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This paper summarizes the history of U.S. immigration policy and the impact of this policy on African American economic status. It describes the direct effect of greater economic competition for jobs, housing and social services and the indirect effects of immigration on politics and public policy. Immigration policy has adverse long-term implications for the economic interests of black Americans. The paper concludes that unless policy changes are forthcoming, the pace of progress for black citizens and workers will be hampered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the kinds of politics that are enabled by the Internet with respect to immigrants to the United States; its primary concern is whether the political spaces created through the Internet can foster incorporation of immigrants in the political community or whether the political activity on the Internet seems likely to lead to a more fractionalized political community in which the position of immigrants remains marginal. This exploration is based first on a random sample of web-sites about immigration and second on a more targeted sample of sites aimed specifically at two immigrant groups. The analysis of web-sites indicates that there is a great deal of information about immigrants on the Internet, and that most of it seems to be directed to service providers, policy makers, and researchers. There is relatively little discussion by or about immigrants, and beyond a few notable sites, there is almost no sign of mobilization. To the extent that the Internet is used to create new political spaces, it may not be spaces for deliberation and discussion. Rather, the political spaces seem to be informational spaces in which the politics are not easily or directly read.A-Awda, The Palestine Right to return Coalition, is a broad-based, non-partisan, global, democratic association of grassroots activists and organizational representatives. Our objective is to educate the international community to fulfill its legal and moral obligations vis-a`-vis the Palestinian people. Al-Awda develops, coordinates, supports and guides, as needed, global and local grassroots initiatives for action related to Palestinian rights. Al-Awda, http://www.al-awda.org as visited 11 July 2002.“Why I won’t serve Sharon.”“Maaad Abu-Ghazalah, Arab-American Candidate for US Congress, San Francisco.”“A Statement on the ‘War on Terror’ from Prominent Americans.”“What Bush Doesn’t Know about Palestine.”“Memorial to 418 Palestinian Villages Which Were Destroyed.”Headlines on Cafe´ Arabica, http://www.cafearabica.com as visited 11 July, 2002.The Internet is widely heralded as opening spaces for a wide variety of politics and political voices. But as it is praised for its inclusiveness, it is also pilloried for enabling the fragmentation of political opinion without providing a forum in which common political ground can be identified or consensus achieved. In the former view, the Internet fosters greater inclusion in democratic debate and political community. In the latter view, it contributes to a weakening of the bonds that are necessary for a political community to reach consensus and to provide guidance for democratic governance.Consider the examples in the epigraph to the paper. Al-Awda is a political movement devoted to securing the right of return for Palestinian refugees and their families. It organizes marches and demonstrations in cities across the US and Western Europe. One reason for the apparent mismatch between the locations of the “problem” and of the “action” is that many – though by no means all – of the participants in the marches are immigrants from the Middle East or they are of Arab descent. While the organization is based in Massachusetts, most of the mobilization through it occurs on-line, and it is not clear that there is either a permanent staff or regular meetings, other than the marches. Cafe´ Arabica provides a venue for discussion of a wide range of topics related to Arab culture and politics. Much like the romanticized cafe´ society, discussion can be lively and seems to include a wide range of participants and viewpoints. Cafe´ Arabica includes an on-line discussion forum, again with many of the participants apparently either being from the Middle East or the descendants of immigrants from the region. It labels itself as an Arab-American on-line community.These two web-sites were not chosen at random. They both relate to immigrants – social groups that are often not able to participate in political discussion and debate in their host countries. As such, these sites exemplify both the possibilities and the limitations that commentators have identified when they discuss the Internet and its role in fostering political dialogue. Some people would see these sites as signs of a group that wants to use the political process in one country to influence events in another country. Some people will read these sites as a an indication that at least one immigrant group – if not all immigrants – refuse assimilation, which is the basis of incorporation into the American political community. Still others will view these sites as attempts to incorporate a set of political voices and agents into a more inclusive political community. This paper examines the use of the Internet in political debate and mobilization around immigrants in the United States. It considers the nature of political discussion on the Internet and the agents involved in it. The overarching concern is whether the Internet fosters a more inclusive political community or whether it leads to alternative political