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The article presents the historical presence of Mexico in Brazil and Brazil in Mexico, highlighting the experience of ambassadors Alfonso Reyes and José Guilherme Merquior. Both ambassadors established fruitful links with intellectuals and contributed to the promotion of cultural exchanges. The article emphasizes the importance of knowledge and mutual understanding in diplomatic relations between both countries. It also mentions the importance of greater coordination and cooperation between Brazil and Mexico to overcome historical challenges and strengthen regional leadership in Latin America. The objective of the dossier is to generate a historical academic product that reflects the importance of the relations between both countries. [Extracted from the article]

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Like all public intellectuals, Martin Lenhard is beset by multiple dilemmas, roles and challenges. He has to confront the demands driven by the social world, the cultural world and the various systemic environments in which he interacts. In our article, based on Gramsci's writings on the organic intellectual, we highlight the intellectual Martin Lenhard and his research, in particular, his book published in Brazil Omar e o mato: história da escravidão (Congo-Angola, Brazil, Caribbean) (1998). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cadernos de Gestão Pública e Cidadania is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rafael Cardoso's book, "Modernity in Black and White: Art and Image, Race and Identity in Brazil, 1890–1945," challenges the dominant narrative of Brazilian modernism centered around the 1922 Semana de Arte Moderna in São Paulo. The book explores the earlier expressions of modernity in Rio de Janeiro that have been overshadowed. It examines the role of artists, writers, and intellectuals in shaping Brazilian modernism, highlighting the contributions of Afro-descendant artists and the influence of international artistic movements. While there are disagreements with Cardoso's portrayal of the Paulista modernists, the book is still considered significant and influential in Brazilian cultural studies. [Extracted from the article]

No mito da América Latina elaborado por José Vasconcelos em La raza cósmica , o lugar ocupado pelo Brasil é decisivo. Já para outros dois intelectuais ligados à Revolução Mexicana, Pedro Henríquez Ureña e Alfonso Reyes, o país lusófono tem uma posição mais incerta na Nuestra América. Reconstituo inicialmente o ambiente pós-revolucionário que alimentou projetos culturais concorrentes. Presto atenção especialmente a La raza cósmica , procurando avaliar a importância do Brasil na imagem da América Latina então elaborada. De maneira complementar, busco verificar a repercussão do livro entre modernistas brasileiros, chamando a atenção para uma dimensão da circulação de ideias ainda pouco explorada: a das trocas intelectuais entre países periféricos. Interessa-me, em particular, explorar as mudanças que a elaboração sofre, o que pode indicar tanto as afinidades como as diferenças entre os dois ambientes. Brazil plays an important role in the myth of Latin America created by José Vasconcelos in La raza cósmica. On the other hand, the country is not as relevant for the Nuestra América imagined by two other intellectuals sympathetic to the Mexican Revolution: Pedro Henríquez Ureña and Alfonso Reyes. Initially, I reconstitute the postrevolutionary context from which competing cultural projects appeared. Paying special attention to La raza cósmica , I evaluate the role of Brazil in the idea of Latin America they create. I also appraise the booḱs impact among Brazilian modernists, drawing attention to an undervalued dimension of the circulation of ideas: that between peripherical countries. I am particularly interested in exploring the changes that the approach undergoes, which could indicate both affinities as well as differences between the two environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this article is to contribute to future academic analyzes on culturalist conservatism inscribed in the intellectual trajectory of Gilberto de Mello Freyre (1900-1987) from Pernambuco. Culturalist conservatism is one of the conservative lineages constant in political and social thought in Brazil, past and present. Methodologically, we describe the European and North American intellectual heritages that influenced Freyrean thought. That conservatism had its genesis in the Victorian British authors, with whom Gilberto Freyre kept in touch during his youth in the United States and Europe, notably at the University of Oxford. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If there ever was an "antislavery reformer" pushing Brazil, it was not the United States, but rather the United Kingdom. He is the author of I The Deepest South: The U.S. Brazil and the African Slave Trade i (New York, 2007) and the forthcoming "Horn of Controversy: Ethiopia, Egypt and the Post Civil War USA". The two giants of enslavement - the United States and Brazil - long have attracted comparative attention.[1] This is understandable, for juxtaposing the two offers insight into both. [Extracted from the article]

