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Western development organizations frequently target youth in conflict settings to participate in peaceful, cooperative activities to promote nation-building and deter violence. In this article, Heddy Lahmann examines the narratives of fifteen youth who participated in a US-funded nonformal arts education program in Afghanistan, which operated with the key objective of promoting national identity in its participants. Using open-ended interviews coupled with an arts-based research technique, Lahmann investigates how Afghan youth perceive their identity in relation to the nation. Her research indicates that national identity arguments do not adequately address other salient intersections of identity, such as an individual's developmental stage in life and the significance of gender, and largely leave out the influence of colonialism on the way national identity is conceptualized in non-Western contexts. Lahmann argues that program designers and policy makers must incorporate the local knowledge and experiences of youth and address the unique needs of various groups, including marginalized populations and young women versus young men, to effectively engage them in education efforts.

This article discusses the geo-political operations of student resistance in global feminisms classrooms, a topic that is largely ignored in the feminist pedagogies literature, where a generic understanding of the feminist teacher as a white, American and/or Western, and upper-class PhD seems to dominate. Given that the number of minority faculty teaching at Western universities is on the rise, the author postulates that it is crucial to close this literature gap on the geopolitics of student resistance faced particularly by foreign-born faculty performing transformative teaching. The author intends to contribute to the scarce literature on the topic and inspire further knowledge production by and about feminist teachers otherized on multiple identity grounds, including geopolitics and nationality.

This essay explores the cultural-pedagogical logic of what the author calls the perlocutionary effect of transcendence that the "discourse of the West" produces. This discourse provides a fortified interiority beyond history, but also a door through which racisms, imperialisms, and fascisms of the past can possibly return. The second part of this essay situates the author's discussion of the Herouxville Declaration and the Reasonable Accommodation Debate (as well as the response of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission to them) in relation to the postwar cultural political formation over which a new hegemonic, national identity crystallized. The author also underscores here that, precisely as a hegemonic formation, whatever real and imaginary egalitarian policy content it possessed (or enshrined in the limited form of the Charter guarantees), this was a reaction of crisis management in the face of the struggles of the past; not only to second wave feminism in Canada and elsewhere but to the decolonization movements (of the periphery, of aboriginal peoples, and of the Quebecois) as well as the international labor movement. The third part of this essay turns to consider what the new formations of racism owe to the past. It concludes with a critical discussion of the Bouchard-Taylor Report on the Reasonable Accommodation Debate. (Contains 38 notes.)

A nation is a collection of people who have common culture, history and values so that these values can cause cohesion and solidarity among different groups in a country. Transitional factors such as culture and language, common race, common history, religion, etc., play a role in the formation of a nation. These factors are among the things that cause the formation of a nation. A nation-building is a sociological approach that is realized as a result of the fading of ethnic, racial, and gender distinctions. Today, nation-building is used as one of the important tools in different societies for the solidarity and integration of ethnic groups. Various factors play a role in the process of nation-building, and these factors have both strengthening and inhibiting roles. When national-civil nationalism is strengthened in the process of nation-building, the process of nation-building is realized, but with the strengthening of ethnic and religious nationalism, the process of nation-building faces a dead end. Countries that have been able to build a nation have been able to form a single nation by strengthening nationalism. But in countries where there is ethnic and religious nationalism, the process of nation-building faces many challenges. Therefore, the realization of the nationbuilding process in heterogeneous societies is one of the important tools for the cohesion and solidarity of different ethnic groups, and with the realization of this process, social distinctions disappear, and all citizens enjoy the same privileges and equal rights in a country. In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method, the tools and methods of nation-building in Afghanistan have been examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twenty-first century, the eight-hundred-year-old teachings of a Muslim mystic-poet from West-Asia continues to inspire masses with the universal messages of liberty, love, and fraternity. Many of us can still read and enjoy Rumi's appealing poems in the original Persian language without difficulty - a very rare accident in the arena of world literature! The transcendental meaning of 'civilisational identity' has an evident presence in Rumi's poems, and his teachings are still relevant. This essay aims at presenting Rumi's borderless mentality and inclusive approach, which is, in many instances, in contrast with the modern tendencies of fragmentation and exclusivism. The discussions begin with a short 'Introduction', followed by four main headings. 'Civilisation, Imitation of Creation,' provides a brief overview of the transformation of the meaning of 'civilisation' from the classical period to the modern times. It also emphasises on the less visible yet essential role of art and literature in the formation of civilisational identity. 'Rise of Nationalism as Independent Identity' touches upon the establishment of nation-states, followed by an elaboration of the positive and negative aspects of 'Nationalism' as a recent development in human history. 'Trans-National Identity of Liberated Souls' offers a bird's-eye-view of Rumi's life across various lands. It introduces Persianate culture as medium of connection of many nations, and showcases Rumi, through his writings, as a borderless, nationless, profound, inclusive, translucent, and love-oriented intellectual. 'Language: Facilitator or Barrier' focuses on the idea of communication at two levels: speechless communication and communication via tongue, referring to the esoteric and exoteric aspects of expression. Under this heading we shall also see how a shared language of a few countries - that has been a uniting factor in the history - can become a dividing factor when different 'name-stickers' are adopted to accomplish political agendas under the banner of nationalism. And finally, under 'Conclusion,' a concise summary of the paper is provided. The essay is complemented by relevant couplets by Rumi and two contemporary poets from Iran and Afghanistan. Fresh English translations of the couplets are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the decline of Pashtun nationalism, the rise to power of the Taliban and the ineffectiveness of the state in Afghanistan. Topics discussed include the refusal of the Western countries to recognize the role of the Taliban as the best state-building option for the country, factors that contribute to the collapse of the Pashtun nationalism strategy such as the local geopolitical reality, and role of the lack of revenue in the ineffectiveness of the state.

