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Since 2003, the neoliberal paradigm has given way to neodevelopmentalist practices under the Lula da Silva administrations. The central question is: to what extent has Brazil's neo-developmentalist strategy, conceived during the Lula da Silva administrations (2003-2010), affected the country's relations with Colombia and Venezuela? The main objective is to analyze the relations between Brazil and these two countries in order to understand the Brazilian government's stance towards two different ideologies, those of Colombian President Uribe and Venezuelan President Chávez. This is a qualitative study, based on official documents and supported by specialized academic literature. The results of this study indicate that, to a large extent, Brazil's foreign policy has been largely pragmatic, but that in some cases there has been coordination and rejection of both models. Brazil's neo-developmentalist strategy has been relatively successful when applied to its South American neighbors, particularly Colombia and Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: to estimate the prevalence of Kaposi's sarcoma (KS) in patients with AIDS and identify the associated factors to the occurrence of this neoplasm., Methods: this is a cross-sectional study with notification data from two AIDS reference centers in São Paulo-SP, Brazil, from January, 2003 to March, 2010; probabilistic linkage and multiple logistic regression methods were applied., Results: among 3,557 AIDS cases, 213 (6%) presented KS; 95.3% of them occurred in males; male sex (OR=3.1; 95%CI=1.4;6.6), age at the AIDS diagnosis >28 years old (OR=1.6; 95%CI=1.0;2.6), MSM (OR=3.2; 95%CI=2.0;4.9), prior use of HAART (OR=0.4; 95%CI=0.3;0.5), AIDS diagnosis between 2007-2010 (OR=0.3; 95%CI=0.2;0.4), and CD4+ T-cell counting under 200cells/mm3 (OR=16.0; 95%CI=6.0;42.7) and 200-500cells/mm³ (OR=2,5; 95%CI=1.1;6.4) were associated to the occurrence of KS., Conclusion: KS has a high prevalence in São Paulo-SP; strategies for early HIV diagnosis may reduce this prevalence.

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the factors that led to the implementation of a more assertive national defense policy during the Lula da Silva administration (2003-2010). Three possible justifications are analyzed: Brazil's greater international role in the time period, the effort towards institutional reorganization of defense through the civil aviation crisis (2007), and the implementation of policies seeking to revitalize the defense industry as part of a national economic development strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we work about the sense that the concept of inclusion acquired as a guiding principle of educational policies in the context of progressive governments 2003-2010 in Argentina, Uruguay and Brasil. We describe and analyze some educational policy programs aimed at educational inclusion in those countries based on theoretical contributions and political perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this paper is to address the Brazilian cooperation causal mechanisms in Africa between 2003 and 2010. Process-tracing methods are tools for studying causal mechanisms in a single-case research design, such as this period in Brazilian cooperation in Africa, given the historical oscillations of Brazilian policy toward this continent. The first part of the article will present the methodological aspects of the research through an analysis of theory-building process-tracing. A literature review is presented from which emerges the main empirical explanations of the process of establishing cooperation projects, in order to identify the different mechanisms pointed out by the literature. In the second part, the analysis of the causal mechanisms that would in uence the process through the dialogue between theory and data is reported. According to the data found so far, it can be observed that the institutionalization of multilateral agencies with strategic states for Brazil, such as the CPLP, and their use by Presidential Diplomacy constitute the causal mechanisms between the independent and dependent variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prioritization of the South-South axis during the Lula da Silva government is consensual among analysts of Brazilian Foreign Policy regarding its international insertion, as well as the prominent role given to the African continent. In order to provide empirical analysis to the reprioritization of relations between Brazil and Africa, this paper aims at comparing the technical cooperation provided by Brazil to African countries during FHC (1995-2002) and Lula da Silva (2003-2010) administrations. Its primary source of analyzed data, little explored by the Brazilian academic literature yet, was the databank of the Department of International Acts of the Ministry of External Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective: To assess trends in social inequalities among 2,624 elderly living in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, in three domains of the World Health Organization’s Active Aging model (physical environment, social determinants, use of health services) and health status indicators. Method: Data came from two representative household surveys conducted in 2003 and 2010. Social inequality was measured by the slope and the relative index of inequality. Educational level was used to define socioeconomic status. Results: Significant improvements were observed in the prevalence rates of 7 out of 12 indicators. However, the social inequalities persisted through 10 out of 12 selected active aging and health status indicators, except for fear of falling on the sidewalks/crossing the streets and fear of being robbed. Discussion: Social inequalities persistence might be assigned to the continuity of unequal distribution of resources among groups with different educational levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses how Brazilian state actions and policies regarding peace operations during the Presidency of Lula da Silva relate to the country's positions and attitudes towards United Nations peacekeeping. It argues that the inconsistencies identified on the Brazilian positions reflect the lack of a clear strategic horizon guiding the country's participation in UN peacekeeping, which consequentially hinders the country emergence as a great power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article is an analysis of