This article focuses on public library-community relationships in Brazil. Initially, we take into account the international information science literature highlighting the contemporary relevance of public library-community relations. We also consider aspects of the Brazilian historical and political experience and previous research indicating that public libraries in the country have not been valued by public policies and that, although present in more than 5,000 municipalities, these institutions tend to remain invisible to their communities. The main empirical contribution of our article lies in the analysis of interviews collected from Brazilian intellectuals and researchers who hold or have held prominent positions in institutions that define policies or carry out research on Brazilian public libraries. These interviews reveal a strong consciousness of the need to strengthen library-community relations, suggesting several actions, both from the library to the community and from the community to the library. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text is the translation of an interview given by Brazilian anthropologist, professor, and Brazilian Black Movement activist Lélia Gonzalez (1935–1994) at the beginning of the 1980s. Gonzalez, who is today enthusiastically incorporated into the academic anthropology after decades of silence in Brazil, exposes here some of the particularities of her stunning life itinerary. She has challenged Brazilian social theory by bringing forward the need for an approach that considers race, gender, and coloniality, and has worked towards an open dialogue with Latin American realities, including Brazil's. Her contribution has been recognized as essential by public intellectuals such as Angela Davis, and her reemergence has to do with the growing demand of decolonizing the Brazilian Academy, issued by the Black movement and other social movements in the country. The translation, having Brazilian Portuguese as the language of origin, has been made by anthropologists, social scientists, and translators from the RECânone Community Project, linking the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte and the University of Brasília, both public centers of higher education in the country. Translators added notes aiming to help a non-Brazilian audience understand the racial, social, and cultural context where Gonzalez produced her academic and activist work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the political discussion around the Brazilian ideal of immigration in the period from 1850 to 1889. The primary sources used are the annals of the Brazilian congress, official reports and contemporaneous records. The objective of this analysis is to capture the classic conceptions of Brazilian immigration policy in the nineteenth century. In this sense, it presents the thought of the Brazilian government, especially represented by the political and intellectual elite close to D. Pedro II, and the ideal of the aristocracy of the landowners, particularly the great coffee planters. This article shows that, despite the political influence of this landowning class, the Brazilian imperial government sought to dissociate European immigration to Brazil from the immediate interests of the Brazilian land aristocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to evaluate the current state of conservative thought and its expressions in Brazil through the analysis of the work of the most influential intellectual of the Brazilian ultra-right in the last decade: Olavo de Carvalho. The choice of the author is due to his particular relationship with conservatism. At the same time that he cultivates ideas that are more in tune with reactionarism, far from the most current versions of modern and Brazilian conservative ideals, Carvalho is strongly influenced by American conservatism and built his work amidst the interaction with intellectuals like Antonio Paim and Paulo Mercadante, leaders with a similar profile in Brazil. Olavo de Carvalho appears, therefore, as a way to reflect on the limits and characteristics of conservatism, reactionarism and the Brazilian ultra-right itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyze the intellectual project of the Instituto Nacional de Ciência Política (INCP), a civil association based in the city of Rio de Janeiro, which played an important role in the Brazilian intellectual field in the first half of the 1940s. was to study national political problems and the thinking of the most influential statesmen in Brazil. However, in the following pages we intend to demonstrate that the effective performance of this institution was in the sense of contributing to the propaganda of the Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas. The INCP's intellectual project included ideas and actions coordinated by its intellectuals, which aimed at disseminating the doctrine of the new regime in Brazilian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a letter from the editorial committee of the magazine Temáticas, which addresses the pandemic cycle and the work of scientific editing during this period. Despite the difficulties faced in academic life and scientific editing, the magazine managed to continue publishing regularly. The current issue of the magazine features a dossier on interpretations of Brazil produced by women, with the aim of highlighting the work of female writers, intellectuals, and artists who have contributed to decisive debates in their contexts. In addition, the issue includes other articles on various topics. The letter emphasizes the importance of recognizing the differences and inequalities involved in the production of scientific knowledge and advocates for a feminist scientific policy. [Extracted from the article]

The most recent socio-historical period has lead to, by the force of action and the protagonism of some groups, the debate about difference and the social inequalities which routinely have been structured from it. The same movement required the intellectual field to think critically about itself, ponder about the place of difference and of the reiterated inequalities which were naturalized internally. Therefore, if the power arrangements that organize social life from the normalization of thought forms, such as patriarchalism and racism, were uncritically fluid for a long time in the organization of the intellectual arena, in both cases these organized arrangements also were not free of disputes and tensions. In the intellectual milieu raises the need to think about the difference in the space of academic production, pari e passu to the confrontation promoted by black and feminist groups. While the vast majority of the books that are of the inventory with the “great works” of national interpretation, the “great essays” that elucidate Brazil, list almost exclusively male figures, we must ask: where were the Brazilian female intellectuals? What were they concerned about? Did they not produce “national interpretations” or does this