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It has almost been a decade since the e-ID card project was initiated in Afghanistan in 2009. A number of bills have been drafted, debated, and even adopted and then amended. However, until very recently, the government was not able to issue the e-ID cards due to the rise of communal tensions over the inclusion of national, ethnic and less so religious affiliations. Both proponents and opponents of each category have cherry picked a few national ID cards to suggest that what they advocate for is universally accepted across nations. To examine their claims, this article explores national identity cards of 134 states. Explaining the consequences of adopting these categories in different national identity cards, this article also reveals why some countries have included or dropped these categories subsequently from their ID cards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper stands on the premise that interstate acrimony following jingoistic nationalism has turned India, Pakistan and Afghanistan into mutual enemies, who continue to subordinate their national developmental policies to the security complexes, which has exacerbated their mutual hatred to the point beyond repair. It also presents a testable preposition that such a predicament can be countered by globalization optimism, to which interstate cooperation, soft borders and contacts between people are the prerequisites. Such objectives can be realized only through regional and economic integration, whose concept and implementation have worked successfully in Europe and have been extensively debated by many theorists from security, economic, scientific and cultural perspectives. Apart from theoretical and historical studies, the paper is based on the inputs, gathered from various organizations and influential stakeholders during my recent field trip to Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Abdul Rahman Rahmani, the chairman of the Public Relations Committee for the General Council of Afghan political organization Sunni Hazaras is presented. When asked about what are the changes in ethnicity and national identity changed in Afghanistan after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in New York City, he refers to freedom of speech and upholding the rights of minorities. Other topics include the value of ethnicity, ethnic identity, and ethno-nationalism.

The author reflects on an article on the impact of foreign intervention on ethnic politics in Afghanistan after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack in New York City. An overview of the Afghan state is provided which feature tribal and ethnic groupings. Other topics include the role of Pashtun tribes in national politics, the prevalence of ethnic politics, and the role of ethnicity in modern Afghanistan.