Brazilian nuclear diplomacy and of the international relevance of the national nuclear program adopted during the two Presidential terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Particular attention will be given to the Brazilian position in the agreement on nuclear non-proliferation, to the role of mediation between Iran and the nuclear powers, and finally to the national ambitions concerning the industrial and military uses of the nuclear technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the priority bilateral relations of Brazil, named "strategic partnerships", both because of their tradition and historical relevance and due to the existence of political and economic cooperation projects. An assessment of these relationships, especially under Lula's administration, is made in this work, bearing in mind the concept of "strategic partnerships" and its development in Brazilian foreign policy. There will be considered partnerships with the US; Argentina; Japan; China; India; South Africa and the European Union. In the article, the meaning of the increase in these relationships is interpreted on the grounds of its significance to the international insertion strategy of Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign Minister of Brazil since 2003, Ambassador Celso Amorim outlines the main guidelines and accomplishments of Brazil's foreign policy under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The article provides a full-fledged, although not exhaustive, narrative of a number of diplomatic initiatives championed by Brazil over the last eight years: from the gathering of the group of developing countries in a World Trade Organization (WTO) meeting in Cancun to the negotiations that led to the Declaration of Tehran, as well as the challenges the country has been facing as its international weight grows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine Brazil and the United States bilateral relations from 2003/2010 and their strategic patterns during the Presidency of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva. The goal is to understand the development of this dialogue in the 21st century and its previous background in the Post Cold War world, identifying its evolution and change due to Brazil's growing regional and global role and US relative position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Brazilian energy diplomacy intensified from 2003 to 2010. In this case, this intensification was related to the structure of more convergent preferences of Itamaraty—Brazil's Foreign Ministry—other related ministries, and agencies with foreign government preferences for engagement in energy security and/or integration. Co-extensive with these preferences were those of most Brazilian domestic actors on the diversification of the state's energy supplies, enhancement of access to markets or reserves, stimulus for sustainable production and use—mainly in developing states—and strengthening of strategic international partnerships—mostly with developed states—for training and the competitive insertion in the international market. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the incorporation of the deliberations of the national conferences into the policy agenda of the Brazilian federal government and suggests aspects that affect the capacity of these public spaces to influence this process. The hypothesis is that the degree of incorporation of each conference, i.e., its inclusive capacity, varies according to the nature of the public policy debated, given that each policy has its own purpose, involves a distinct type of civil society and is formulated by different public institutions. To test this proposition, the article compares the national conferences of aquaculture and fishery, of women and of racial policy. The results corroborate the assumption that conferences of distinct public policies have different inclusive capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Most of physical activity surveillance data are derived from high-income countries. The aim of the current study was to report time trends in leisure-time physical activity. Methods: Population-based surveys were conducted in the city of Pelotas, Brazil in 2003 and 2010, including individuals aged 20+ years. Physical activity was assessed using the leisure-time section of the long version of the IPAQ. A cut-off point of 150 min/wk was used in the analyses. Methodologies were virtually identical in both surveys. Results: In 2003, 26.8% (95% CI 24.3; 29.2) of the participants were classified as active in leisure-time, as compared with 24.4% (95% CI 22.6; 26.2) in 2010. The proportion of subjects reporting 0 minutes per week of walking, moderate- and vigorous-intensity physical activity practice also did not vary between 2003 and 2010. However, the proportion of active adults decreased from 39.9% (95% CI 33.0; 42.7) in 2003 to 29.7% (95% CI 24.9; 34.5) in 2010 among high-income participants. Males were more active than females in both surveys. Conclusions: Leisure-time physical activity is stable among adults living in the South of Brazil, but high-income participants are becoming less active over time. Scaling up effective and promising physical activity interventions is urgently needed in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The scope of this paper is to study the report of the manager of the Brazilian School Nutrition Program (PNAE), with special emphasis on the period from 2003 to 2010. It is a critical essay based on a review of the literature and the official data. It was revealed that the program spent 954.2 million Brazilian reals in 2003 to assist 37.3 million students, and in 2010 the total resources increased to 3 billion Brazilian reals with 45.6 million students attended. Other important advances were the broadening and strengthening of the role of the School Nutrition Councils and the regulatory strategies of nutritionists as Accountable Technicians. Law No. 11.947/2009 gave a new impetus to the PNAE, extending the program to the entire basic public education grid and youths and adults, and recommending that 30% of the funds transferred from the FNDE should be used to acquire products from small farmers. The progress in technical and operational criteria seeking greater flexibility, efficiency and effectiveness in the management of the Program is clear for all to see. It is hoped that these advances will translate into effective improvement in food and nutrition conditions for schoolchildren.

