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Do female candidates give up running for office after losing more readily than their male counter-parts? I address this question by employing a regression discontinuity between last winners and first losers in city council elections in Brazil. The results show that losing an election diminishes the chances of running again for both genders. However, the effect is large for women. I offer an explanation for this gender gap in rerunning by developing a model based on the distribution of campaign financial resources among candidates. I argue that female candidates receive fewer financial resources from donors and their political parties than male candidates. Consequently, to run for office, women often need to use more of their own money. This leads to a faster depletion of their personal financial resources and, ultimately, a greater likelihood of them dropping out of politics. The argument is supported by evidence on campaign financing for the same period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has suggested that fragmented political systems, incohesive parties, and weak programmatic links between voters and legislators can undermine the effectiveness of ideological legislative representation. Using Brazil's national and state assemblies, we examine the potential for voter-elite congruence in a legislative environment considered weak in programmatic representation and highly fragmented by a decentralized political structure. Focusing on 2005–2014, we use mass and elite survey data from the National Congress and 12 state assemblies to estimate deputies' and respondents' ideal points on a common left-right scale. Despite many potential barriers to ideological representation, we find an aggregate pattern of congruence between voters' and politicians' ideological positions during this period, with stronger voter-deputy correspondence for state deputies on average. These patterns are confirmed by a dyadic analysis of deputy and voter characteristics. However, we also find weaknesses in party-level ideological congruence for the major parties—for voters on the left and party supporters on the right. The findings suggest that, while the party system did not prevent overall ideological representation, it may have hindered important aspects of party representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the work of the Constituent and Legislative General Assembly of the Empire of Brazil was begun in 1823, the state of Bahia was absent. It was to arrive at a delay, as in its capital and surrounding region the fight for independence was still underway. Such a situation sparked controversies and debates which highlighted the province's economic and political importance, whose absence, according to various deputies, rendered the implementation of certain agendas inviable. Between impasses and decisions, it is possible to understand Bahia's insertion in parliamentary debates and to problematize the intentions, interests, and plans of its representatives when they comment on issues such as amnesty, provincial government, and the creation of law courses in Brazil, based on the speeches registered in the annals of the Senate. The minutes of the Constituent General Assembly's sessions held in 1823 are the sources used here, interpreted and problematized from the perspective of the discourse analysis method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Despite a recent drive to increase diversity, the global academic workforce is skewed in favor of authors from high‐income countries, and women are under‐represented in the published medical literature. Objectives: To explore the trends in authorship of three high‐impact otolaryngology journals over a ten‐year period (2011–2020). Methods: Journals selected: JAMA Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery, The Laryngoscope and Rhinology. Articles were reviewed from four issues per journal per year, and data was collected on: time of publication; subspeciality; number of authors; sex of first and last authors; country of practice of first author and country where each study was conducted. Trends were examined though univariate and multivariate logistic regression models. Results: 2998 articles were included. 93.9% of first authors and 94.2% of studies were from high‐income countries. Women were first authors in 31.5% (n = 912) and senior authors in 18.4% (n = 524) of articles. Female first authorship significantly increased between 2011 and 2020 however female senior authorship remained the same. There have been no significant changes in the proportion of published articles from low‐and middle‐income countries (LMIC) over time (p =.65). Amongst the LMIC articles, 72% came from Brazil, Turkey or China and there were no published papers from countries with a low‐income economy (gross national income per capita of $1085 or less). Conclusions: Although female first authorship has increased in the last decade, there has been minimal other demographic change in authorship over this time. High‐impact otolaryngology journals poorly represent academia in low‐and‐middle income countries. There is a need for increased advocacy promoting gender and geographical research equity in academic medicine. Level of Evidence: III. