training for nascent scholars. However, discussions of socialization seldom problematize the dangers of intellectual imperialism and methodological nationalism inherent in doctoral researcher socialization. As such, the traditional socialization practices for doctoral students in the United States (U.S.) must be interrogated and expanded to move towards equitable practices for research, especially for students conducting international research. Using social and spatial positioning as our conceptual framing, we problematize and question current approaches and practices to doctoral researcher training in the U.S. We use the academic hood, which is granted upon successful completion of doctoral studies, as a metaphor to reconsider how to reflect upon and navigate power dynamics and knowledge production within the U.S. academy.

This study demonstrates ways that geopolitics may interfere with the pursuit of global science. In particular, the study sought to understand the impact of the U.S. Department of Justice's China Initiative on the U.S. scientific community, especially among those of Chinese and other Asian descent. Based on a survey of about 2,000 scientists in top U.S. research universities, findings show a consistent pattern of neo-racism, neo-nationalism, and the consequences for future international collaborations and maintaining highly skilled talent. The findings show how neo-racism and neo-nationalism may be sabotaging the efforts of the U.S. to be globally competitive.

Reality television (RT) programming is frequently and rightfully criticized and yet its popularity among adolescent and young adult viewers is also undeniable. In response to the need for media literacy programs to address the pleasures, the problems, and the pedagogy of the genre, we have chosen to take a cross-national, comparative approach and to model a process for teaching through our own research. Three popular reality tv programs were selected from each of our respective nations (China, South Korea, the United States) from one of three subgenres: Dancing, Restaurants, and Travel. We each watched episodes of all nine programs, inventoried their features and took notes. We then compared and contrasted the programs cross-nationally and across genres, and identified four themes: Pedagogy; Individualism and Collectivism; Tradition and Modernity; and Globalism and Nationalism. We found striking differences across nations in our analysis that provide important insights into our respective national cultures. In conclusion, we discuss the implications of our process for teaching about RT.

Integrating twenty-first century competencies into the curriculum has become an important issue for education reform worldwide. This study examines and compares twenty-first century competencies demonstrated in mother tongue curriculum standards in China, the United States and Finland. It identifies key similarities and significant differences among them. It shows that the Finnish Curriculum has a more balanced distribution of twenty-first century competencies. While communication and critical thinking are stressed in all three, critical thinking is prioritised in the American Curriculum. In addition to communication and critical thinking, the Chinese Curriculum emphasises citizenship based on national identity, metacognitive strategies and aesthetics. The American Curriculum focuses on information and ICT literacy, and the Finnish Curriculum highlights personal and social responsibility concerning cultural awareness and citizenship. The significant differences between these three Curricula are related to the countries' tradition of curriculum theories -- the Chinese integrate Western theories and the Confucian tradition, the American follow the Anglo-American curriculum and the Finnish have roots in "Bildung-Didaktik." Curriculum objectives should take into consideration both subject knowledge and skills and the student as a whole person. Additionally, different curriculum traditions should be considered and learned during the curriculum design process.

Since 1990, a large and dynamic global science system has evolved, based on grass roots collaboration, and resting on the resources, infrastructure and personnel housed by national science systems. Euro-American science systems have become intensively networked in a global duopoly; and many other countries have built national science systems, including a group of large- and middle-sized countries that follow semi-autonomous trajectories based on state investment, intensive national network building, and international engagement, without integrating tightly into the global duopoly. The dual global/national approach pursued by these systems, including China, South Korea, Iran and India, is not always fully understood in papers on science. Nevertheless, China is now the number two science country in the world, the largest producer of papers and number one in parts of STEM physical sciences. The paper investigates the remarkable evolution of China's science funding, output, discipline balance, internationalisation strategy and national and global networking. China has combined global activity and the local/national building of science in positive sum manner, on the ground of the nationally nested science system. The paper also discusses limits of the achievement, noting that while China-US relations have been instrumental in building science, a partial decoupling is occurring and the future is unclear.

In predominantly white universities in the United States, international students are frequently exposed to racism, xenophobia, and other forms of exclusion. This ethnographic research examines how students from China's Pearl River Delta negotiate a predominantly white Midwestern university in an era of reenergized racism and nationalism. It reveals the persistence of the ideology of whiteness and culture-based exclusion, which not only racialize foreign students of color, but also engage with this student population to perpetuate white supremacy. It also highlights race as a transnational construct, where China's state ideology of anti-Blackness and Han ethnocentrism powerfully push Chinese students to isolate from Black and Asian American communities.

