Search

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Facultad de Ciencias Economicas: Investigacion y Reflexion is the property of Revista Facultad de Ciencias Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Brazilian military has recently executed an unexpected return to politics by engaging more actively in domestic policymaking and implementation both before and during the Bolsonaro government, thus jeopardising democratic consolidation. To help understand this development, we examine why the military openly challenges civilian authority over some issues, while remaining silent on others. Whereas prior work emphasises external factors like civilians' threats to military prerogatives, we argue that contestation of civilian authority stems in no small part from internal military conflict over how to utilise power. The military uses contestation to coordinate prerogatives with civilians and to communicate within the armed forces to increase cohesion. We illustrate this argument with case studies of military contestation surrounding political leadership selection and internal security, using the Army Commander's discourse via Twitter posts and public statements, plus key informant interviews and military publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Garland and the Brazilian Public Safety proposes a critical reflection on David Garland's contribution to the understanding of the field of crime control in Brazil, inquiring about the applicability of his premises and concepts. To this end, the main works and ideas of the British sociologist were studied. Next, the trajectory and peculiarities of the Brazilian public security subsystem (BPSS), since the 1990s, were examined. Finally, the similarities and differences of the Brazilian context in relation to the trends pointed out by Garland were highlighted, as well as the existence of a mix between repressive/punitive and preventive/guarantee ideas and practices in the BPSS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal Public Administration & Social Management / Administração Pública e Gestão Social is the property of Administracao Publica e Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciências Sociais - Brazil is the property of Revista de Ciencias Socias do Universidade Federal do Ceara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Police militarization is prevalent worldwide. Despite growing interest in the consequences of militarization, few studies focus on its causes. Through the case of Brazilian municipal police forces, we explore the connection between partisan ideology and police militarization. Some research shows that leftist administrations in democracies are more likely to emphasize human rights and less likely to militarize the police. However, leftist administrations might militarize police forces more than centrist and right-wing parties to compensate for perceptions of lower competence to deal with security issues, especially when they face high levels of violent crime. Using inverse probability of treatment weights, we show an association between leftist mayors and higher militarization of municipal police forces. Furthermore, in contexts of high homicide rates, mayors of Brazil’s leading leftist party, the Workers' Party, tend to militarize local police more than others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Farol - Revista de Estudos Organizacionais e Sociedade is the property of Farol - Revista de Estudos Organizacionais e Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why are Latin American politicians drawing the armed forces into politics and public security? What consequences does this democratically controlled re‐militarisation have for civil–military relations? With a case study of Brazil, this article introduces the conceptual tool of 'negative convergence': a widespread acceptance of increasing the military's internal roles among political leaders, military elites and society. Drawing upon public opinion surveys, the article analyses the 'demand' for internal military roles. A qualitative analysis of secondary literature and news reports then analyses the 'supply‐side' of negative convergence: political leaders' willingness to increase the armed forces' internal roles and the military's reactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work aims to present the results of a specific study on the advancements, throwbacks and omissions of the Brazilian criminal policy proposed to combat lethal crime. Moreover, its critical examination implies a diagnosis about the legal and political aspects surrounding the national model of public security adopted in recent decades in Brazil. The methodology is based on the qualitative and quantitative analysis of the latest data presented by the Institute of Applied Economic Research and published in the Atlas of Violence 2020. As a result, the research pointed to a significant reduction in homicide rates in the country, but far from the ideal perspective in view of the complexities that distinguish Brazilian society. Therefore, reforms are suggested to the current repressive model of public security, presenting alternative policies of minimal criminal intervention in the preventive control of crime resulting in death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the identification and analysis of proposals presented by municipal public administrators, this paper notes the relationship between digital technologies and general security in Brazil. The government programs prepared by the current mayors of all capitals of the country in the last municipal election (2020), and filed with the Superior Electoral Court, were selected as a research corpus. As the main results of the analysis, we lay out the following: the forecast of the use of digital technologies in public security by 15 of the current 26 mayors of capital cities,the party pulverization and the geographic diversity of these managers, the concealment of potential problems in the application of these technologies. Adopting the notions of surveillance capitalism (Zuboff, 2018/2020) and algorithmic racism (Silva, 2019), we conclusively understand that digital technologies applied to public security must consider the possible ethical, social, political, and cultural implications, especially in a country marked by structural racism, so that, in fighting crime and expanding protection, violence against historically discriminated groups is not perpetuated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Pauta Geral is the property of Revista Pauta Geral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The homicide rates rose sharply in the city of Porto Alegre between the years 2011 and 2016. This situation was compared to the “Barbarian Age” by the local press. However, due to the actions conducted in the public security sector from 2017 onward, the homicide rate went down 19% in the municipality and maintained this reduction throughout 2018 and 2019. Thus, this article aims to present the actions that were taken to fight the high homicide rates in Porto Alegre, mostly by describing Operation Firm Hand (Operação Pulso Firme), which took place in July of 2017. With this in mind, the exploratory study used bibliographic and documental review techniques and took into account scientific articles and media publications from public