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This article analyses the main challenges and future prospects of creating United Nations (UN) rapid reaction mechanisms, particularly in the light of past attempts and current discussions about a “UN Vanguard Force” in the wake of the High-Level Panel on Peace Operations report. The article reviews major initiatives (in particular lessons from the Standby High Readiness Brigade for UN Operations) and assesses the main achievements, failures, and challenges related to past UN-led rapid reaction mechanisms. In line with the overall aim of this special forum, the article highlights the future potentials and institutional, operational, financial, and political challenges that need to be overcome in order to design and create a pragmatic and effective rapid reaction tool at the disposal of the UN. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How do we account for the dearth of female contributions to UN peace operations (UNPOs)? For answers, this study examines conditions that led the United Nations to move to reduce the gender imbalance in UNPO personnel and provides descriptive evidence that points to the continuing underrepresentation of women in these operations. To interpret this evidence, the study presents theoretical explanations for the varying contributions of personnel to UNPOs—including the political and socioeconomic character of the contributing states, international reputations and norms, and various demand-side influences exerted by missions—and then tests these explanations with a cross-sectional time-series model that accounts for female personnel contributions to each mission in the 2010–2011 period. Although offering significant support for domestic political explanations, the findings indicate that gender diversity is not a primary goal of most contributors and is largely a by-product of force sizes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

News briefs on clashes between United Nations armed forces and Seleka in Bria, freeing of Youth & Sports Minister Armel Mingatoloum Sayo by his kidnappers and increasing of United Nations peacekeepers, all in the Central African Republic, are presented.

Copyright of Estudos de Sociologia is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vereinte Nationen is the property of Berliner Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historical Journal / Historijski Zbornik is the property of Drustvo za Hrvatsku Povjesnicu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As of 2009, over 11,000 international police officers from more than 100 countries were deployed in 18 United Nations peace operations. Crisis management missions of the European Union also rely heavily on international police components. Over the years, the mandates of international police missions have widened from traditional monitoring responsibilities to a broad array of police development and security sector reform tasks. Yet the structures, resources and skill sets of international police missions do not match their mandates. Only fundamental structural changes will enable international support to post-conflict police reform and development to deliver on the promises it has not met so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the slums of Haiti, where pistol and machete wielding gangs dominated the populace through murder, intimidation, extortion, and terror, a UN peacekeeping mission managed to established law, order, and government control. The United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH) succeeded by 'taking on' the gangs in a series of military and police 'search and arrest' operations in 2006-07. The achievement was made possible by thorough 'intelligence preparation of the environment'. This paper tells the story of the 'intelligence-led' military-police-civil operations and how they transformed the Haitian slum of Cite Soleil from a foreboding place inaccessible to police for years to one in which the UN workers could safely walk its streets. The functions, structures, problems and challenges of the mission's intelligence capability are described, especially the work of the Joint Mission Analysis Centre (JMAC). Human intelligence proved to be key, while technologies helped considerably. Within the United Nations, intelligence remains a controversial and sensitive matter but the Haiti mission provides a valuable model of how to gather and use actionable intelligence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the military posture of the sub-Saharan African Nations. Topics include recent and ongoing conflicts, the evolving U.S. strategy towards Africa, United Nations deployments in Africa, defense economics for the region, and a survey of each nation’s defense spending and military capabilities.

The article presents several charts pertaining to defense force levels, economics, and commitments including one describing United Nations deployments during 2008-2009, another showing the leading recipients of arms shipments among developing nations in 2007, and a third listing the top suppliers for global arms shipments for the same year.

The article presents several charts including a chart showing individual nations' manpower contributions to 2007 United Nations (UN) deployments, one showing the same information for non-UN deployments, and one listing by supplier arms deliveries to countries in the Middle East and North Africa.

The article highlights various practical issues that must be considered by the United Nations (UN) in developing a military force which would have supranational ownership. It explores some national and international initiatives, academic studies and reports relating to military force during the latter part of the 20th century. Information on the 2006 UN emergency peace service proposal is provided. The article also proposed an approach to developing a UN military force.