spaces that remain unincorporated with respect to the political community of the host society.The paper is organized in four sections. The first provides a background for the debates about immigrants, the Internet, and politics. The second section is an overview of the theoretical debates about the public sphere as a political space in which members of a polity can participate and the ways in which the Internet may transform that space. The third section highlights some of the key issues that condition migrants’ acceptance into a polity, focusing primarily on the United States. With these sections serving as background, the final section of the paper explores political discussion on the Internet by and about immigrants. This exploration is based first on a random sample of web-sites about immigration and second on a more targeted sample of sites aimed specifically at two immigrant groups. The goal in these examinations is to evaluate the extent to which the Internet can provide the basis of a political space in which issues related to the incorporation of immigrants can be debated or whether it is a space that fosters a more fractionalized politics unlikely to lead to greater political incorporation of immigrants. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Buddhism plays a central role in Cambodian refugees' identity in the United States; ‘to be Khmer [Cambodian] is to be Buddhist.’ The religious life of Cambodian refugees in the United States is declining and being transformed due to the changing nature of community and social structure. Khmer traditional beliefs are being constructed and reconstructed to fit in new socio‐cultural and environmental contexts. This research paper examines a particular Khmer healing ritual known as lieng arak, which is performed as a therapeutic technique, framed within the complex belief system made up of Buddhism and ancestral worship. This study suggests that lieng arak ritual is disappearing in the United States due to several factors: the lack of ritual specialists and musical ensembles, the changes in the conceptualization of spirit categories, and most importantly the loosening of the social network within the Khmer community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper we examine the circumstances and determinants of female migration between Mexico and the United States. Using data from the Mexican Migration Project, we considered the relative timing of males' and females' moves northward. We then estimated logit and probit models to study the determinants of male and female out-migration; among women we also estimated a multinomial logit model to uncover differences in the process of migration for work versus not for work. We found that women almost always followed other family members, either the husband or a parent; only a tiny minority initiated migration independently. Although males also are quite likely to be introduced to migration by a parent, nearly half of all male migrants left for the United States before or without a wife or a parent. Estimates of the determinants of migration suggested that males move for employment, whereas wives generally are motivated by family reasons. Daughters, however, display a greater propensity to move for work, and the determinants of their work-related moves closely resemble those of sons and fathers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine the internal migratory response, by native-born non-Hispanic white men and foreign-born men in the United States, to recent immigration. Our analysis does not support the claim that natives have made a migratory response to recent immigration. Native-born men and foreign-born men were less likely to leave states that received large numbers of immigrants in the 1980s than they were to leave other states, and native-born men had less propensity toward out-migration than did foreign-born men. Out-migration was most likely to be deterred if recent immigrants originated in Europe or Asia. Although native-born non-Hispanic white men showed a tendency toward out-migration if recent immigrants originated in Latin America or the Caribbean, this result was insignificant after we controlled for state economic and regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses three years of individual-level data to analyze the determinants of individual preferences over immigration policy in the United States. We have two main empirical results. First, less-skilled workers are significantly more likely to prefer limiting immigrant inflows into the United States. Our finding suggests that, over the time horizons that are relevant to individuals when evaluating immigration policy, individuals think that the U.S. economy absorbs immigrant inflows at least partly by changing wages. Second, we find no evidence that the relationship between skills and immigration opinions is stronger in high-immigration communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the economic and demographic factors that influence return migration, focusing on generation 1.5 immigrants. Using longitudinal data from the 1979 youth cohort of the National Longitudinal Surveys (NLSY79), we track residential histories of young immigrants to the United States and analyze the covariates associated with return migration to their home country. Overall, return migration appears to respond to economic incentives, as well as to cultural and linguistic ties to the United States and the home country. We find no role for welfare magnets in the decision to return, but we learn that welfare participation leads to lower probability of return migration. Finally, we see no