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Ciencia, Tecnologia y Sociedad is the property of Centro de Estudios sobre Ciencia, Desarrollo y Educacion Superior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Thirteen years on, President Lula and his Workers' Party (PT) seem to be aware that Brazil's economic dependency on China, which had begun to take hold by the end of Lula's first term, led to the empowerment of agribusiness, which in turn supported Bolsonaro's far-right movement from its inception. During his first speech following a run-off victory over far-right Brazilian incumbent Jair Bolsonaro on October 30, 2022, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva characterized his understanding of democracy "not only as a beautiful word, written in the law, but something actually tangible, which we can feel touching our skin and collectively build on an everyday basis."[1] With this, the former labor union leader and president of two terms (2003-2010), who was jailed from 2018-2020 and later released after being cleared of corruption charges, sought to signal to Brazil and the world that his incoming government would, above all, address the nation's demand for egalitarian economic development driven by popular participation. Like Marina Silva, he went to Davos and defended the strength of Brazilian democracy in light of the January 8 attacks, seeking to reassure the world that the new government's economic approach does not replicate Brazil's old-fashioned state capitalism, whose resurrection during the government of Dilma Rousseff, a PT member who succeeded Lula in 2011 and was impeached in 2016 amidst a political-economic crisis, is at the root of Brazil's decade-long stagnant rate of economic growth. Indeed, Lula declined to invite the Venezuelan dictator to his inauguration (Bolsonaro banned Maduro from Brazil in 2019, and Lula has yet to make effective the reestablishment of diplomatic ties with the Venezuelan regime). [Extracted from the article]

This paper discusses how the theme policy of communication had treated by the Workers’ Party (PT) over the years in its government plans. The analysis comprises 25 years, between 1989 and 2014. During this period were held seven elections for the Brazilian president, and four terms were elected Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). It is adopted as a methodology a documental research and content analysis of the proposals submitted by the PT candidates. The study reveals inconsistencies between party orientations in this field and government practices, as well as evidence that the PT’s commitment to regulate communication was fading with each disputed election. The party itself has recently recognized that one of the misconceptions committed during the four terms of office was not to have democratization of the media as one of the priority tasks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cadernos Argentina Brasil is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we examine the rise of authoritarian populism in Brazil following the election in 2018 of Jair Messias Bolsonaro to the Presidency and reflect on the consequences of his far-right-wing politics for education. Our focus is broadly on three historical blocs (with five different presidents of the Republic) which make up the policy trajectory of Brazil over the period 1995–2019. We explore the complex cultural political economy surrounding more than a decade of left-wing government by Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016) of the Workers Party (PT). In what has been described as simultaneously a tragedy, a farce, and a soap opera, Bolsonaro's rise involves the impeachment of Dilma, accusations of corruption, the imprisonment of Lula and the resignation of multiple ministers of the government. The intersections of right-wing conservative discourse, evangelical proselytising and populist discourse in Brazil, coupled with resentment from those whose fortunes had been diminished because of declining economic competitiveness, contributed to the election of Bolsonaro in 2018. A final section focuses on the education policy in Brazil, the ways in which any progressive gains have been erased and what this means for Brazilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the Brazilian economy's rate of surplus value as well as its underlying determinants, i.e., wage rate and labor productivity between 1996 and 2016. In addition, it builds a theoretical narrative of the Brazilian economy that integrates its political successions, highlighting the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003–2010), Dilma Rousseff (2011–August 2016), and the parliamentary coup d'état (December 2015–August 2016). The findings are presented based on the classical political economy tradition, which sees capital-labor struggle as a key, albeit nonexclusive, condition that frames the economic, political, and ideological disputes of society. JEL Classification : B51, E25, N16 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The intensification of dog, cat and livestock vaccination campaigns significantly reduced rabies cases in humans and domestic animals in Ceará State, Brazil. However, sylvatic animals—bats (order Chiroptera), wild canids, raccoons and non‐human primates— remain as reservoirs for the virus. Our hypothesis is that surveillance and