Search

We show a statistically significant and quantitatively meaningful decline in the aptitude of commissioned officers in the marine corp from 1980 to 2014 as measured by their scores on the General Classification Test. This result contrasts with the widely studied increase in the quality of enlisted personnel since 1973 when conscription ended. As a possible cause for this decline, we focus on the fact that, during this period, marine officers had to have a 4-year college degree and there has been an expansion of the pool of young Americans in college. To corroborate this hypothesis, we show that there has been a similar decline in scores on the Armed Forces Qualification Test for responders to the 1979 and 1997 National Longitudinal Surveys of Youth among college graduates but not for the overall set of respondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds a case for examining suicide in the U.S. military relative to broad societal context, specifically, the unique experiences of birth cohorts relating to processes described by Durkheim’s theory of suicide. In more recent birth cohorts, suicide rates have increased among teenagers and young adults. In addition, suicide rates of age intervals at a given time period have been reliably predicted by the size of the birth cohort and the percentage of nonmarital births—supposed indicators of Durkheim’s diminished social integration and behavioral regulation. Consequences of these trends are likely more evident in the U.S. military due to having proportionally more individuals known to be at risk for suicide, that is, young males who are from nontraditional households. The all-volunteer force compared to draft force has fewer applicants to select, and proportionally more of applicants are accepted for military service. Consequently, more recruits having varied conditions now than before, perhaps including greater vulnerability to suicide, serve in the U.S. military. These points are further elaborated with supporting evidence, concluding with a call for new directions in suicide research, practice, and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses aspects of drafting into the U.S. Armed Forces. The author's argument focuses on James Fallows' claims of the voluntary nature of military service, the competence of an Army of draftees, the quality and reliability of volunteer troops, and the total volunteer force concept. Also mentioned is James Kitfield's critics of the all-volunteer force of military service.

The U.S. ended the use of military conscription in 1973 and implemented an all-volunteer force (AVF), necessitating a reduction in the size of the active duty force and requiring the military to compete with the civilian labor market for personnel. Manpower policy shifted towards a free-market model of military organization with fiscal inducements becoming the primary incentive for voluntarism. We explore the consequences of this shift for the current U.S. military, including financial, manpower, and personnel considerations. We conclude by discussing the lessons the U.S. experience holds for other countries transitioning to an all-volunteer force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition from a conscription-based to a volunteerforce after 1973 required aforce of reduced size that could compete financially with the civilian labor market. To compensatefor these changes, the Department of Defense took three steps: developing the Total Force, which integrated the reserve component with active duty; maintaining the Selective Service System, which could be activated in case of prolonged and manpower-intensive conflict; and civilianizing as many support Functions as possible. Despite this original blueprint, political pressures prevented military and civilian leadership from activating the Selective Service after it became apparent that the Bush administration's national security strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan required prolonged, large-scale deployments. The result has been enormous physical and psychological strain on personnel, especially in the Army and reserve components; diminishing standards for the quality of recruits; and severefinancial strain related to pay raises, retention bonuses, retirement, and health care benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I use data from the 1979 National Longitudinal Study of Youth to examine the relationship between military service and marital timing for white men and black men during the 1980s. I use information about active-duty and reserve-duty service as well as veteran status to implement strong controls for selectivity. I find that active-duty military service increases the probability of first marriage for both whites and blacks. In part, this relationship is due to positive selectivity into the military and, for whites, to greater income and economic stability. Above and beyond the effects of selectivity, income, and economic stability, the effect of active-duty military service is particularly strong for black men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study that examined the argument that social selection for military service in all-volunteer force provides a partial explanation for the overrepresentation and prolonged duration of homelessness among urban homeless veterans, compared to non-veterans in the U.S. Methodology; Comparison of currently homeless veteran and non-veteran men from the all-volunteer service and draft eras; Factors affecting all-volunteer service.

The U.S. Military Selective Service Act provided an exemption to combat training and service in the U.S. armed forces for those who are conscientiously opposed to war in any form by religious training and belief. The U.S. Supreme Court has instituted some modifications in the statute, and the more active use of the military in the global war against terrorism has prompted many in the U.S. Congress to call for the resumption of the statute. This necessity has followed the abandonment of the draft in favor of the all volunteer force in 1973. Religious conscientious objection exemption is incompatible with the Rehnquist Court's Establishment Clause standards. If the U.S. Congress decides to reinstitute the President's drafting authority, the Establishment Clause would not permit a religion based exemption from military services. The article advocates, based on notions of equity and fairness, that any conscientious objection exemption is uncalled for, and should be reconsidered thoroughly.