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of UN peacekeeping missions has expanded beyond the traditional tasks of peacekeeping to include a wide range of political, economic, and humanitarian activities. While such expansion indicates an improved understanding of the complexities and challenges of post-conflict contexts, it also raises questions about whether UN peacekeeping missions are equipped to handle peacebuilding tasks. Evidence from a study of the peacekeeping mission in Sierra Leone suggests they are not. This article argues that peacekeeping missions are a poor choice for peacebuilding given their limited mandates, capacity, leverage, resources and duration. Peacekeepers should focus on peacekeeping, by which they can lay the foundation for peacebuilding. Peacebuilding should be the primary task of national governments and their populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the security situation in Darfur remaining grim, the international community passed United Nations Security Resolution 1769 that authorised a more robust peacekeeping force. This article addresses the security concerns motivating the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), highlights the mandate and implications of the force, and compares the potential command and control issues to the experiences of the Somalia intervention in the 1990s. It closes by analysing the prospects for success of the intervention and offering some limited recommendations on ways to mitigate the risks associated with the peacekeeping effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On numerous occasions in the past fifteen years, U.N. peacekeepers have been accused of sexually assaulting or abusing the populations they serve. A Comprehensive Review of peacekeeper misconduct completed in 2005 identified significant problems and recommended numerous changes to address them. The U.S. Army and NATO, in a response to the possibility that their deployed troops will be engaged in or facilitate human trafficking, have enacted new policies intended to remove their troops from the demand for women trafficked for sexual services. The Department of Defense and NATO initiatives are similar to those being considered by the United Nations for preventing sexual misconduct by its peacekeepers. Because the United States, NATO, and the United Nations are all addressing the problems of sexual misconduct by deployed troops, their efforts should be mutually reinforcing. The examples of American and NATO armed forces offer hope that the United Nations will also enact strong measures to prevent future misconduct by its peacekeepers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demand for military personnel in peace support operations (PSOs) has been very high for over a decade, compared with demands during the Cold War. This increasing demand for military peace support personnel contrasts dramatically with the significant decrease in the number of military personnel since the end of the Cold War. Indeed, the primary instrument to execute tasks assigned to military forces is manpower. The contribution of this paper is a survey of different types of PSOs, with the focus on the skills and abilities required of military personnel in those operations. The key to an effective operation is to select peace support personnel with the skills appropriate to that particular mission. This paper is divided into three sections, starting with a discussion of the supply and demand for military personnel. The paper then reviews different types of PSOs and their associated personnel requirements. The final section considers a mechanism for matching military personnel to appropriate PSOs.† The contents do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of National Defence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With UN peacekeeping activities in recent years having become more numerous, complex and costly, alternative means of responding to emerging crises and conflicts are being proposed and considered, along with their financial costs and funding. This paper analyzes the economic costs and benefits of recent options from a global resource point of view. It is concluded that standby forces provided by Member States to the UN, such as the multinational Stand‐by Forces High Readiness Brigade for UN Operations (SHIRBRIG) and the more recent European Union (EU) Rapid Reaction Force (RRF), appear presently to be economically the most efficient means of providing UN peacekeeping. Standby forces, acknowledged by the UN as a feasible alternative to a UN standing army or police force, are economically the most efficient basically because they utilize more fully the existing military resources of Member States, rather than require major additional new resources for peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines various methods of financing peacekeeping missions and suggests mission funding appropriate to the conflict type and location. The financing of peacekeeping missions can take a number of forms, of which six mechanisms are examined in this paper. These include the traditional United Nations mission, alliance, coalition, independent, UN Trust Fund, and resource‐tax funded peacekeeping missions. The paper also provides a peacekeeping funding table that can be used to assist in the determination of the appropriate peacekeeping funding mechanism. A case study of peacekeeping financing in Haiti is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the issue of where the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are deployed. Predictors of UN intervention in a domestic conflict; Extant literature on determinants of UN peacekeeping in civil wars; Theoretical and methodological flaws in the literature.

Examines the problems of the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations (UN). Illustration of how the UN became the hub of argument and diplomatic confrontation in Soviet Union's occupation of Iran's northern province of Azerbaijan during World War II; Reference to the oldest peacekeeping mission in Cyprus placed after the war between Greek and Turkish communities in 1964; Controversy over the doctrine of the right of humanitarian intervention.