evidence of a skill bias in return migration, where skill is measured by performance on the Armed Forces Qualifying Test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the New Immigrant Survey Pilot (NIS-P), a panel survey of a nationally representative sample of new legal immigrants to the United States based on probability samples of administrative records of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). The NIS-P links survey information about immigrants' pre- and post-immigration labor market, schooling, and migratory experiences with data available from INS administrative records, including the visa type under which the immigrant was admitted. Results indicate that the procedures followed for locating, interviewing, and reinterviewing respondents yielded representative samples of new legal immigrants and high-quality data. On the basis of data obtained from the first round of the survey, we present new information never before available on the schooling and language skills of new immigrants and their earnings gains from immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research traditionally has adopted a static, cross-sectional approach in assessing the net effect of immigrants on the economy's fiscal position. But this approach is inadequate, for it fails to account for the future impact of current immigrants and their offspring. To overcome this shortcoming and avoid misleading conclusions, a dynamic analysis is necessary. The recently developed tool of generational accounting provides an ideal framework for such analysis, for it also permits a comparison of the fiscal effects of immigration policy with those of other policies. This paper amends and then applies the technique of generational accounting to measure the fiscal effects of immigration. Among its findings are: 1) The recent improvement in the U.S. fiscal picture reduces the potential fiscal benefits of immigration. With future generations projected to bear a lower net fiscal burden than under previous forecasts, there is less to be gained by sharing this burden with new immigrants. 2) Changes in the level of immigration have an uncertain effect on fiscal balance, with the sign dependent on parameter choices and assumptions. However, the effect, whether positive or negative, is small in magnitude relative to the overall U.S. fiscal imbalance. 3) Of greater potential fiscal importance are changes in the composition of the immigrant population, in particular with respect to educational attainment. Thus, to the extent that the debate over immigration policy has focused on the level rather than the composition of the immigrant population, this attention may have been misplaced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Stress during pregnancy can lead to significant adverse outcomes for maternal mental health. Early evaluation of prenatal stress can help identify treatment needs and appropriate interventions. Disparities in the social determinants of health can contribute to stress, but what constitutes stress during pregnancy within the social determinants of health framework is poorly understood. Objective: To scope how prenatal stress is defined and measured among pregnant people exposed to three prominent social stressors in the United States: insecurity pertaining to food, housing, and immigration. Eligibility Criteria: We included all studies that focused on stress during pregnancy in the context of food insecurity, housing instability, and immigration, given their recent policy focus due to the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing political discourse, in addition to their importance in American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG's) social determinants of health screening tool. Sources of Evidence: We searched PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science for articles published between January 2012 and January 2022. Charting Methods: Using a piloted charting tool, we extracted relevant study information from the selected articles and analyzed the content pertaining to stress. Results: An initial search identified 1,023 articles, of which 24 met our inclusion criteria. None of the studies defined prenatal stress, and only one used the Prenatal Distress Questionnaire, a prenatal stress-specific tool to measure it. The Perceived Stress Scale was the most common instrument used in seven studies. Fifteen studies measured over 25 alternative exposures that researchers theorized were associated with stress, and 4 of the 15 studies did not explain the association between the measure and stress. Conclusions: Our findings demonstrate a fundamental inconsistency in how prenatal stress is defined and measured in the context of social determinants of health, limiting the comparison of results across studies and the potential development of effective interventions to promote better maternal mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Immigration-related family separation is a crisis in the US. • There are many forms of immigration-related family separation. • Immigration-related family separation leads to poorer education outcomes for children. • Length of time of separation leads to poorer outcomes for immigrant children. • Family separation affects children from all countries and regions of origin. Forced separation of immigrant children from their parents in 2018 spurred calls for immigration reform. Research shows that immigrant children experience separation from parents during the immigration process for many reasons and that they experience a wide range of negative outcomes. This paper builds on the scholarship exploring