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Does the election of politicians from historically underrepresented groups spur others to enter politics? Some political scientists and policymakers posit that the election of women and people of color to prominent political offices can inspire others to run for office, yet prior research has yielded mixed results. We contribute to the literature on representation by exploring the impact of role models on candidate emergence at the local level, where aspiring politicians typically begin to climb the political ladder. Using data from Brazilian elections and a set of regression discontinuity designs, we find no evidence that the election of a woman or Afro-Brazilian mayor spurs women and Afro-Brazilians to run for city council positions. Our results, which are robust to several alternative specifications, suggest that even if the election of a woman or minority politician inspires others to enter politics, barriers may impede them from running for office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elected officials routinely do not reflect the racial diversity of the citizenry. In Latin America, these descriptive gaps are particularly pronounced. A growing number of studies investigate the causes of racial disparities in representation, however, extant research largely focuses on national assemblies. In this paper, I extend this well-trod line of research to an understudied context, local elections. Using a dataset that covers mayoral elections in Brazil, I demonstrate that multiple factors hinder Afro-Brazilians, who comprise a majority of the Brazilian population, from winning public office. I show that barriers to candidate entry, resource disparities between white and Afro-Brazilian candidates, and race-based preferences among voters contribute to racial inequality in political representation. These results indicate that members of marginalized racial groups often must overcome multiple barriers to achieve electoral success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Architectural monumentality is a constituent factor of nationality. The monument becomes a materiality of the national feeling and composes the narratives relevant to the construction of collective memory. In Brazil, after the Revolution of 1930, the institution of historical heritage, composed of buildings and urban complexes, had the fundamental role of the architect Lúcio Costa for the constitution of the collection of Brazilian national monuments. This is the subject of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The geography of what happens is an expression linked to works associated with Non-representational Theories (TNR), an acronym coined by Nigel Thrift in the mid-1990s and which commonly came to be understood as a participant in more-than-representational geography. The expression "geography of what happens" is associated with representational transcendence and the quest to narrate space-time through the daily pursuit of actors involved in heterogeneous networks. This paper, essentially epistemological, aims to elucidate the geography of what happens, little explored in geographic works in Brazil, pointing out its theoretical framework, exposing its assumptions and critically evaluating its potentialities and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I hope to shed light on the social and institutional transformation processes in Brazil in the 21st century, contrasting what can be understood as two populist waves. The first is the one led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, as a left-wing leader whose government has been internationally recognized for implementing distributive economic policies (inclusion of the poorest majority) and inclusive social policies (inclusion of racial and sexual minorities). The second is the right-wing wave led by Jair Bolsonaro, internationally recognized, but rather for embracing a discourse contrary to the inclusive practices adopted by their predecessor. Thus, the question I want to answer is: How can the same concept fit into such different phenomena? My hypothesis is that we are facing two patterns of representative relations. An inclusive one that aims to expand the number of groups that can be properly represented within the political collectivity, increasing its pluralism, and an exclusive one that aims to restrict them, shortening the plurality of groups and identities that forms the people. In both, the theme of racial and sexual minorities becomes a priority. Through this discussion, I want to emphasize the substantive and existential quality of the differences between these two representative patterns that are sometimes neglected or reduced by those who use the concept of populism to attribute some kind of symmetry or ideological convergence between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western cultural productions has been dialoguing intensely with the emerging debates inside their social formations. In Brazil, the political transformations of the 2010s seems to have attenuated the approximations between art and politics, as well as technological changes made possible different platforms for the release of the production of independent activist artists. Therefore, we aim to analyze the Xegay (2021) music video, which addresses issues about the dissidence of gender, sexuality, race and territory, in a kind of audiovisual manifesto by the multi-artist Aglei. The analysis points out how the representation and aestheticization of the work are constituents of a transformation in the ways of seeing blackness, understanding such movement as a transgressive action, which will be based in the philosophy of Afro-Brazilian spirituality and the empowerment of the bixa body as a response to racist and homophobic discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, increased scholarly attention has been paid to the interactions between immigration, media coverage, framing, and the rise of populism. This paper draws on these interactions to systematically review peer-reviewed articles related to media representations of immigrants and refugees in Brazil and the