This paper attempts to compare interactions between social changes and the integration of nationalism and multiculturalism in the context of music education by focusing on the ways in which the governmental politics of mainland China and the United States have managed nationalism and diversity in school music education. This paper also explores the ways in which music education, in response to different sociopolitical contexts, relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and multiculturalism, and discusses some of the challenges facing music education in music classrooms today in these two nations. This paper argues that the interplay of tensions in the current wave of nationalism and multiculturalism seen in both mainland China and the United States show the enduring nature of state ideologies in a dynamic, contentious process of social construction.

Given the critical dynamics between students' national identity and study abroad experiences, this study explores the meanings Chinese international students in the US make of national identity within the context of China's rise on the world stage. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 23 Chinese undergraduate students studying at a US research public university, this study demonstrated how cultural values, patriotic education received in China, and experiences in the US influenced students' understandings of national identity. Students' identities of being Chinese were renegotiated resulting from meaningful intercultural interactions. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that Chinese international students lost their national identity abroad, findings documented a heightened sense of national identity and increased patriotism among Chinese intentional students. The case of Chinese international undergraduate students adds to the existing literature on the impact of study abroad on identity development and extends the use of neo-nationalism in higher education research.

This article reviews the history of international mobility of students from China to other countries over the century and a half from 1870 to the present day. Different motivations, goals, courses, and knowledge are considered, together with how the purposes of individuals have matched national policy. Implications for the future development in a globalized context are briefly considered.

The authors, one from China and one from the United States, present a theoretical framework for understanding the discursive fields of citizenship education as composed, in large part, of the discourses of nationalism, globalization, and cosmopolitanism. The framework is illustrated by examples from citizenship education in China and the United States. Citizenship education in these examples is largely influenced by the discourse of nationalism. The discursive fields are fractured, context-specific, and dynamic. In conclusion, the authors call for awareness of how these discourses operate, and propose that the discourses of globalization and cosmopolitanism merge and strengthen within citizenship education. The effect could be a new citizenship education that is responsive to the current needs of local and global democratic communities.

The "twisted cyber spy" affair began in 2010, when Google was attacked by Chinese cyber-warriors charged with stealing Google's intellectual property, planting viruses in its computers, and hacking the accounts of Chinese human rights activists. In the ensuing international embroglio, the US mainstream press, corporate leaders, and White House deployed what I call the rhetoric of belligerent humanitarianism to try to shame the Chinese while making a case for global free markets, unfettered speech, and emerging democracy. That rhetorical strategy carries heavy baggage, however, as it tends to insult the international community, exalt neo-liberal capitalism, sound paternalistic, and feel missionary. Belligerent humanitarianism sounds prudent, however, when compared to the rhetorical strategy of the US military-industrial complex, which marshals the rhetoric of warhawk hysteria to escalate threats into crises and political questions into armed inevitabilities. To counter these two rhetorical strategies, this essay argues that China's leaders deploy the rhetoric of traumatized nationalism, wherein they merge a biting sense of imperial victimage, Maoist tropes of heroism, and a new-found sense of market mastery to portray the US as a tottering land of hypocrisy and China as the rising hope for a new world order. The "Twisted Cyber Spy" affair therefore offers a case study of US-Chinese communication in an age of globalization. (Contains 34 notes.)