absence in the known cast of interpreters of Brazil express an erasure or a sub placement attributed to their productions and their ways of explaining the world? After all, what are the places and possibilities for us to reach the national interpretation produced by women? This interview with the professor Mariana Miggiolaro Chaguri (IFCH/UNICAMP) walks through such problematizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Romanica Olomucensia is the property of Palacky University in Olomouc and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista História da Educação is the property of Historia da Educacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Frederico Baptista de Souza was born to a slave mother during the period of the Free Womb Law in Brazil (1871). After slavery's abolition, Souza campaigned in favor of full citizenship for formerly enslaved people. Black newspapers in São Paulo originated from the clubs of people who were prohibited from enjoying the clubs attended by whites regardless of their class. I examine the Black press' rise through Souza, founder of one of the region's oldest and longest running racial groups, the Dramatic and Recreational Guild Kosmos. Apart from coordinating, producing, and editing papers, Souza wrote op-eds and figured among those who shaped public opinion about Brazilian racial matters, often articulating ideas and concepts from other regions of the world, especially the "uplift generation" of the United States. Souza's life is evidence of a once thriving and engaging Black press in this corner of the Atlantic that was São Paulo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the SARS-CoV-2 (or Covid-19) pandemic that has plagued the world in recent months, several renowned intellectuals have spoken in academic publications and the media about the risks and expectations brought by the post-pandemic scenario, sometimes with an ethical or phenomenological-existential approach, and sometimes with a more political focus. The aim of this article is to synthesize and analyze the different positions expressed by the authors mentioned and to present some similar reflections made by Portuguese-speaking authors (from Portugal and Brazil), as well as to propose an alternative evaluation based on the critique of value and the works of Marx. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the career of the Brazilian journalist-essayist Paulo Francis (1930-1997), the reasons for his influence and for the change in his political stance towards an ever more extreme rightist position. It takes Francis' case-history as a tool allowing discussion on the role and political evolution of middle-class intellectuals in Brazil and worldwide from the mid-20th. Century to the present - and, in the specific Brazilian context, from the military dictatorship towards neoliberal re-democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of História da Historiografia is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Teoria e Historia da Historiografia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The University of Paraná was created in 1912 by a group of intellectuals who originated in the political field. Despite its initial success, this first university was soon dismantled with the Colleges returning to their original condition. Due to the changes in the original project, the intellectuals gathered to seek political support to discuss the higher education strengthening in the State. Thus, the main objective of this text is to analyze the action of distinct personalities that worked for the consolidation of the University of Paraná, based on information extracted from newspapers, minutes and yearbooks along with Bourdieu's concepts, mainly the field of power notion and prosopography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than 52 years ago, on October 18, 1970, the Armorial Movement was launched in the church of São Pedro dos Clérigos, in Recife. The movement, led by writer and playwright Ariano Suassuna, and made up of Northeastern artists and intellectuals, had as its main objective the creation of Brazilian classic art. For that, it was based on the Iberian Baroque and on the popular cultures of the interior of the Northeast region of Brazil. More than half a century after its launch, we heard about contemporary armorial, post-armorial and neo-armorial. This article aims to present a discussion on armorial music and the possible existence of a neo-armorial today. For this purpose, we interviewed musicians who are part of groups such as SaGRAMA, oQuadro and Quarteto Encore, as well as with the artist Antúlio Madureira. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents Francisco Weffort's principal interpretations concerning socialism and democracy. The research was conducted taking in account his articles and books, written between 1979 and 1992. We argue that his thought about socialism and democracy, developed during his academic career later underpinned his participation in the central nucleus of the Workers' Party (PT), first as general secretary between 1983 and 1987 (before the fall of Berlin Wall) and after as the main coordinator of Lula's presidential campaign in 1994 (after the fall of Berlin Wall). His theorizations were initially in tune with Western Marxism in Brazil, when a group of intellectuals tried to comprehend Marx writings from a scientific approach, trying to leave aside the Leninist political perspective, adopted by the Brazilian Communist Party. This perspective influenced the PT from its foundation in 1980 until the late 90's. The Worker's Party emerged proclaiming himself as a socialist revolutionary party, built by workers, trade unions, Catholic Church believers and intellectuals but not by politicians. The party arose as a new option for the Brazilian society, which were tired of old politicians. That is why the scientific approach (far from political perspectives) used to interpret Marx by this group of intellectuals was deeply connected with the party, which denied the importance of politics and had the revolutionary socialist horizon as target. After some time as a