The article presents information on a study that investigated whether the U.S. Military Service promotes the acculturation of Latinos and whether it influences Anglo knowledge of Latino culture. The study utilizes the findings from Latino National Political Survey that was conducted on Mexican, Puerto Rican and Cuban heritage respondents. Three different measures of military service were incorporated as independent variables: a dummy variable for whether or not the respondent ever served in the military and dummy variables for service in the draft military and service in the volunteer military. The study concluded that military experience is positively associated with Latino acculturation.

Addresses the problems of the all-volunteer force of the United States. Contention of the state of the armed forces in the 2000 presidential campaign; Concern of the extent of the gap in civil-military relations; Social organization of the military.

The article analyzes the temporal trends and subgroup differences in youths to serve in the U.S. Military. The data for the study was taken from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan's Monitoring the Future project, which surveyed high school seniors since 1975 and eighth and tenth grade students since 1991. The first phase of the all-volunteer force was classified by entry-level military pay that had been adjusted upward in the last years of conscription, recruiting resources which had been improved to make the volunteer force a success. The second phase was just the reversal of the first phase.

The article analyzes a large-scale longitudinal survey to monitor the quantity and quality of personnel in the civilian labor force who might be available for voluntary military service. A survey program conducted by the University of Michigan is "Monitoring the Future" (MtF) project. Under the survey, high school seniors were monitored since 1975 to find out the course of their subsequent career up to the age of thirty-five. The data is used to address questions about the aptitude of young workers to enlist in the armed forces.

This article examines the relations between citizenship status and military service as they have affected the social standing of African Americans, women, and conscientious objectors in the United States. One purpose is to review evidence for the claim that there is a close connection between one's willingness to perform military service and one's acceptance as a citizen. Ironically, while the military has become a more inclusive institution for minorities since the end of World War II, the political community has become less insistent in its demand that citizens ought to perform military service. A second purpose is to correct (somewhat) the frequent preoccupation with economic and political inequality in the study of citizenship. I show that apart from and before the question of one's place in a hierarchy of possession, there is the question of whether one is recognized and respected as a member in good standing of the political community. Despite obvious differences, minority groups and conscientious objectors are alike in their desire to protect their social standing as citizens. In their different responses to military service, both seek to avoid becoming exiles in their own land. Studying this matter historically allows us to see why the relationship between citizenship status and military service has relaxed since the end of World War II. Unexpectedly perhaps, with an all-volunteer force, this relaxation enhances the prospects for the political and social inclusion of minorities more than it does for conscientious objectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the in-service earnings advantages of military services, considering race-ethnic differences. The U.S. Department of Defense, as the nation's largest employer of American youth, has a significant impact on the youth labor market in general and on minority youth in particular. As large numbers of U.S. forces were recently deployed to a battle area of Saudi Arabia, questions arose once again as to the "fairness" of having minorities serve in disproportionate numbers in the armed forces. The issues surrounding minority participation in the military have been much discussed since the inception of all-volunteer force in 1973. This article, in addition to assessing economic returns, specially examines reasons that minority youth are attracted to military service. Moreover, it assess the impact of service on youth in terms of their earning experience. It has been well documented that blacks and Hispanics historically have had less opportunity in the civilian labor market than their comparably educated and experienced non-Hispanic white counterparts.

Examines changes in the military in the United States as a result of the advent of the all-volunteer Armed Forces. Total size of the military as of January 1973; Low proportion of women in the military compared with civilian employment; Age distribution of the male Armed Forces population for selected years; Labor force trends.

The article investigates the threat of a rapid decline in the number of the all-volunteer force (AVF) of the U.S. military due to the projections of growth in civilian job opportunities for technically trained personnel. The authors determined the attraction of the civilian economy on the military careerists. The information gathered was used to suggest that military personnel will reenlist or leave the armed services. The results indicate that military personnel with the most technical skills are more likely than others to leave the service for a civilian career and concludes that in order to meet military retention goals, the Department of Defense must find effective compensation packages to convince military personnel to reenlist.

This article examines officer recruiting policies in the U. S. armed forces during the 1970s and assesses recruiting prospects in the 1980s. Incremental policy adjustments in ROTC and other accession programs enabled the services to meet quantitative goals during the past decade. Officer accessions improved in quality, and the services refined procedures in recruitment of minority and female officers. Expansion of the ROTC scholarship programs is expected to provide further gains in quality during the 1980s. The officer recruiting system does not display any pronounced bias toward any geographic regions. Further, the major recruiting source, ROTC, is firmly based at civilian educational institutions of average and above-average quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses numerous studies which conclude that the All Volunteer Force (AVF) is not meeting the manpower needs of the U. S. armed forces, particularly the need for reservists. The author cites research assessing attitudes and motivations toward enlistment in active military service as well as reenlistment in reserve units. The author recommends that the U. S. armed forces should seriously consider the Janowitz-Moskos voluntary youth service program as an additional method of recruitment.