the relationship between family separation and education outcomes of US immigrant children. Using the sample of immigrant children (n = 94,731) in the 2010–2018 American Community Survey, this study analyzes the association between separation and the likelihood of a peer education gap using descriptive statistics and multivariate logistic regression analysis. This paper supports prior scholarship and finds that immigrant children who experience separation are over 35% more likely to experience a peer education gap. It adds to the literature by exploring patterns of immigrant children from all countries of origin and examining the effects of length of separation on education outcomes. While children from all places of origin experience separation, the percentage of such children is much smaller when children come from wealthier countries and regions and, more importantly, the length of separation is much longer for immigrant children from poorer countries. This study finds that the length of separation correlates with poorer education outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the book "Help or Hinderance? The Economic Implications of Immigration for African Americans," edited by Daniel S. Hamermesh and Frank D. Bean. Fourteen papers presented in the book investigate the impacts on African-Americans and other minorities of immigration of foreigners to the United States. Papers explore the effect of immigration on income distribution among minorities. Papers also discuss whether blacks gain or lose from immigration. Changes in the wage distributions of black, Mexican-American, and non-Hispanic white male high-school dropouts are highlighted. The effect of immigration on the labor-market outcomes of African-Americans is discussed. Focus is drawn on whether immigration hurts African-American self-employment. The black labor-market outcomes across metropolitan areas are highlighted. Discussion is focused on whether immigration has affected the probability that American-born minority students complete high school. The relationship between immigration and native minority workers is also discussed.

This paper assesses how ongoing historical racism and nativism as embedded within U.S. culture requires new and important dialogues about the omnipresence of White supremacy and its interconnected mechanisms that divide communities along the lines of race and perceived in-group status. To assess the role of immigration as it is understood through paradigms of White supremacy and systemic racism, the current study examines individual-level predictors of indifference to the BLM movement based on nativity status among Asian Americans—a racialized pan-ethnic group that is comprised of predominantly foreign-born members. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, one of the few nationally representative surveys that include detailed information about the Black Lives Matter movement, our study includes 1371 Asian immigrants (i.e., foreign-born Asian Americans) and 1635 U.S.-born Asian Americans. Results demonstrate that reporting indifference to the BLM movement differ by nativity such that foreign-born Asian Americans were significantly more likely to report indifference to the BLM movement compared to their U.S.-born Asian American counterparts. However, the impact of nativity disappears once we account for sense of belonging and acknowledgement of anti-Black racism. The sense of belonging was significant in predicting indifference to the BLM movement among U.S.-born Asian Americans only. The findings contribute to our understanding of racial sense making for Asian Americans as well as an understanding of how White supremacy translates to anti-Black racism through multiple and interconnected mechanisms for the maintenance of White supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a cultural institution, the press plays a fundamental role in documenting and forging the public image of migrants. This paper analyzes two thematic axes in the post 9/11 narrative of the New York Times on migration. The image that was created during the year following the terrorist attacks presents on the one hand the Mexican migrant as a potential terrorist and on the other hand migration as a global problem. It is fundamental to problematize the rhetoric about contemporary migration by inserting it in the ideological roots that defined that moment and in the historical framework of the Mexico-United States relationship. The media rhetoric post 9/11 contributed to the emergence of a new international agenda by globalizing this representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a Bayesian approach we estimate a stochastic frontier model to measure the productivity effects of state-level exports and immigration to each of the 50 US states. The results show that state productivity is affected positively by both state exports and immigrants arriving with embodied human capital. The efficiency model also reveals that the interaction of incoming immigrants with previously accumulated human capital in the host state improves state efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a great deal of state-level legislative activity focused on immigration and immigrants over the past decade in the United States. Some policies aim to improve access to education, transportation, benefits, and additional services while others constrain such access. From a social determinants of health perspective, social and economic policies are intrinsically health policies, but research on the relationship between state-level immigration-related policies and Latino health remains scarce. This