This article provides a critical review of new policies in China, the United States, and the European Union that characterize genomic data as a national strategic resource. Specifically, we review policies that regulate human genomic data for economic, national security, or other strategic purposes rather than ethical or individual rights purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the politics of the U.S.-China blame-game regarding COVID-19's origin, particularly Chinese disinformation narratives attributing the virus's root to the United States. The blame-game is symptomatic of contradictory global imaginaries circulated within distinct geopolitical spaces. This article approaches Chinese disinformation narratives as transnational and intertextual constructs, which involve the practices of (mis)translating and referencing foreign source texts to paradoxically delegitimate the foreign, especially Western, Other; they reinforce what I call self-serving cosmopolitanism, a narcissistic and locally conditioned sense of global consciousness that is oriented towards the consolidation of self-identity and pride. It is my contention that, to combat global disinformation about COVID-19, we should foreground the politics of translation, enhance cross-cultural sensibility, and most importantly, mobilize a kind of counter-politics against the xenophobic nationalism that disinformation narratives often parasitize. Cultural scholars with comparative perspectives are well positioned to take the initiative in revealing the structural issues at play within a global context and in promoting genuine cosmopolitan openness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media renderings of the Olympics continue to offer opportunities for hypernationalism. This study analyzes the same basketball game (U.S. vs. China in men's basketball at the 2008 Summer Olympics) through the lens of 4 different telecasts in the United States, China, Slovenia, and Canada. Results illuminate us/them and collectivist/individualist dichotomies, differing themes of redemption and expectation, and stark contrasts in network style and content in game coverage. Ramifications for theory, fans, and network gatekeepers are postulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the theory developed by the Nordic school of service marketing, the authors devise a model that involves the direct effects of technical (physical good quality) and functional (service quality and servicescape) elements of the service encounter on customers' behavioral intentions. They test the model using service customers in the fast-food and grocery industries in eight countries (Australia, China, Germany, India, Morocco, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United States). Notable differences exist between fast-food and grocery customers in the eight countries. The relative effects of the technical and functional service elements on behavioral intentions also differ significantly across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neoclassical realist theoretical paradigm emphasizes the importance of analyzing the unique complexity of state polity composition to analyze foreign policy behavior. Promotion of sustainable development generates opportunities for enhancing government bargaining leverage in international diplomacy by acquisition of international high-profile leadership roles in supporting global sustainable development in the midst of climate change adaptation. States acquire opportunities to increase their international influence amidst trends in global governance to address these sustainable development challenges. Promoting multilateral treaty framework initiatives and their implementation increases their bargaining leverage. Accelerating national sustainable development reflects awareness globally of economic interdependence. Prior to the Trump administration, the United States and China competed for influence partly by contending for leadership in global initiatives for sustainable development in the post-Cold War era. Indo-Pacific state political responses require the analysis of the nature of these states themselves to adequately comprehend this competition for influence. Nation-states demonstrate significantly different patterns of policy goal behavior than nonnation, multiethnic states. Most Indo-Pacific states are postcolonial, multiethnic states. Atypical Vietnam is much more resistant to Chinese claims in the South China Sea. Vietnam is a nation-state; consequently, it is more likely to perceive challenges and display nationalist behavior patterns. The Philippines have moved to improve relations with China. Relative predisposition toward nationalistic state behavior is a critical factor shaping Indo-Pacific responses to sustainable development challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a psychological profile of the nationalists among Chinese students and the role of the U.S. context in facilitating the students' nationalistic tendency. Topics include the author's emphasis on group diversities, some neglected subcommunities of Chinese students in the U.S. and a background on the upsurge of strong nationalist sentiments among overseas Chinese students in 2008. Also included is the author's argument on the development of Chinese students' pro-China attitude.

This paper attempts to compare interactions between social changes and the integration of nationalism and multiculturalism in the context of music education by focusing on the ways in which the governmental politics of mainland China and the United States have managed nationalism and diversity in school music education. This paper also explores the ways in which music education, in response to different sociopolitical contexts, relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and multiculturalism, and discusses some of the challenges facing music education in music classrooms today in these two nations. This paper argues that the interplay of tensions in the current wave of nationalism and multiculturalism seen in both mainland China and the United States show the enduring nature of state ideologies in a dynamic, contentious process of social construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nationalistic approach dominates the study of Chinese film history due to the concern with ideology and the bias towards the ‘national cinema’ paradigm. This article examines a group of intermediaries between Hollywood and China in the early twentieth century, who were either ignored or treated with open disdain by the late nationalist historians. I focus on two specific types of intermediaries – American film practitioners and Chinese merchants distributing Hollywood films in China – and trace their contributions to the Chinese film industry in the early twentieth century. Drawing on primary materials including English newspapers, trade journals and passport application records, I ascertain the identification of foreign figures in the Asiatic Film Company and stress the contribution of William Henry Lynch (ca.1883–1947), the cinematographer of the company. This article suggests multi-identities of the intermediaries and argues that the intermediaries bridged the relationship between Hollywood and the Chinese film industry and benefited the evolution of the Chinese film industry in various ways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses a debate on American academic freedom and Chinese nationalism that was taken up among scholars on the U.S.-based Asian studies e-mail listserv H-Asia. Topics discussed include teaching and learning in the Internet and multicultural age, the failure of Chinese students to appreciate the nuance of humanities and social sciences and the spirit of academic freedom, and the academic liberty of professors by the virtue of their expertise.