The article focuses on the racial pattern of military recruitment in the U.S. Armed Forces during the Vietnam era. It develops a noteworthy proposition that for enlisted personnel of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF) has less potential to serve as a bridging agency in assisting minority group members to improve their economic and social position. Meanwhile, the data used in this study are based on the information collected during the first seven years of the National Longitudinal Survey (NLS) of young American and American African men. Based on the results, the author concludes that African American and American enlist for different reasons, since Americans are more strongly draft-motivated.

The article presents an economic analysis of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF) in the U.S. It states that the All-Volunteer Force was implemented by President Jimmy Carter in 1980, which requested the registration of 19- and 20-year-old males and female for possible military service. However, statements from high-ranking military officers and academic sociologists declared the force a failure one. According to the authors, the misinterpretation of econometric findings of the AVF has provided the ammunition for many such charges in the military forces. These findings led the authors to study on the unemployment and relative pay elasticities for total nonprior service accessions into the U.S. Armed Services, which are also discussed in the article.

The article discusses the relationship between military law and a country's general legal culture as well as the resulting implications for change within a military's social organization. Three issues are examined: post-World War II trends in military law, the incorporation of U.S. legal trends into military law, and the implications of those trends for the social organization of all-volunteer militaries. The author argues that federal courts are intervening in military matters, service personnel are receiving more rights, and the military emphasizes administrative law over criminal law. In addition, soldiers are demanding workplace protections similar to those of corporate employees, and the military is focusing more on enlistment contracts.

The article discusses how the transformation of the U.S. military from a conscription-based system to an all-volunteer one in the 1970s has created problems in relation to civilian society. Traditionally, militaries have had one of two types of organization: an objective model that was isolated from civilians and responsible to a chain of command, or a subjective model that integrates the military into general society. The author argues that a combination of the two models would be more effective in a post-Vietnam era of an all-volunteer army and at a time when the military is facing problems of legitimacy in the view of the public.

Examines the dynamics of mobilizing manpower for national defense against the threat of war. Focus on the legislation to enlist the nation’s wealth to support the U.S. armed forces; Establishment of the Excess Profits Tax Act of 1940 designed to address the financial requirements in a national emergency without hindering the forces of industrial production; Difference between war profits tax and excessive profits tax; Types of business enterprises subject to the taxation; Method of tax imposition; Determination of the excess profits net income; Elucidation of the invested capital and average earnings method.

Examines the dynamics of mobilizing manpower for national defense against the threat of war. Focus on the legislation to enlist the nation’s industry to support the U.S. armed forces; Authorization of the U.S. Congress for a per-war economy; Thrust of the economic transformation on channels of U.S. Army and Navy procurement to meet demand for speed; Evolution of devices for coordinating and ensuring compliance; Efforts to facilitate industrial expansion to address the inadequate quantity of factories.

Examines the dynamics of mobilizing manpower for national defense against the threat of war. Focus on the legislation to conscript men for the U.S. armed forces; Effectiveness of the administrative system calling for the military service of the male population of designated age and fit for training; Contention of the Selective Draft Cases regarding war power limitations; Political impact of conscription for registration, selection, induction, active service and penal provisions; Economic impact of manpower conscription.

This article presents information on the draft system in the U.S. In a draft system, part of the cost of national defense is borne as a hidden or implicit tax by the draftee and the reluctant volunteer. The implicit tax on an individual draftee or reluctant volunteer is the maximum amount he would be willing to pay to buy his way out of military service. This amount, it may be noted, could be less than the difference between what he receives in service and the amount which would just induce him to volunteer for service in the absence of a draft. The difference between civilian and service earnings also constitutes a real cost to society in the form of foregone output. In a price system, the aggregate implicit taxation implied by a draft system would be made into an extra wage bill to the U.S. Department of Defense and an explicit tax on the general taxpayer. Further analysis suggests further reduction of real costs in a volunteer system. A market solution would imply a different, presumably more efficient production process within the military. With the price of their less skilled labor input up, they would tend to employ less of it and substitute physical and human capital.

Recalls significant changes of the military operations of the U.S. Armed Forces. Complications of the combat readiness; Emergence of all-volunter force; Evolution of military education.

The article presents abstracts related to armed forces in the United States. They include "The Reconstruction of Culture, Citizenship, and Military Service, "Power Parity, Alliance, Differential Growth, and Great Power Wars: An Empirical Research Note," and "Multinational Staff Effectiveness in UN Peace Operations: The Case of the U.S. army and UNMIH, 1994-1995.