paper summarizes the existing evidence about the range of state-level immigration policies that affect Latino health, indicates conceptually plausible but under-explored relationships between policy domains and Latino health, traces the mechanisms through which immigration policies might shape Latino health, and points to key areas for future research. We examined peer-reviewed publications from 1986 to 2016 and assessed 838 based on inclusion criteria; 40 were included for final review. These 40 articles identified four pathways through which state-level immigration policies may influence Latino health: through stress related to structural racism; by affecting access to beneficial social institutions, particularly education; by affecting access to healthcare and related services; and through constraining access to material conditions such as food, wages, working conditions, and housing. Our review demonstrates that the field of immigration policy and health is currently dominated by a “one-policy, one-level, one-outcome” approach. We argue that pursuing multi-sectoral, multi-level, and multi-outcome research will strengthen and advance the existing evidence base on immigration policy and Latino health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of 179 interviews with children who lived in the United States and then returned to Mexico following various itineraries. This article seeks to discover the knowledge children accumulate about international migration-i.e., what do they know about migration? All the interviewed children received part of their education in the United States; that is why this article classifies them as members of the 0.5 generation. This definition allows the formulation of the question in a clearer manner: What knowledge of everyday life have children developed about international migration movements? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nicholas De Genova (2002) suggests that undocumented status is primarily experienced through consciousness of being deportable. Interviews with undocumented Mexican migrant women living in Arizona show that they experience deportability not just in workplaces, which have been the focus of much scholarship, but also when seeking healthcare benefits for their U.S. citizen children. This article therefore expands the scholarship on deportability by exploring how state strategies for constituting migrants as deportable work through, and reconfigure, intimate ties, in this case, ties to children. Furthermore, it shows that migrant mothers draw on diverse intimate ties, beyond those that are recognized by the state, to manage the impact of their deportability. The article concludes by calling for expanded scholarly engagement with the complex relationship between state regulation, intimate ties, migrant lives, and political possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines post-1965 immigrant communities in the United States and the "ideology of exclusion." This ideology takes many forms, including the English-only movement, negative mass attitudes against immigrants, and bilingual programs in the schools, welfare reform excluding immigrants and most recently Proposition 187 in California. The current ideology of exclusion has a different cast from the earlier version in the 1920s, which was characterized by the "Americanization movement." This stems in part from the change in national origins, with most of the newcomers arriving from Latin America and Asia, and not from Europe. The first part of the paper briefly analyzes the nature of post-1965 immigrant communities and compares it with earlier immigrant settlement patterns in the twentieth century. The second part of the paper traces the various strands of the current and past ideology of exclusion. Finally a cultural and economic framework is presented to explain the rise of the ideology of exclusion against new immigrant communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary immigration to the United States and the formation of new ethnic groups are the complex and unintended social consequences of the expansion of the nation to its post-World War II position of global hegemony. Immigrant communities in the United States today are related to a history of American military, political, economic, and cultural involvement and intervention in the sending countries, especially in Asia and the Caribbean Basin, and to the linkages that are formed in the process that open a variety of legal and illegal migration pathways. The 19.8 million foreign-born persons counted in the 1990 U.S. census formed the largest immigrant population in the world, though in relative terms, only 7.9% of the U.S. population was foreign-born, a lower proportion than earlier in this century. Today's immigrants are extraordinarily diverse, a reflection of polar-opposite types of migrations embedded in very different historical and structural contexts. Also, unlike the expanding economy that absorbed earlier flows from Europe, since the 1970s new immigrants have entered an "hourglass" economy with reduced opportunities for social mobility, particularly among the less educated, and new waves of refugees have entered a welfare state with expanded opportunities for public assistance. This paper seeks to make sense of the new diversify. A typology of contemporary immigrants is presented, and their patterns of settlement, their distinctive social and economic characteristics compared to major native-born racial-ethnic groups, and their different modes of incorporation in - and consequences for - American society are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asian