Recent years have witnessed the emergence of a more assertive China. What happened to China's “peaceful rise” and “charm offensive”? What explains the changes in China's foreign policy? According to interviews with Beijing and Shanghai-based analysts, China's assertiveness between 2008 and 2010 can be divided into two waves, each triggered by a different cause. The first wave seems triggered by a sense in Beijing that Washington, DC was more differential to China's interests, and less committed to East Asia. The second wave seems best explained as China's response to what it perceived as a far more assertive and threatening United States. Both waves were amplified by two domestic challenges: Chinese leaders’ hypersensitivity to popular nationalism and poor bureaucratic coordination among an expanding number of foreign policy actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As consumers’ ethnocentric tendencies heighten in intensity when a country is threatened, this cross-cultural comparison study aims to understand how the recent global financial crisis may have influenced the phenomenon of consumer ethnocentrism (CE). This study compares the levels of CE in the U.S. and China and examines patriotism, nationalism, internationalism, and demographic factors as antecedents of CE in order to understand how consumers’ ethnocentric tendencies vary across cultures. Results indicate that American consumers are more ethnocentric than Chinese consumers, while nationalism has the strongest impact on CE in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses writing by Chinese diaspora students who studied in the U.S. in the context of Chinese American identity. Topics include the periodical "The Chinese Students' Monthly" (formerly "The Chinese Students' Bulletin"), patriotism and imperialist sentiment among the students, and critique of racism and colonialism in the serialized novella "Shadow Shapes." Also noted are the distinct themes of writers from Taiwan and Hong Kong following the Chinese Civil War, the Baodiao nationalist movement related to a dispute regarding the Diaoyutai Islands (Senkaku Islands), and writings about Harvard University by Chinese writers.