United Kingdom (UK). The objective was to identify the tone used in such representations and the research methods applied in the articles. This is the first systematic literature review that compares studies on media and immigration including both Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) and non-WEIRD countries. This paper uses Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) to collect, map, and systematize 47 peer-reviewed articles published in the past two decades. The findings show that, in the studies we analyzed, the tone of representation of refugees in the media in both countries is negative. Mass media underrepresent the main actors and use stereotypes and discourses of otherization. This paper contributes to our understanding of the differences between studies, including those conducted in the UK and Brazil, and calls for more comparative studies that include countries from the global south and global north. It also demonstrates the standardization of frames and tone of representation on immigration in both countries, suggesting similar patterns across different countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the cordel as an idiosyncratic manifestation of Brazilian popular culture. It sets the results of original research on cordel gender representations within the specific social, cultural, and political contexts in which they originated/emerged. The article is based on research grounded in cultural studies and this discipline’s insistence on the critical importance of race, gender, and religion. The author argues that cordels – poems printed in cheap booklets with an illustrated cover and marketed to the mass public – offer important insights into existing social and gender norms in Brazil. Whereas in the past the genre was dominated by men authors and upheld conservative Catholic values, nowadays it has creatively adapted to the changing social realities. A comparative analysis of specific titles written in rural Brazil in the second half of the 20th century and titles written in the early 21st century by emerging women authors in an urban setting reveals starkly different patterns of gender representation. Contemporary authors – many of them women – are well aware of the cordel’s importance as a tool in the socialisation and apprehension of cultural meanings of gender. They represent gender through the cordel in ways that are subversive and serve to undermine the existing patriarchal norm. The cordel today continues to develop into a genre which is open and pluralistic in its multiple gender representations that reflect Brazil’s diverse social realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incarcerated women represent about 8% of the Brazilian prison population and even though it is considered low, this is the group in which the incarceration rate rises the most. Using the concept "images of control" by Collins (2019), which problematises the use of meanings attributed to black women in the maintenance of racist structures, including those linked to the penal apparatus, we aimed to identify how incarcerated women in Brazil are represented from TV Globo's audiovisual productions. In the mapping carried out, we found 63 results in which it was possible to observe the formation of three typified representations, which can function as images of control in the television discourse about this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Index.Comunicación is the property of Index.comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal History of Latin American Education / Revista Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper describes a research aimed at problematizing cases of indication to the use of Base Ten Blocks (BTB) and Green Chips (GC) for the teaching and learning of the Arabic numeral system and of arithmetic operations. The cases analyzed are present in the five collections of Elementary School mathematics textbooks selected by the National Program of Textbook (PNLD), which were the most purchased by the Ministry of Education (MEC) in 2016, to supply the system of public education in Brazil during the triennium 2016-2018. The identified indications were classified in three types, and two of them were particularly problematized for presenting some type of limitation or confusion. Only one of the five collections studied did not present problems regarding manipulatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do legislators introduce impeachment resolutions against the president, even though most of these resolutions never succeed? We explore two possible answers to this puzzle, which are linked to the legislative functions of oversight and representation. First, legislators initiate impeachment procedures to expose (real or alleged) presidential misdeeds, an action that may weaken the president's approval rates, even if an impeachment process remains unlikely. Second, legislators introduce impeachment resolutions to express their constituents' outrage in the context of corruption scandals or poor economic performance—that is, in response to an exogenous decline in presidential approval. To test these hypotheses, we analyze 274 impeachment resolutions introduced against the presidents of Argentina and Brazil since the transition to democracy. We estimate models predicting presidential approval and impeachment resolutions using time‐series and simultaneous equations estimators. Our results strongly support the representation hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the representation of black people in the two last elections in Brazil. The methodology of this research is quantitative. The databases used were provided for the sites of Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) and Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE). The data analysis was accomplished through descriptive statistics using frequency distribution. It was found that blacks are underrepresentation in brazilian electoral positions, whether federal, state or municipal. In the case of the 2018 elections, in all regions and states, the percentage of black candidates was lower than the percentage of the black population. In addition to this, in all regions and states, blacks elected were less than or almost half the percentage of the population. In the 2016 municipal elections, the position of councilor drew attention. Of all the positions analyzed, it is the one that is most “balanced” in relation to the representation of blacks in politics. The results of this research show how the political context reproduces institutional racism. Therefore, the racial structure in the country makes it difficult for blacks to occupy spaces of power, such as the political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Confluências Culturais is the property of Fundacao Educacional da Regiao de Joinville - FURJ and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study analyzes the (de)construction of imaginaries about Brazil by LGBTIQ+ immigrants and refugees, and begins by examining their media consumption. The methodology uses a group of theoretical reflections on the relationship among the imaginary, media, and migration, as well as semistructured interviews with 10 LGBTIQ+ immigrants and refugees living in the city of São Paulo. The results of the analysis show the plurality of uses and appropriations encompassed in their media consumption and the contrasts between the imaginaries about Brazil and the reality they experience in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to identify the representations of migrant childhood in Brazilian digital media that belong to what we call the 'webdiaspora' – media outlets produced by or for migrants. We argue that these migrant and refugee children live in an 'in-between' condition, not physically but symbolically. They build their identities not only negotiating the stereotypes of what it is to be a child in their nation of origin and in the country they live in but also through the representations of what it is to be a migrant child. We seek to present the migrant childhood through news articles found in the digital platform Mídia de Migrantes de São Paulo ('Migrant Media of São Paulo'), which gathers over 100 media outlets that are part of the 'webdiaspora' and are produced in the São Paulo state, Brazil. We found approximately 30 articles that discuss childhood, from only three websites. The article concludes that even in publications focusing on community communication, migrant children remain underrepresented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Daguerreotype was brought to Brazil just a few months after it was demonstrated in Paris. The following months saw the medium take hold in Brazil and particularly Rio de Janeiro, where the initial demonstration of Daguerreotypy took place. Among those most interested in photography was the Imperial Family. Dom Pedro II and Dona Teresa Cristina were avid collectors of photography. Among the photographers they purchased images from was Revert Henrique Klumb. Klumb was appointed photographer to Their Imperial Majesties in 1861. He took photographs of members of the Imperial Family, acted as photography tutor to Princess Isabel and took many views of Rio. His photographs of both natural and urban landscapes within Rio presented a developmental narrative that spoke deliberately to Dom Pedro II's modernization agenda. Though marked by certain absences, Klumb's images show us what Rio was and what Rio was becoming during the middle decades of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on the historical narratives and the constructions of Brazilian identity present in the book / catalog O que é o Brasil (What is Brazil), from a homonymous exhibition, held at Senac São Paulo, from July 12th to August 13th, 2005. It is a collection of 52 one-page comics, composing a complex mosaic around subjects imbued with “Brazilianness”. In this text, the themes most directly linked to the representation of everyday relations and the country's history were selected, highlighting some of the symbols considered emblematic of our culture. The analysis reveal an ironic and parodic perspective that juxtaposes and updates the present and the past. Brazil is presented in its plurality, polysemic, with nuances of surrealism and nonsense. These comics simulate the encounter of fiction with reality, fantastic worlds to be deciphered, in which the understanding of cultural identities is seen as becoming. Even though the work is marked by folkloric views and stereotypes, the stories bring problematizations that can be thought of in an interdisciplinary way, displacing concepts that move between art and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Opinião Jurídica is the property of Revista Opiniao Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this study is to detect the historical distribution of representations of the United States and Brazil formed around the use of the nationality adjectives American and Brazilian. To achieve this goal, the study used a pre-existing multi-dimensional analysis of representations based on bigrams from the half-a-trillion-word Google Books bigram dataset of English writing (Berber Sardinha, 2019), which provided the major representations of both cultures. The method was based on the text type approach developed by Biber (1989), which uses cluster analysis to identify the groupings of texts (in this case, the