refugees in the United States have health and mental health needs that are different from those of mainstream Americans and even of recent immigrants. This paper provides a close look at the past experiences and present lives of these refugees, highlights their major problems, and identifies their health and mental health needs. It discusses the reasons why their needs are not being adequately met, and proposes the "what" and "how" of the contributions that social workers can make to addressing those needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been growing interest in the phenomenon of an apparent population distribution reversal in the United States. This paper examines the characteristics of migrants participating in such moves between 1969 and 1977, based on data from a longitudinal nationwide household sample survey conducted by the University of Michigan. The data show that the amount of ruralward migration outweighs that of urbanward migration. While the ruralward migration was particularly prevalent in the Northeast, the direction of migration in the South was predominantly urbanward. Ruralward migrants appeared to be young single people and young married people without children, as well as stable families. The "most ruralward" migrants tended to be from the most highly urban environments. This new pattern of migration is independent of both "white suburban flight" and the "sun-belt" phenomenon. The findings suggest an important societal reorganization towards a newer "post-industrial" and less urban population distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that there has been no revival, and that acculturation and assimilation continue to take place. Among third and fourth generation ethnics, a new kind of ethnic involvement may be occurring, which emphasizes concern with identity, with the feeling of being Jewish or Italian, etc. Identity cannot exist apart from a group, and symbols are themselves a part of culture, but ethnic identity and symbolic ethnicity require very different ethnic cultures and organizations than existed among earlier generations. What appears to be an ethnic revival may therefore only be a more visible form of long-standing phenomena, or of a new stage of acculturation and assimilation. Many observers have properly noted that even if United States might have been a melting pot early in the 20th century, the massive immigration from Europe and elsewhere has since then influenced the dominant groups, summarily labelled White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP), and has also decimated their cultural, if not their political and financial power, so that today United States is a mosaic of subgroups and subcultures. Still, this criticism does not necessarily deny the validity of straight-line theory, since ethnics can also be absorbed into a pluralistic set of subcultures and subgroups, differentiated by age, income, education, occupation, religion, region, and the like.

This paper presents estimates of emigration of foreign-born persons by age and sex for 1960 to 1970, based on 1960 and 1970 census counts of the foreign-born population, adjusted life table survival rates, and annual statistics on alien immigration published by the Immigration and Naturalization Service. The effects of nativity bias are discussed. It is estimated that approximately 1,140,000 foreign-born persons emigrated between 1960 and 1970, of which 663,000, or 58%, were women and 477,000 were men. Almost one-quarter of the foreign-born emigrants were women 25-44 years of age in 1970. About 175,000 foreign-born persons 65 years and over in 1970 emigrated during the decade. The most significant finding, that more than one million foreign-born persons left the United States between 1960 and 1970, has important implications for U.S. immigration policy and for net immigration data used to estimate the population of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cold war years witnessed the steady deterioration of America's machine tool base and the start of the migration of U.S. production into Third World countries. Not merely America but also the very core of Western production was and still is going global. Quite recently a new development appears, namely, public and private sector corporations from once peripheral and semi-peripheral areas moving assembly plant production into North America and parts of Europe, and some of them have already purchased a number of American corporations which had not gone global. As the old center deteriorates, the once peripheral and semi-peripheral enterprises close in on it forming the present global corporate network - one which locks all national economies into the global economy and increasingly renders nations powerless to control their own socio- economic destiny. In a very real sense, with the possible exception of nations that control giant public sector multinational firms, all nations are becoming peripheral, but peripheral to the new supranational network of corporate power. These complex processes which followed unerringly from corporate delinquencies of the cold war mean that the mainstream theories of global development as enunciated by Andre Gundar Frank, Samir Amin and Immanuel Wallerstein, for example, require overhauling. This paper expands this thesis and offers an alternative to contemporary global development theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes Puerto Rican migration to the U.S. in 1947-1973. Critique of Rita M. Maldonado's paper 'Why Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States in 1947-73?'; Determinants of gross migration.