PT's member in the late 1980s, Weffort started to privilege the role took by politics in his analysis and writings under the influence of Eurocommunism, through the reception of Gramsci in Brazil. This reception was responsible for an interpretative turn in his work, when he began to privilege democratic political ways instead of a revolutionary rupture as a path to be achieved in the Brazilian political horizon. Our hypothesis is sustained by the idea that the writings about democracy and socialism are deeply connected to the period before and after Berlin Wall and can be seen as an excellent portrait of the dilemma lived by many Brazilian (and worldwide) intellectuals, the paradox represented by the opposition of a socialist revolutionary scenario versus the democratic way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciências Sociais - Brazil is the property of Revista de Ciencias Socias do Universidade Federal do Ceara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Founded in France in the 1950s, and known by editorial positions critical to imperialism and neoliberalism, Le Monde Diplomatique has been disseminated in several international editions along its history. In 2007 was launched Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil. Inserted in the field of studies of the history of the press and the history of the intellectuals, this article approaches the history of the Brazilian edition considering three factors: the conditions of the French publication's installation in Brazil, the newsroom workflow between intellectuals and journalists and the impact of these factors on Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil's perspective in two key-moments: 2008 (the "pink wave" optimistic season in Latin America, and the international financial crisis) and 2013 (marked pessimism and disappointment regarding Brasilia's policy). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regarding Brazil's Knowledge about Rubén Darío's, as a poet or prominent figure in Latin American intellectual circles, we can say that very little is known about him or his work. Darío today is almost unknown in the country's academic and literary circles. Of his visits to Brazil, for instance, there are not many details in his biographical production. However, the relations that the author establishes in the country are important, as they become crucial for the knowledge and the approach of cultures or the dialogue between them. The fact is that Rubén Darío discovers Brazil before other Latin American authors or countries do, putting the country on the continent's intellectual map, not only by presenting the production of its authors by their readings or studies, but as a connection, by the direct contact with the authors, leading to Brazil the thread which he weaved its Latin American network, this "international spiritual fraternity", as the author denominates. We emphasize in this study, therefore, the importance of Rubén Darío as one of the main responsible for provoking this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The coming to office of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil has brought to the fore the need to understand the rise of the far right and to come to terms with the conflicted legacies of more than a decade of rule under the Workers' Party. This forum brings together six leading intellectuals from different traditions on the left and introduces their reflections on the contradictions and complexities of the Workers' Party, the 2008 crisis, the June 2013 protests, the weakness of the Brazilian left, corruption, and on how to characterise Bolsonaro's regime. Their interventions offer crucial insights that are relevant today not just to Brazil, or even Latin America, but to the politics of the left worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Patrimônio e Memória is the property of Centro de Documentacao e Apoio a Pesquisa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Patrimônio e Memória is the property of Centro de Documentacao e Apoio a Pesquisa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There was a moment in history in the 1950's when a few Brazilian intellectuals entered into a genuine dialogue with their counterparts in Lusophone Africa - despite rigid Salazarian censorship. Between two peripheries, the Portuguese Overseas Territories and Florianópolis, by that time a little provincial town far away from Brazil's cultural center, an early South-South dialogue was developed through the periodical Revista Sul and broad letter correspondence. Several important, albeit then still unknown Luso-African authors, such as Luandino Vieira, published their literary texts for the first time and proclaimed, more or less discretely, their political ideas. This curious case of local intellectual history entanglement will be examined with regard to the practices and ideals of dialoguing within the South and with special attention to the context of the emerging paradigm of Lusotropicalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of Brazil's historic "formation," which have produced an emblematic stock of work, have been an ongoing object of analysis. The result is an uplifting wealth of critical material that spans different approaches, varied samples, and diverse disciplinary focuses. The interest in the topic reveals the vigorous nature of this line of thinking. The author's fundamental proposal is to critically analyze the existing relationship between the matrix of the formation, the country's process of modernization, and the conditions of intellectual endeavors in the periphery. In this sense, the article probes the links between analyses dedicated to reexamining the paradigm of the formation and the paths and impasses in the construction of modern Brazil. Finally, the author discusses the most recent trend in the works on the formation seen through the prism of its exhaustion, as developments in both the modernization underway in the country and in the new aspirations of groups of intellectuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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