years in which the bigrams occurred) that share similar linguistic characteristics (here, mutual bigrams). The results showed nine major clusters for the US and eight for Brazil. The clusters were interpreted historically and ordered by time to outline the predominant representations of each country over the 200 years' worth of data analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analyzing the representations of cangaço in the literature of leaflets, this article takes on the challenge of establishing a dialogue between tradition and postmodernity, with the aim of breaking with a certain primitive or almost medieval reading of this literary production. As an arena of consent and resistance, the leaflets were forged in line with a certain essentialist idea of popular culture, shaped in the late 19th and first half of the 20th century, forming an base imaginary, reinvented in the second half of the 20th century and beginning of the 21st. Contrary to that primitive reading, we approached the capacity for renewal and permanent absorption of narratives, languages, imaginary, especially in relation to mass culture and digital technologies, revealing the processes of resistance, but also of conformism, of popular cultures in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Hosting the Olympics is a singular opportunity to build an updated narrative of the nation. Such a narrative is traditionally intended to emphasize the hosting country contributions toward the modern project through the displaying of key nationalistic accounts linking the country's history to the development of western society. In the case of the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics, its organizing committee has sought into Brazil's history different elements that were central to both the formation of Brazilian identity and the discussion over current global issues. Therefore, the country's enduring relation with nature as well as national narratives such as modernist Anthropophagy, the discourse of ethnic miscegenation, and the myth of Brazil as a racial democracy became historical credentials to use environmentalism and tolerance as the paramount features of Rio-2016's aesthetics as well as a means to denounce xenophobia and the effects of the Anthropocene on the planet. We argue that the exposition of these two issues in the event's ceremonies was a way to symbolically insert the country within modernity's forefront. In this article, we examine the sociopolitical aspects that led to the creation and popularization of Brazilian nationalistic narratives that were later used during the Rio 2016 opening ceremony and the ways such aspects were internationally conveyed during the aforementioned theatrical presentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to identify how the Brazilian short and medium-length documentary represents cultural identities in frontier zones, evoking knowledge about alterities and differences. For that, seven films directed by Brazilian filmmakers from border states with Uruguay, Argentina, Peru and Bolivia were analyzed. The methods used in the interpretative exercise were film analysis, documentary and bibliographical research. From the decupagem, the documentaries were agglutinated in two axes of analysis that translate different ways to represent the border: the "Border as a place of permanence" and the "Border as a space of resistance". The results collaborate to uncover violenceridden groups and also to value the border contexts where the recognition of difference is constitutive of life in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to highlight the link between the racist ideology that permeates the sexual division of labor in colonial societies, and its propagation through the modern Cultural Industry. To this end, we will analyze the domestic work, which remains one of the largest female sociooccupational categories in Brazil, and its representation in telenovelas produced by the biggest national broadcaster. Considering Latin America, Brazil stands out among the countries that has the largest contingents of domestic workers. Besides that, the country has established itself, throughout the second half of the 20th century, as one of the biggest manufacturers of telenovelas in the world - second only to Mexico. The telenovela is the most popular product of Brazilian television (and also the most exported). By taking it as an object of analysis, we reveal a symbolic system that is representative of the way how the elite think about the category of domestic workers, which actively contributes to the perpetuation of racial and gender inequalities in our society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work proposes a critical look at the normatization of whiteness in Brazilian advertising, inserting discussions about the construction of stereotypes as a strategy of positivation. Recognizing the scientific gap regarding the understanding of whiteness as a representative standard of marketing communication, an essay is made here on what it means to be white in Brazil by identifying seven manifestations of their racial identity projected in the advertising discourse: neutrality, valorization of ancestry, religiosity, purity, beauty, power and wealth. It seeks, therefore, to contribute to the field of communicational discussions and its implications for the racial conjuncture of contemporaneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The system of representative democracy is under considerable strain. Its institutions are struggling to maintain legitimacy, and its elected representatives are failing to keep their monopoly on (formal) political representation. An emerging multitude of (new) claim makers