agencies and from the local press. The article exposes the main actions that were implemented in order to modify the scenario, comparing them with other successful cases in Brazil and internationally, presenting the aspects that had to do with actions focused on repressing criminal factions, thus reducing homicide rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines to what extent the adverse effects of climate change can be considered triggering factors of public insecurity. Against this background, it explores the growing environmental conflicts involving water resources in Brazil, including the Amazon region. In addition to the introduction and conclusion, the paper is structured around three topics. The first one outlines how the concept of public security has evolved to the present state, in which climate change is taken into account. Next, climate change is discussed as a factor that magnifies vulnerabilities, an argument supported by a discussion of historical events. The third topic highlights the main threats, vulnerabilities and conflicts involving water resources in Brazil, taking a scientific view of systemic risks and precaution. Finally, we propose rethinking the concept of public security in Brazil from a perspective of parameters involving regulations, principles and state initiative. The article suggests that the immediate and future effects of climate change do have a profound impact on social systems and on the environment, and may be a triggering factor of public insecurity. If institutions and governments do not address existing effects, and invest in adaptations to meet future scientific forecasts on climate change, social stability and the development of a culture of peace will be less likely in Brazil. A fundamental step in this process is the reformulation of the conventional concept of public security in the Brazilian legislation, in order to expressly incorporate the variable of climate security among its stated objectives. In addition, we point out a set of actions and principles with the potentital to promote not only adaptation and resilience, but also contribute to building peace. In terms of methodology, the study is descriptive, exploratory, legislative, bibliographical and documentary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad is the property of Revista Electronica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito da Cidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Thefts and robberies are common crimes in urban centers. Criminality control is a state responsibility and the complex urban context turns the police tactics into a hard and, frequently, inefficient task. This paper presents a method to identify, characterize and diagnose areas with highest incidence of thefts and robberies. The method has as a goal to increase security perception in citizens and improve police efficiency. The results are presented through density maps, photographic records, field reports and descriptive statistics, producing geo-intelligence results dealing with geographic and temporal dynamics of theft and robbery crimes in three neighborhoods of Manaus city, in Amazonas state, Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to promote visibility of women working in public security along the Parana coast, articulating issues of gender, violence(s), and the health-disease process. The methodology was qualitative, through an ethnographic research which included 50 women (civilians, military policewomen, and prison officers) from municipalities along the Parana coast, between March 2014 and March 2015. Results revealed: 1) the dilemmas that these women are subjected to, facing the seasonal dynamics in the field of public security in the region; 2) exposure to violence (mainly institutional and gender-based) and its impact on these women's health; 3) power relations, marked by corporations' hierarchies and gender asymmetries between men and women in professional settings. In summary, this research highlighted the need to promote visibility of women working in public security institutions, considering the impact of violence and gender inequalities in their personal and professional lives, including the resistance and rearrangements promoted by these women in the institutions in response to their presence in a hegemonic and traditionally male environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two recent and highly ambitious public security initiatives in Brazil have claimed responsibility for dramatic reductions in homicides, while much of the rest of Latin America continues to suffer increasing violence. Boasting such unparalleled successes, the pacifying police units (UPPs) in Rio de Janeiro and the Pacto pela Vida (Pact for Life) in Pernambuco have been lauded as promising exportable models of public security for other violence-ridden cities across the continent. The two initiatives represent very different approaches to policing, however, which compels us to ask why they seem to be similarly successful, and if they would be effective if implemented elsewhere. Part of the reason for their success, I argue, is that unlike previous initiatives, the UPPs and the Pacto pela Vida appropriately identify and respond to very different logics of criminal violence. Criminal violence in Rio de Janeiro is driven by imperatives of territorial control, much like in civil war. In response, the UPPs have sought to 'pacify' and control territory as a first step in winning the loyalties of non-criminal residents. In Recife, by contrast, criminal groups rarely control territory, and violence follows a logic more similar to that of an infectious disease. The Pacto pela Vida, correspondingly, intends to identify and treat 'outbreaks'. The success of copying either formula elsewhere will depend on an appropriate identification of local criminal 'systems' and corresponding logics of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the factors behind the paradoxical result of the Brazilian gun-control referendum. It adopts a qualitative approach to explore the dissemination of ideologies surrounding crime, gun control and security. For this purpose, interviews were conducted with activists involved in the referendum's campaign. The results reveal that ideologically driven campaigns in a context of corruption scandals, high levels of violence and fear influenced the result. The neoliberal discourse of individual freedoms played a role, as did the phrasing of the referendum's question, fragile confidence in public institutions and unequal campaign funding and regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines how Brazil's latest public security initiative--its highly controversial Police Pacification Campaign (UPP)--is an integral component of a neoliberal political framework that is enacting rapid urbanization projects in and around strategically located favelas (informal settlements or slums) of Rio de Janeiro. Specifically, it evaluates what kinds of economic development initiatives are moving forward, how they are facilitated by the UPP, how they connect to the city's mega-events, and who is profiting from them. The article also examines how the pacification has affected residents in three favelas over a seven-year period from the inauguration of the UPP in 2008 through to mid-2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite problems of violence domestically, Brazil has played a key leadership role as part of MINUSTAH peacekeeping operations in Haiti since 2004. This article addresses how Brazil's international military engagement is shaping domestic approaches to urban security, and what may be the implications of the use of military strategies, operations, and norms to address issues of public security in Brazilian cities. It is argued that current approaches toward urban security employing military-trained peacekeepers actually represent a continuation of old paradigms, yet these recent militarised approaches are likely evolving into newer and potentially more accountable forms by constraining indiscriminate use of force and establishing a positive state presence in marginal urban areas. As such, the article connects long-established issues of dealing with urban violence in Latin America with ongoing debates in the United States and beyond about post-counterinsurgency approaches to increasingly urban conflict settings. It reflects on potential lessons to be learned from the Latin American perspective, while showing also how these have changed over the last decade. The article concludes that despite the potential utility of force in some urban conflict settings, this approach could entail a normative shift towards legitimising forceful containment of violence, and hinder democratic consolidation in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Antropología Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this review, authors Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro and Roberta Correa examine a few of the key publications on crime and law enforcement in Brazil that have appeared in the past few years. The publications illustrate how the field has structured itself in Brazil. They identify pioneering studies and how the directions these took shape in the studies area today, as expressed in the current literature. One of these volumes is a compendium of interviews with the so-called ‘founding fathers’ of criminology in Brazil; the others are anthologies that reflect the work of research groups that have sprung around them. The anthology organized by Machado da Silva centers on the concept of violent sociability and its importance for understanding crime and the relations between the police and citizens at the margins of Brazilian society. The second volume, Roberto Kant de Lima’s anthology, stresses that crime is managed via a mosaic of assembled truths, and contends that the apparatus of law enforcement and the criminal justice system aim to reinforce Brazilian society’s characteristic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of the new experiences of public policies for the control of violence and crime in Brazil, considering the actions taken by some states and their meager results so far. The policies adopted by these states are still insufficient considering that, despite showing some reduction in certain types of crime, poor results are still considering the increase in crime and its consequences experienced by society. States where the press disseminates daily offenses and offenders that practice daylight anywhere, whether in the suburbs or in big cities, like robberies committed in restaurants, where customers and employees plunder and leave without being admonished. The states of São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Ceará, Rio de Janeiro, Pernambuco and Bahia, among others, presented and disseminated differentiated positions in confronting crime, each of his way, getting small results in decreasing some crimes. Despite initiatives are laudable because it measures aimed at combating crime, as evident today, even more damning lack of results that provide the public greater assurance essential and fundamental rights, such as life, property and safety physics as an individual or group. It appears that each state programs and try different methods, which do not always take into consideration the society precursor victim of crime and at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a structural answer to the question: what are Brazil's armed forces for? This leads to the appreciation of Brazil's strategic and domestic contexts of the use of armed force. It considers the constitutional imperatives and the terms of international agreements that curtail Brazilian alternatives. It argues that Brazil has only three concrete tasks for its armed forces: the defense of its territory, the participation in international missions, and the guarantee of law and order, being constrained further to the use of conventional weapons. It answers the question it began with as follows: Brazil's armed forces exist to sustain the capacity of carrying out these tasks over time and at any time. It concludes that how and how well a Brazilian defense policy sustains this capacity are the paramount criteria for its conception, management and evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the relations between mass media and public security in Brazil's Federal District. In contemporary modern democracy, mass media is stated to play a significant role in the elaboration of social representations. Social representations are stated to be key vehicles in the production and reproduction of beliefs and values. They also guide the conduct of a variety of social actors. It is therefore suggested to consider social representations as background material while formulating policies concerning public security.

The study is a part of a wider survey on the process of training public security officers in the State of the Rio of January, from the perspective of the military police officer. It is a predominantly qualitative study involving twenty-four semi-structured interviews with military police officers. The interviews were then subjected to content analysis, grouping the results in five categories. As result, the study indicates that military police offers in the State of Rio of Janeiro receive inadequate preparation in terms of the cognitive construction necessary for public security professionals who are called upon to deal with complex situations in their day-to- day activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this interview, former secretary of Public Security of the State of São Paulo Nagashi Furukawa discusses his administration and polices related to public security in Brazil. The crisis caused by the attacks of the PCC (Primeiro Comando da Capital) in 2006, its origins and consequences are among the main subjects of the interview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to offer a preliminary reflection on police violence in Brazil amidst a context of rising crime rates. The author's main objective is to contribute to the analysis of some dilemmas that stem from the coexistence between formal legal equality, on the one hand, and social attitudes that perpetuate flagrant inequalities with regard to the exercise of rights that are theoretically ensured, on the other hand. The author also seeks to shed light on the types of discourses on criminal violence and on rights violations committed by the police in order to create a typology to be used as a roadmap in the analysis of the reproduction and persistence of authoritarian practices during a period considered to be democratic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]