The U.S. campaign in Afghanistan has been based, in part, on a pair of contradictory notions: First, that the Taliban are a supra-ethnic, transnational group severed from the social and cultural heritage of Afghanistan; and second, that the Taliban represent a form of Pashtun nationalism. This article uses archival data and field research to show that both views are incorrect. The Taliban are historically rooted in Pashtun communities and yet are not a force of Pashtun nationalism. Rather, they comprise a network of exclusion, bound together in rhetoric by a particular conception of political Islam and Afghan sovereignty. This is an 'Islamist nationalism' in word, but crucially, not in deed: While the Taliban aspire to act as a nationalist force representing all Afghans, under conditions of institutional poverty and the lack of modernization, the Taliban are bound in practice by networks of trust and personal contact. This is an example of the 'combined and uneven development' of Afghan nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This article aims to make a contribution to the literature by comparing 3 existing and often used conceptualizations and measurements of immigrants' dual identity: (a) high levels of identification with separate ethnic and national identities (Studies 1 and 2), (b) dual self-identification (Study 1), and (c) the strength of dual identification (Study 2).Method: Large-scale survey data are used in 2 studies, capturing 6 recent immigrant groups (Afghanis, Chinese, Iranians, Iraqis, Polish, and Somalis; Study 1, N = 5,877) and immigrants from Turkey (Study 2, N = 427) to The Netherlands. We investigate the associations between the different measures of dual identity as well as how each relates to indicators of intergroup relations (perceived subgroup respect and perceived discrimination) and immigrants' psychological outcomes (feeling at home in The Netherlands, happiness, affect toward the Dutch).Results: The findings show that dual self-identification differs most markedly from high identification on separate ethnic and national identities. The latter conceptualization largely overlaps with the strength of dual identification, both in terms of the classification of who is a dual identifier, as well as the associations with intergroup relations and immigrants' psychological outcomes.Conclusions: These findings help to clarify discrepant approaches to dual identity in the existing literature and provide guidelines for future research into dual identity among immigrants in Western societies. In particular, they suggest that a distinction between dual self-identification and measures of group identification is needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have widely demonstrated that the process by which officials frame their communications significantly impacts how citizens understand, evaluate, and respond to policy issues or events. This study attempts to build on existing framing research in two important ways. First, we seek to illuminate the importance of “cultural resonance” in determining whether an individual frame is likely to gain acceptance among its intended audience. Second, we assess the impact of “frame contestation” on the adoption of such frames. We explore these dynamics in the context of the U.S. war in Afghanistan. Specifically, we conducted an experiment in which U.S. adults were exposed to a news story about U.S. military transgressions in Afghanistan. Our results indicate that frames, designed to appeal to and protect the national identity, broadly resonated among respondents, impacting their perceptions of the character, causes and consequences of the transgressions, as well as their broader attitudes about the nation, the U.S. military, and the war in Afghanistan. Nonetheless, when these frames were presented, and then explicitly contested within the same news story, it diminished—but not entirely—these framing effects. We reflect on the theoretical and practical implications of these findings for journalists, officials, and the broader public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally believed that invaders, men of letters and religion, from Afghanistan, have significantly influenced the course of history in India. The contribution of Indians, especially Muslims, in spreading knowledge, enlightenment and modernization in Afghanistan did not attract much scholarly attention. This paper attempts to highlight the contribution of British Indian Muslims towards dissemination of knowledge, enlightenment and information in Afghanistan, while working for Afghan newspapers and periodicals in 1870-1930. Qazi Abdul Qadir Yousafzai Peshawari, the Chief Editor of ShamsulNahaar; Mauolvi Najaf Ali, Sub-Editor of Sirajul Akhbar; Allah Nawaz, Assistant Editor of Ethihad-i Mashriqi; Fazal Mahmud Makhfi, translator (Pashto, English) of Daily Anees, and Etihad-e-Mashriqi; and Muhammad Hussain, calligrapher, Toloe-Afghan, and Director magazine, Habibul Islam, included some of those personalities who pioneered and assisted in developing print media to promote enlightenment and modernization in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy analysts and academics have portrayed the Taliban as a religious revival campaign and a part of a larger Islamic counteroffensive against the West. The Taliban themselves concur, adding that they are the true guardians of Afghan national identity. If so, why did the Taliban defy long-established facets of Afghan customary law and introduce a different interpretation of Islamic law, thus countering the status quo ante? This article will examine the Taliban movement and ask how we should assess nationalist movements' claims of antiquity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary West is biased in favor of rebellion. This is attributable in the first place to the dominance of liberal political philosophy, according to which it is the power of the state that always poses the greatest threat to human well-being. But it is also because of consequent anti-imperialism, according to which any nationalist rebellion against imperial power is assumed to be its own justification. Autonomy, whether of the individual or of the nation, is reckoned to be the value that trumps all others. I surmise that it is because in liberal consciousness the word “rebel” connotes a morally heroic stance—because it means the opposite of “tyrant”—that Western media in recent years have preferred to refer to Iraqi opponents of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq and Taliban opponents of the ISAF in Afghanistan not as “rebels,” but as “insurgents.