In spite of rhetorical flourishes concerning world harmony, from US vantages the 2008 Beijing Olympics represented an episode in the ‘clash of civilisations’ between an American-led ‘Occident’ and China's ‘Confucian’ civilisation. The US media and public tend to see the Olympics through Samuel Huntington's combative interpretation of world affairs rather than as a pacific transnational partnership. The Chinese tendency to count medals to guarantee China's triumph indicates that many Chinese shared in that habit. Americans often see globalisation as an opportunity for Americanisation. Seeking through sport the cultural transformation of China and the rest of the world represents an old habit in US culture. From American viewpoints, the inclusion of new action sports in the Olympics has multiplied opportunities for Americanising the globe. In the Olympic debut of BMX cycling, Americans perceived that in spite of Chinese successes in Beijing the Olympics ultimately spurred the extension of US hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The economic successes of the PRC prompted it to claim more actively the formation of the rules of the game in the international arena. China's foreign policy in 2009-2010, especially in Asia, acquired a more vigorous character. This gave the United States that declared about its "return to Asia" a pretext to step up its opposition to the growing influence of China in the region. Such turn of events was fraught with the serious worsening of the outside conditions for the country's development. In view of this, definite corrections have been made to China's foreign policy since the end of 2010, which are supposed to alleviate certain difficulties of mutual adaptation of stronger China and the changing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Chinese nation building in the post-Cold War era from the perspective of foreign policy. It focuses on the role of Japan and the United States as significant 'Others' in Chinese leaders' construction of three major variants of Chinese national identity: as a victim (past), as a developing country (present) and as a great power (future). The article argues that Japan occupies a primary place in the enactment of the past aspect of Chinese identity, while the US plays a major role in its present and, especially, future aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese public's prevailing admiration and respect for the United States was widely observed in the 1980s when reforms first began. However, since the early 1990s significant anti-American sentiments have started to emerge in China. Such a dramatic shift in Chinese people's attitudes toward the U.S. has significant implications for both U.S. domestic politics and foreign policies. Many politicians, journalists, and scholars have identified the increasing reliance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on nationalism for mobilizing political support, as well as its still firm control over the domestic mass media for propaganda campaigns, as critical factors driving this dramatic public opinion shift. Nevertheless, without systematic and appropriate empirical evidence, it is extremely difficult to adjudicate the validity of speculations on why such a change occurred. Taking advantage of a 2005 two-city survey in China with pertinent survey instruments, we (a) explored Chinese urban residents' usage of different media sources, (b) examined the dimensionality of their evaluations of the U.S., and (c) scrutinized the impacts of Chinese urbanites' usage of diversified media sources on their perceptions of the U.S. The findings show that people's attitudes toward U.S. foreign policies can be clearly distinguished from their evaluations of American political institutions and socioeconomic achievements. Most importantly, our analyses also reveal that, embedded as they are in China's partially transformed and partially diversified media environment, Chinese urban residents do not become pro-American (or vice versa) from the usage of alternative media sources beyond the CCP's control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Chinese newspapers respond to opposing demands by audiences and Propaganda Department authorities about news regarding the United States when competition poses pressure on marketized media to make a profit. To examine the tone of news reporting about the U.S., I rely on a computer-aided text analysis of news stories published in the People's Daily and the Beijing Evening News, comparing the years 1999 and 2003 before and after the rise of commercialized newspapers in the Beijing newspaper market. Results show that the emergence of news competitors may exert pressure on less marketized papers to change news content, resulting in an increase of negative news about the United States. Evidence is provided to show that the rise of negative news is unlikely to result from an intended strategy by Propaganda authorities, actions undertaken by the American government, or journalists' own attitudes. [An appendix to this article is featured as an online supplement at the publisher's Web site.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the evolution of heightened Chinese expectations and the resultant spike in national identity in 2010, using a six-dimensional framework: 1) ideological, 2) temporal, 3) sectoral, 4) vertical, 5) horizontal, and 6) intensity. A hybrid ideology rose to the forefront. Forceful historical arguments covered three distinct periods. The triad of economic, cultural, and political identity raised sectoral identity to an unprecedented level. The leadership kept pressing the case for vertical identity in contrast to the West. Above all, it put the spotlight on horizontal identity to draw a sharper contrast with the United States and neighboring states as well. If at the time of the Hu-Obama summit the tone softened somewhat, China continued its risky wager on widening the identity gap. Regardless of whether China's foreign policy is currently assertive, its national identity narrative remains a driving force for divisiveness in the regional and international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2008, Tibet erupted in the biggest challenge to Chinese rule since 1959. While Beijing and Dharamsala engaged in their familiar battle of representations, pundits speculated on the causes of the uprising, ranging from conspiracy theories to informed policy analysis. Applying the framework of the insecurity dilemma, this article argues that Tibetan identity insecurity on account of the post-1989 hard-line Chinese policies was the chief cause of the uprising. Largely peaceful protests and occasionally violent riots in Tibet have been integral to Tibetan efforts to mitigate their societal insecurities provoked by Chinese migration, 'assimilationist' policies and 'cultural imperialism'. However, Tibetan protests and riots heighten Chinese insecurities and harden Beijing's policies both inside Tibet and towards the Dalai Lama. This paper reveals the dynamic cycle of hard-line Chinese policies provoking Tibetan uprisings; the resulting hardening in Chinese policies feeds back into Tibetan insecurities and protests. The 2008 uprising was the most recent cycle in the long-running saga of the Sino-Tibetan insecurity dilemma. The article warns that unless the Tibetans and the Chinese find a way to break out of the insecurity dilemma, Tibet could explode into another frenzy of violence and counter-violence in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that nationalism has become a part of a cosmopolitan Chinese youth identity in overseas locations. The author examines two demonstrations which occurred in March and April of 2008 in which Chinese students and graduates in the U.S. protested against Western media coverage of rioting in Tibet. Chinese nationalism is explored from a generational standpoint. The use of the internet in nationalism is examined. The article also discusses the global surge of Chinese nationalism which occurred in 1999 after the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Serbia.

The article focuses on the involvement of the American institutional initiative in the establishment of the Harvard-Yenching Institute (HYI) in 1924-28, in response to the nationalism of China. She discusses the bureaucratic trail of memorandums and reports from the archives of HYI, which was founded as an independent educational corporation at Harvard University and an office at Yenching University in Peking, China. It explores the initiatives launched by American progressive educators and philanthropists for the academic study of languages, cultures, history and societies of foreign regions, such as Asia. It demonstrates that Chine was not a passive victim, nor a simple responder in the founding of HYI.

Slaughter catalogues the more specific ways in which government networks respond to global problems and could do so even more creatively and effectively in the future. Grant and Barysch hold that the EU will follow the US in using more "antisubsidy" tariffs to keep out Chinese goods that are deemed artificially cheap because of improper state aid. Laffey contends that Chomsky's political writings are a significant resource for thinking about contemporary world politics. Kedourie states that nationalism is a doctrine that pretends to supply a criterion for the determination of the unit of population proper to enjoy a government exclusively its own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author examines the state of international relations between the United States and Asia during 2008. It is noted that despite the fact that the Asia Pacific region underwent significant economic damage as a result of the global financial crisis originating in the United State, relations with the U.S. are not strained. The author notes that this lack of tension in the region is widespread despite concerns that North Korea will develop nuclear weapons and the lack of resolution in difficulties between Taiwan and China.