contests the authority of elected representatives as well as the functioning of the existing system of representative democracy by alleging misrepresentation. In this article, we identify a significant shortcoming in Saward's claims-making approach; specifically, we argue that it offers little direction in addressing misrepresentation. We distinguish between claims of representation and claims of misrepresentation, and show how the latter can fulfill one, two or all three of the following functions: (1) they appeal to an enemy/antagonist (strategy), (2) identify causes of misrepresentation related to policies, politics, and polity (persuasion), and (3) claim to create a new linkage to "the people", sometimes present themselves as new representatives (reframing). To test this proposed framework, we compare claims of misrepresentation in Brazil made by civil society groups (before and during the presidential impeachment between 2014 and 2016) and in Germany (focusing on the parliamentarians of the Alternative for Germany during the first six months of mandate). Our results suggest that claims of misrepresentation are not intrinsically democratic or undemocratic, but are instead ambiguous, have different manifestations and disparate impacts on the representative system. Our article contributes to the conceptual development of the claims approach and to further understanding several critical and current challenges to representative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses the representations of death in different articles published in Vida Escolar («School Life») - a pedagogical journal produced by a student body of the city of Campo Grande, Mato Grosso state, central Western Brazil. Published by the Visconde de Taunay School, Vida Escolar circulated in the 1930s (between 1934 and 1936), and we analysed nineteen of the 22 published issues - archived at the Regional Documentation Center of the Federal University of Grande Dourados - for this article. This research helps to fill the gaps in knowledge surrounding the themes of death and childhood in the history of education in Brazil, especially in the central Western region. It reveals that the representations of death presented by and for children are closely related to civism, religiosity and medical science. Indeed, analysis of the journal Vida Escolar shows that death, as an interdiction, is related to the advancement of medicine; at the beginning of the 20th century, with the development of medical science, death came to be seen as synonymous with failure, as an absence of «scientificity». As emphasized in Vida Escolar, it is the job of medicine to prevent death - this was the message given to the students, future doctors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do similar quotas affect descriptive representation differently and different quotas produce similar results across states? Extant research posits that quota mechanics, which include quota design features and enforcement mechanisms, shape election outcomes. Quota mechanics uses electoral cycles as a common framework with critical junctures for cross-national comparison. A paired comparison of quota mechanics in Brazil and Peru juxtaposes an analysis of their similar 30 percent legislated quotas in sequential election cycles to identify differences that shape their divergent levels of descriptive representation. The findings suggest that quotas can foster critical mass representation in open-list proportional representation systems with the knowledge of quota mechanics. In other words, an understanding of how thresholds, placement mandates and voting procedures shape different stages of the electoral process and of how enforcement is a crucial component for an effective quota. The conclusion summarizes the benefits of the paired-comparison model, in particular for the large number of open-list proportional representation systems worldwide, and future research should further explore the quota mechanics across the world to better understand the process of political representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian politicians have seemingly adopted new racial identities en masse in recent years. What are the electoral consequences of asserting membership in a new racial group? In the Brazilian case, politicians who change how they racially identify themselves and secure greater access to campaign resources may become more electorally competitive. If voters learn a politician has changed their self-declared race, however, the politician's reputation is likely to be tarnished and their chances of victory are likely to decline. Building on evidence that voters acquire greater information about election front-runners in high-profile contests than other types of politicians, I expect incumbents running for executive offices who change how they publicly identify themselves to suffer an electoral penalty. Drawing on data from local elections in Brazil, I find limited evidence that voters penalize city council candidates who adopt new racial identities. I show that incumbent mayors seeking reelection, however, receive significantly fewer votes after they assert membership in new racial groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue of TheJournal of Legislative Studiesfocuses on the Brazilian Parliament’s lower chamber, the Chamber of Deputies. Its core concern is with its representative role, in the way it articulates policy-making capacity and interaction between citizens and parliament. In this Introduction we outline an historical and systemic profile of the Brazilian parliament before presenting our analytical framework. Our theoretical framework makes use of Polsby’s typology on Arena and Transformative