monitoring of rabies virus in bats, especially passive surveillance, is of fundamental importance, besides the implementation of health education and strengthening of surveillance actions in humans exposed to aggressions. Thus, we assessed the occurrence of rabies virus in animals focusing on bats, before and after launching of the Sylvatic Rabies Surveillance Program in 2010. Surveillance data from the 184 municipalities of Ceará State were analysed, collected during the periods 2003–2010 (active surveillance) and 2011–2016 (passive surveillance), respectively. A total of 13,543 mammalian samples were received for rabies diagnosis from 2003 to 2016. Of these, 10,960 were from dogs or cats (80.9%), 1,180 from bats (8.7%), 806 from other sylvatic animals (foxes, marmosets, raccoons; 6.0%) and 597 from herbivores (cattle, goats, sheep, equines, pigs; 4.4%). A total of 588 (4.3%) samples were positive for rabies. About 8.4% (99/1,180) of the bat samples were infected with rabies virus, 92 (92.9%) of these were from non‐haematophagous bat species and 7 (7.1%) from haematophagous species. The number of bat samples received and infection rates increased considerably, after a shift from active surveillance (9/355 [2.5%] samples positive), to passive surveillance (90/825 [10.9%] samples positive). Surveillance of rabies virus in bats is fundamental for human and domestic animal health in Ceará State. Bats have to be considered as targets in surveillance and control programmes. Virus lineages should be characterized to increase knowledge on transmission dynamics of sylvatic rabies virus to domestic animals and the human population, and to provide additional evidence for planning and implementation of improved control measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article aims to analyse the characteristics of the regulation, training and supply policies of medical doctors in Brazil, during Lula government (2003-2010), as well as the process of dispute about a policy change proposed by senior officers of the Ministry of Health, who were members of the Health Reform movement. This is a case study that used process tracing as a methodological strategy and, as sources, documents and interviews. We used the theoretical resources offered by studies on political process and the theory of gradual institutional change. The main findings are the understanding of institutional arrangements in this policy, and the identification of individual and collective actors who acted to change the policy. Three political-institutional restrictions to change were found: the opposition of the Liberal Medicine advocates Community, which exerted a political influence on the area, the lack of support or resistance to change from the Ministry of Education and the government nucleus decision not to carry out proposals that, at the same time, had to be approved by the Legislative and had the opposition of the Liberal Medicine advocates Community. A balance tending to reproduce the status quo and the current institutional arrangement prevailed, despite the implementation of incremental policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The text analyses the relevance and role of international coalitions as instruments and arenas for negotiation in the context of Brazilian foreign policy under Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), and the perspectives they bring to the attainment of the goal of reforming the spaces and instruments of global governance in the political, economic and security spheres. Under Lula da Silva, Brazil supported and resorted intensively to coalitions not only for their instrumental value for consolidating the country's international presence and actions, but also due to the possibility that they could induce systemic change towards a more uneven pattern of power distribution, thus helping to overcome lasting political and economic international asymmetries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper, we examine Brazil's international activism and ascent to the status of rising state during the presidencies of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and his chosen successor, Dilma Rousseff (2011–2014). We focus on the dissemination of social policies under an innovative model of development that reflected the political and economic context of a developing country. We argue that this activism was framed in terms of Brazil's socio-economic and cultural peculiarities, whereby these were treated not as obstacles but as positive contributions to developing states' attempts to reform global governance structures. We argue that this reflects an alternative form of foreign policy politicisation in which the social dilemmas, particularities and contradictions of the Brazilian experience are incorporated in the foreign policy agenda to leverage its international stature as a rising state. We explain how Brazil's international cooperation through transferring its public policies and development models (policies for fighting hunger and poverty, agrarian development and income generation) to its Southern partners has been discursively articulated as representing Brazil's normative potential to contribute to political and institutional solutions, and rebuild norms and standards that affect the distribution of international power and wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]