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ABSTRACT The Israeli security system has possession of and influences in different forms more than half (!) of the territory of the State, excluding the West Bank. It also dictates […]

The Geneva Accord, although was unsuccessful in yielding a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, seems to be a step in the right direction as far as the writing of agreements and the work of negotiations go. It is felt that in order to settle the struggle between these two countries, a fanatic moderate such as a Gandhi, a King, or a Mandela with exceptional vision, will and charisma is required.

"While an Islamist alternative still remains unacceptable to most Palestinians, the Islamists, notably Hamas, increasingly have become a ... part of the Palestinian political landscape; as such, they will need to be incorporated into--not marginalized from--any future political arrangement. Despite its militant extremism, the Islamist movement has shown that it can be pragmatic."

The author examines the lives of families living in Israel before and after the Oslo peace treaty. Topics include the impact of politics on family, parenting in stressful periods, and the psychological aspects of political uncertainty.

The graffiti on the walls of the occupied West Bank in the late 1980's and early 1990 represents a cultural production that has evolved as a result of the long power struggle between the Palestinians and the Israeli occupiers. Graffiti has come to symbolize defiance of the authority and a platform for voicing grievances. As a communicative device, it helped in binding together and inspiring a fragmented Palestinian community to continue their struggle. The texts of graffiti are a powerful statement on the state of affairs in the occupied West Bank.

Positive rivalry between the PLO and Hamas is crucial to the establishment of democracy in the West Bank. The role of Hamas is as important as that of the PLO in bringing about the transition to self government. Hamas is capable of providing a second party for the Palestinian polity and can put a check to the authoritarian tendencies of Yasser Arafat. Although Arafat demonstrated his pre-eminence in Palestinian politics by garnering 88% of votes in the 1996 elections, Israel and the PLO need to recognize the political importance of Hamas., The tide of Islamic ideology that is sweeping the Arab world continues to appeal to the dispossessed. Radical Islam is largely a backlash against the cumulative economic stagnation, social injustice [...]

New small states need to find a niche based on their geographic position in connection with the global economy. The Gaza Strip and the West Bank are used as examples. These countries have to overcome difficulties such as structural scarcity experienced due to the transition to self-government. The countries have to find a balance between enjoying the new status of political independence and preserving economic and social stability. The ways of meeting the structural shortcomings in Gaza Strip and West Bank are discussed.

The Islamic fundamentalist movement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip has developed in response to perceived weakening of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO). From 1986 the Islamic Jihad grew from a desire for armed struggle to achieve a Palestinian State. This contrasted with the Muslim Brotherhood's emphasis on an Islamic socialization policy. However, the Brotherhood was forced to bow to increased public pressure for militant action with the creation of Hammas. Hammas is poised to challenge the PLO as the defender of Palestinian nationalism.

It is commonly assumed that democracy in deeply divided societies takes either a majoritarian or consociational form. While the state in both types is ethnically neutral, there are some countries that combine viable democratic institutions with institutionalized ethnic dominance. The article introduces this third, so far not recognized, general type of 'ethnic democracy' and demonstrates its utility for Israel in treating its Arab minority. The tensions and contradictions in Israel's dual character as a Jewish democratic state give rise to five Arab demands that the Jewish majority reject: making Israel non-Jewish and non-Zionist, accepting Palestinian nationalism, lifting all restrictions on Arab individual rights, granting Arabs certain national collective rights and incorporating Arabs into the national power structure. Each Arab demand is discussed in detail and the rationale for Jewish objections is spelled out. The problem can be reduced, but not resolved, by establishing a separate Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip for the Palestinian people and by according Israeli Arabs the status of a Palestinian national minority within the Jewish state. These issues are not unique to Israel but rather common to ethnic democracies. It is concluded that the Israeli experience is becoming increasingly relevant to states which are democratizing but keeping appreciable ethnic dominance.

Still another moment of transition is occurring in Israel as the government of Yitzhak Rabin moves toward implementing the next phase of the agreement it struck in September 1993 with [...]

This article examines the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the possibility of peace. The author, focusing on the West Bank settlements, maintains the Palestinians will not agree to peace until the settlers are relocated and the Jewish settlers will refuse to leave even if it does mean peace.