Increasing numbers of Spanish-heritage immigrant families in the United States are beginning to seek therapy for family conflicts related to their adapation to the new country/culture. This paper focuses on the difficulties experienced by these families and presents issues specific to therapy with them. Effective therapy with these families requires that therapists focus on clarification of the differential adaptation rates of family members and facilitate a resolution of the family's transitional conflicts(s). Six cases involving such families are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests the hypothesis that 1935-80 U.S. migration patterns both within and between metropolitan nonmetropolitan areas and regions and migrant/nonmigrant educational differences reflect tregional changes in socioeconomic development and settlement patterns. Gross migration flows support the mobility transition hypothesis and the idea that developmental changes in metropolitanization structure the context of migration. Since the Great Depression, socioeconomic transformations of the periphery have reduced differences in migration patterns between the periphery and core regions. While migrants still have more education than nonmigrants, their differences vary systematically by regional socioeconomic development. Specifically, migrant/nonmigrant educational differences are (1) similar at origin and destination when both are at similar levels of socioeconomic development; (2) lower at the origin if the origin is higher in socioeconomic development; and (3) higher at the origin if the destination is higher in socioeconomic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper examines the extent to which sustenance differentiation--an important dimension of the division of labor--influences the redistribution of the population through net migration in the nonmetropolitan counties of the United States during the 1960s. An ecological explanation of this type is shown to be most viable, even when controls for a number of competing explanations are introduced. The evidence provided in this paper supports the longstanding contention of human ecologists about the influence of sustenance organization on population redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the acculturative process of one Dominican family, focusing on the adaptation of extended families to United States immigration policy, and the implications these adaptations may hold for the traditional Dominican family. It is the contention of this paper that the definition of "family" according to United States immigration regulations does not reflect the cooperating kin group which is the "family" in Dominican culture and this gives rise to the need for a variety of extra-legal immigrant adaptive strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the meeting held. The International Newsletter on Migration is a publication of the Research Committee on Migration, International Sociological Association. The annual meeting of the Population Association of America, held April 13-15, 1978 in Atlanta, Georgia, included its usual share of migration papers. A session on Migration Types and Their Correlates, organized and chaired by Sidney Goldstein consisted of "Repeat Migration in the United States: Who Moves Back and Who Moves On", by Julie Da Vanzo. "Black Migration in the Deep South, 1960-1970", by Eui Hang Shin and others. A number of other migration papers were scattered throughout the program. Among these were several on interrelationships between migration and other sociodemographic variables, including: retirement, adolescence in historical perspective, the religious factor, and fertility in the Philippines. Policies and official data received attention in presentations by George R. Demko who examined the effectiveness of population redistribution policies in Hungary. Other details are also included in the article.