legislatures, to situate our study of the wider representative role of the Chamber of Deputies. We finish by presenting the volume’s substantive chapters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue has discussed the wider representative role of the Brazilian Parliament’s lower chamber, the Chamber of Deputies, through an analysis that has integrated the way it processes policy with how it communicates with citizens. Adopting as an overarching framework, Polsby’s typology on Arena vs. Transformative legislatures, the articles have discussed the institutionalisation process of the Chamber of Deputies, its role within the political process and its relationship with other political institutions, the policy-making process, new communication and information technologies used by the Chamber of Deputies and its capacity to promote interaction between citizens and parliament. The findings show that policy-making and communication capacities have grown in so far as democracy lasts. Another important finding relates to the crucial role played by the administrative body of the Chamber of Deputies, which acts itself as the key interactive link between citizens and parliament, to the point that it takes over the representatives’ role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the internet has become a key site for the portrayal of Rio de Janeiro’s favelas. This article examines blogging by favela residents and argues that digital culture constitutes a vital, and as yet not systematically explored, arena of research on the representation of Rio de Janeiro and its favelas. Based on ethnographically inspired research carried out in 2009–2010, this article examines two examples of blog ‘framing content’ (a sidebar and a static page) encountered during fieldwork, which functioned to establish a concrete link between the posts on the blogs in question, their authors, and a named favela, even when the posts were not explicitly about that favela. At the same time, the framing content also made visible, and affirmed, the translocal connections between that favela, other favelas, and the city as a whole. These illustrative examples from a wider study show how favela bloggers are engaged in resignifying and remapping the relationships between different empirical scales of locality (and associated identities) in Rio de Janeiro, demonstrating the contribution an interdisciplinary approach to the digital texts and practices of favela residents can make to an understanding of the contemporary city and its representational conundrums, from the perspective of ‘ordinary practitioners’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Patrimônio e Memória is the property of Centro de Documentacao e Apoio a Pesquisa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the impact of Instruction Number 560 issued by the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission on March 27, 2015 on the rules concerning registration, transactions and disclosure of information about non-resident investors in Brazil, as of November 2015.

The article discusses Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission (Comissão de Valores Mobiliários) and its issuance of CVM Instruction No.560 which updates the rules on registration and disclosures of information about non-resident investors in Brazil in accordance with the regulations approved by the Brazilian Monetary Council (Conselho Monetário Nacional) under CMN Resolution No.4373 of September 29, 2014. Foreign investments in Brazil's capital market are examined.

Copyright of Sociologias is the property of Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reflects on how members of the Brazilian House of Representatives use Twitter as part of their political communications strategy. We examine all the 463 official accounts registered on Twitter in order to understand the factors that lead legislators to invest in microblogging. Such accounts were weekly monitored (between February and July 2012) by using the statistical software "R". The results points out correlations between the use of Twitter and attributes like age and occupation of leadership positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The experience of Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST) in which community radios have a fundamental role, is the context for the analysis and problematisation of ideas concerning the right to communication (Peruzzo 2011, Deane 2007), communicative citizenship (Mata 2006) and representation (Fraser 2009). The radios foster conscientisation (Freire 1987), mobilisation and (re)construction of the peasant identity through programming and activities that focus on the exercise of the right to free expression and valorisation of popular cultural manifestations. Furthermore, the movement radios become a channel for dialogue with the local community. They also present conflicts and contradictions, among which are resource scarcity, barriers imposed by the restrictive radiobroadcasting law in Brazil and the transition to digital media. This paper analyses tensions and potentialities of movement radios, which are embedded in the movement's spaces such as rural settlements and schools. Departing from interviews with militant popular communicators the paper intends to discuss and contribute to the development of concepts such as right to communication (Peruzzo 2011), communicative citizenship (Mata 2005) and representation (Fraser 2009). The study demonstrates that the radios exert a mediating function (Couldry 2010) between the movement and local communities and function as a space for learning the exercise of communicative citizenship and right to communicate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]