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbüQatad a "The Palestinian" is among the most influential ideologues of the salafi-jihadi movement. Born in Palestine, Abü Qatäda grew up in the Jordanian capital Amman, spent time among jihadi guerrillas in Pakistan, and ended up a militant preacher in London. Over the last decade, while going in and out of prison accused of aiding international terrorism, Abü Qatada has worked to define the theological basis of al-Qaida and likeminded movements. This article explores the Palestinian preacher's background, activism and ideological communication, focusing on the relationship with his land of origin. It finds that the jihadi thinker seems largely to have ignored his country of origin in both word and deed. This is counter-intuitive given that Abü Qatäda represents a movement presenting the liberation of Palestine as the heart of a worldwide armed holy struggle. However, jihadi ideologues tread a fine line between nationalism and worldliness on one hand, and transnational religious purism on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Abdallah 'Azzäm(1941-1989 ) helped make jihadism more transnational by spear-heading the effort to bring Muslim foreign fighters to Afghanistan in the 1980s. But why would a West Bank native devote himself to a war in Central Asia and not to the Palestinian struggle? In order to understand 'Azzäm's unusual ideological trajectory, this article examines his relationship with Palestine, notably his experiences growing up in the territories, the extent of his involvement in the armed Palestinian struggle, and his views on the conflict with Israel. The article draws on previously underexploited primary sources, including 'Azzäm's own writings, rare Arabic-language biographies, and interviews with family members. I argue that 'Azzäm's Palestinian background pre-disposed him to transnational militancy. His exile in 1967 made him an aggrieved and rootless citizen of the Islamic world. His time fighting the Israel Defense Forces with the Fedayeen in 1969-70 gave him a taste of combat and a glimpse of pan-Islamic sol-idarity in practice. The inaccessibility of the battlefield after 1970 combined with 'Azzäm's distaste for the leftist PLO led him to pursue the more accessible jihad in Afghanistan instead. There, he hoped to build an Islamist army that could reconquer Palestine. When Hamas rose as a military organization in the late 1980s, 'Azzäm embraced and supported it. Thus 'Azzäm was, to some extent, a byproduct of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the study of new forms of transnational power constituted by the action of international and nongovernmental organizations, to which gravitate loose networks of activists variously promoting democracy, human rights, the empowerment of women, and environmental conservation. The paper's focus is impacts that the massive reconstruction effort is having on Afghan society, examined through a case study of The National Solidarity Programme (NSP), the main project of rural rehabilitation underway in the country. Launched in 2003, its objective is to bring development funds directly to rural people and to establish democratically elected local councils that will identify needs, and plan and manage the reconstruction. Although the NSP's political significance faded in the context of the presidential elections of 2009, which were characterized by quickly evolving alliances, the program illustrates how reconstruction funds are an integral part of Afghanistan's social and political landscape. My arguments are four-fold: First, the NSP subtly modifies participants' body gestures and codes of conduct. Second, the program's fundamental assumptions are at odds with the complex social fabric and the overlapping sources of solidarity and conflict that characterize rural Afghanistan. Third, the ways in which political actors use material and symbolic resources channeled through the NSP mirror national struggles for power. Finally, such programs are one element in a much larger conceptual and bureaucratic apparatus that promotes new forms of transnational governmentality that coexist with and sometimes challenge the more familiar, territorialized expressions of state power and sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article digs beneath the surface of American assumptions regarding war to explore the ethical interconnections between national identity, war, and religion. Striking differences emerge between the dynamics of religion and politics with regard to war and peace in presidential speeches regarding the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, and the analysis of war from an earlier generation, encapsulated by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s 'Beyond Vietnam: A Call to Conscience,' from 1967. Study of this political discourse helps us better understand our own reality in the United States, and the moral consequences of our beliefs about war, sacrifice, the human character, and the identity of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second half of the 1990s saw the emergence of a new, distinctive type of Afghan poetry, the Taliban tarana performed in Pashto by one or more vocalists without instrumental accompaniment and characterised by the melodic modes of local folk music. Over the last fifteen years the tarana chants have gained wide distribution within Afghanistan and Pashto speaking parts of Pakistan, as well as among the Pashtun diaspora. Considering their unambiguous ideological status and their immense popularity within the country of origin they can be regarded as the signature tune of the Afghan insurgency. The present article, which focuses on the literary roots of these songs, attempts to demonstrate that their authors are following century old patterns of Pashto oral and written poetry while adopting traditional material to the needs and the milieu of contemporary Afghan society. The publication is supplemented by a transcription and English translation of five tarana chants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the impact of efforts at political reforms intended to speed the development of a national community in Afghanistan that would supersede the political salience of ethnic conflict. Issues relating to the constitutional prohibition of ethnic representation and the possibility that this will alienate powerful ethnic minorities are considered. Institutional issues arising from ethnic conflict in Afghanistan are considered as a threat to the stability of the state. While the ability of the government of president Hamid Karzai to coopt leaders from ethnic communities such as the Pashtuns, Uzbeks, and Tajiks is lauded, its institutional sustainability is questioned.

Focuses on the rise in the political consciousness of the Hazaras of Afghanistan. Appearance of several nationalistic Hazara Web sites; Identification of a fundamental change in Hazara political consciousness; Details on the Hazara reputation for fractiousness.

Examines the level of national awareness and identity of the Islamic state in Afghanistan. Absence of national bond and sense of citizenship; Discussion of politics of the state; Obstacles encountered in the efforts of fabricating a nation-state.

The collapsing political and economic structures, rue rise of Islamic nationalism, and the defeat in Afghanistan are viewed as contributing factors to potential terrorism within the Soviet Union. These factory are discussed within the framework of nationalist terrorism. An attempt is made to predict. based on the current trends, sociopolitical results if nationalistic terrorism become a reality in the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]