Findings from research on the nineteenth-century emigration from Europe to the United States are not unanimous concerning the following three issues: (i) the relative importance of push and pull factors; (ii) whether job opportunities or wage rates were the relevant stimuli; and (iii) the lag structure in the relationship between economic changes and emigration. The paper specifically addresses these three issues by analysing Swedish emigration to the United States, 1861-1913. The method of Box and Jenkins is applied. It is argued that the influences of push and pull are contingent on a changing social and economic structure. This view is supported empirically by shifts in parameters; more specifically, the push effect decreases over time, while the pull effect increases. It is found that the estimated effects of wage rates on emigration are contaminated by the impact of demand for labour. After residualization, only the latter predictor has a significant effect. The lag structure is assessed by examining the cross-correlations between emigration and the various economic indicators. According to the results, the impact of the agricultural push was felt during a two-year period after a change, whereas the industrial push was realized within the same year. The pull factor had an instantaneous impact as well as a lagged effect of one year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the accuracy of Zipf's hypothesis in estimating interstate migration streams in the United States, and then to determine whether the predictive power of Zipf's hypothesis can be improved by adding additional variables. The three independent variables in Zipf's hypothesis accounted for 57 percent of the variation in interstate migration streams in 1935-1940, 61 percent in 1949-1950, and 68 percent in 1955-1960. The addition of per capita personal income of the states of origin and of destination increased the explained variance by only four percentage points in 1935-1940 and by less than one percentage point in 1949-1950 and 1955-1960. Then, the Petersen-Greenwood hypothesis that interstate migration streams in any period are a function of previous flows was tested by adding cumulative lifetime migration as an independent variable. Over 80 percent of the variation in interstate migration streams was explained by cumulative lifetime mobility, as reflected by state of birth data. The conclusion of the study is that the Petersen-Greenwood hypothesis provides a better estimate of interstate migration streams than does Zipf's hypothesis. Nevertheless, the Petersen-Greenwood hypothesis requires further evaluation to determine whether cumulative lifetime mobility is simply a proxy for some other underlying variable and whether it provides accurate estimates of migration streams for other geographic areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a socioeconomic occupational grouping of the foreign-born gainful workers of the United States at each census from 1870 through 1930. This series is then used to estimate the net immigration of gainful workers into the United States during each of the six decades from 1870 to 1930 cross classified by occupational group and sex. The following three conclusions are then drawn from the above two series. First, the socioeconomic position of the foreign-born population of the United States remained relatively stable from 1870 to 1910 but then increased appreciably from 1910 to 1930. Second, although most of the contribution that immigration made to the United States labor force was in the form of semiskilled and unskilled workers, the relative importance of professional, clerical, and skilled workers increased almost continuously from 1870 to 1930. Third, the "new immigration" was not less skilled than the "old immigration". On the contrary it was actually more skilled than the "old immigration". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Chinese family life in America. When the Chinese first came to America about the middle of the nineteenth century they came as contract laborers to work on the railroads, in the mines and on the farms. This migration was largely a male enterprise. In addition to the obligations of the daughter-in-law in a big Chinese family, foot-binding was at that time a common practice in most of the districts from which Chinese came and a woman with bound feet could not help her husband earn a living in the new country. Between 1890 and 1930 the total number of Chinese males in the United States 15 years of age and over, decreased about one-half, however, and the total number of females of the same age increased almost three times town remains predominantly a community of men. It is significant that the American-born Chinese were reported as having twice as many males as females in 1930. In spite of the so-called exclusion acts there are ways of juggling passports and citizenship papers, known best to certain well-paid immigration go-betweens that are attached to the more important clans, whereby children born in China can be brought to America.

Purpose: This article examines the responses of the founders of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA; original name, the American Academy of Speech Correction) to the social trends of their day in the United States. Those trends included migrations from Europe and the rural South, the emergence of new scientific methodologies, and the birth of a professional class. Our aims are to reveal how the founders reacted to these select social changes, to show how their reactions served to shape the newly formed profession in and around 1925, and to describe how that profession is still grappling with their choices even today. Method: The writings of the founding members of ASHA were examined for evidence of their views in relation to 20th century historical trends, specifically examining their attitudes toward clients and clinical practice. Results: We identified elitist, ethnocentric, racist, regionalist, classist, and ableist statements in the writings of the founders. They promoted practices that denigrated those speaking dialects that were deemed nonstandard, including linguistic patterns originating from ethnic, racial, regional, and class differences. They also used ableist language in writing about people with communication disabilities, adopting a medical model that elevated the professional practitioner over the client. Conclusions: Our founders’ response to social and political trends led to their creation of oppressive professional practices rather than to work within a more positive social model of professional practice, which was readily available to them at the time, one that would have embraced differences rather than seeking to erase them. Once again, we are experiencing sea changes in our society, ones that offer us the opportunity to reverse the practices shaped by our predecessors. We can learn from the missteps of our founders to create practices that empower and respect those with communication differences or disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]