Responds to an article by Bruce D. Berkowitz in the Fall 1994 issue of `Orbis,' which criticized the rules of engagement (ROE) employed by the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in the former Yugoslavia. The author's tour of duty with UNPROFOR; Reaction from Bruce D. Berkowitz.

The article reports on the possibility of the establishment of a standing Untied Nations (UN) army. It is noted that the proposal for the creation of a permanent force under UN authority is a crucial question for the international organization. It is informed that the UN had never had such an army but in the aftermath of the Cold War it is not un-called for. It is observed that earlier the major Allied powers including the U.S. and China, examined the question and settled in the favor of on-call force. It is suggested that this question assumes more urgency since the UN peacekeeping operations have grown over the years in number and complexity.

The article presents information on the feasibility of a United Nations (UN) standing army. It is noted that the expansion of UN peacekeeping operations around the globe has brought into the focus the issue of a UN standing army. Critics of existing ad hoc arrangement have proposed standing or standby forces. It is informed that the Article 43 and Article 44 of the UN Charter create confusion regarding member states' military obligation that, in turn, create hindrance for the establishment of a standing army.

The inconclusive formalist debate on the constitutional basis of peacekeeping can lead to scepticism over the relevance of law to peacekeeping. A contextual approach to the law based on an understanding of the shaping and ultimate dependence of law on politics frees the international lawyer from dry and circular discussion. In this light constitutional issues about the origins and the control of peacekeeping operations are seen to be of paramount importance in the understanding and development of peacekeeping. The potentially restrictive formalist doctrine of implied powers is shown to be a sham behind which the reality is that of a wider, but not unlimited, doctrine of inherent powers. Such a doctrine enables the United Nations to create a wide variety of peacekeeping forces, though the creation and control of such forces is shown to be subject to the constitutional structure of the UN. As regards peacekeeping, the division of competence between the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Secretary-General has grown up in practice. The centralist tendencies of this practice have been undermined in recent years by the growth in quasi-enforcement actions. It is questionable whether the looser constitutional restraints on these operations is desirable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section offers updates related to United Nations (UN) peacekeeping activities. The Security Council has decided on July 17, 1995 to appropriate a certain amount of explosives for use exclusively in established humanitarian de-mining programs to be supplied to Rwanda upon application and authorization of the Security Council. The Security Council also voted to extend the UN Interim Force in Lebanon on July 28, 1995. Similar extension was approved by the Security Council to UN Mission in Haiti on July 31, 1995.

Since 1948 almost 50,000 Swedish men and women have been in military UN service in more than 15 countries under very different circumstances. The stress situation for UN soldiers is quite different from soldiers in other military situations. The UN soldier might be scared by his own aggressiveness, because of his limited opportunities to use his weapons, The mission for the UNIFIL hospital in Naqoura, a few kilometres north of the Israeli border, is to provide the UN forces (5000–6000 soldiers) with hospital care and specialized medical services. Three contingents (N=421) during three years have been studied by means of, questionnaires, self-rating scales, a personality inventory test (KSP) and personal interviews. The personal interviews were structured and performed during the last month of service for each contingent. The UN soldiers were interviewed by six experienced psychiatrists, who were all well acquainted with the Swedish military system. All the interviews took place within the Swedish UN hospital area in South Lebanon, during one week for each group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commentary is provided for the article "The National Security Dilemma: Challenge to Management Scientists," by Marshall K. Wood, published in the April 1, 1961 issue of the periodical "Management Science." The author disagrees with Wood's assertion that the development of international law be contingent on the development of a United Nations military force. Also discussed are Wood's views concerning potential protocols in the case of a nuclear attack, including the implementation of a population shelter initiative.

The article focuses on the concept of a standing United Nations (UN) army. It is noted that the UN Charter is silent about the establishment of its standing army. It, however, does bind its member states to provide, on ad hoc basis, armed forced for the maintaining of international peace and security. It is informed that former Prime Minister of Great Britain Winston Churchill envisioned a standing army of the UN in 1946. It is observed that this idea later evolved into an ad hoc improvisation called peacekeeping forces. The member states provide the UN with armed forces on voluntary basis. It is offered that the organization face many problems in deploying and obtaining resources required for peacekeeping operations.