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The issue of Cyprus remains one of the longest unregulated international dis­putes. For nearly half a century of the island’s de facto division, it has been one of the factors destabilizing the situation in the eastern Mediterranean. It has periodically led to tensions, not only between members of the two Cypriot communities, the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but also between Greece and Turkey, and finally, Turkey and the European Union. The purpose of this article was to present the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as an exam­ple of a so-called unrecognized state and to assign it to an appropriate type of unrecognized states. The selected case was examined on the basis of the attributes of an unrecognized state, formulated by a leading researcher of this issue, Nina Caspersen, and a selected typology of unrecognized states., Kwestia cypryjska pozostaje jednym z najdłużej nieuregulowanych sporów międzynarodowych. Od blisko pół wieku faktyczny podział wyspy jest jed­nym z czynników destabilizujących sytuację w regionie wschodniego Morza Śródziemnego. Okresowo doprowadza do napięć nie tylko pomiędzy człon­kami obu cypryjskich społeczności, Grekami cypryjskimi i Turkami cypryj­skimi, ale także między Grecją i Turcją oraz Turcją i Unią Europejską. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie Tureckiej Republiki Cypru Północ­nego jako przykładu tak zwanego państwa nieuznawanego oraz przypisanie jej do właściwego typu państw nieuznawanych. Wybrany przypadek został przeanalizowany na podstawie atrybutów państwa nieuznawanego, sformu­łowanych przez czołową badaczkę tego zagadnienia Ninę Caspersen oraz wybranej typologii państw nieuznawanych.

In this study, the legal proposals of the Turkish Republic governments, which were voted by the TGNA (Turkish Grand National Assembly) during the twenty-sixth legislative period between 17 November...

Following the French Revolution, many communities were organised around “nation-state” framework with the effect of nationalism. Turkish Societies established in 1912 played significant roles in manifestation of Turkish Nationalism in the late period of Ottoman Empire and in nation-state formation of Turkish Republic. Because of this, Turkis Societies reformed themselves after the National Struggle Period and opened branches all over the country. In this study, the third General Assembly by Turkish Societies on April, 23rd 1926 and the issues discussed in this assembly are investigated. Apart from this, it has been aimed to reveal the function of Turkish Societies in the early years of Turkish Republic by examining the operations of branches of Turkish Societies country-wide; such as conferences, shows, concerts and operations in the areas of peasantisim, sports, health and aid. Considering this aspect, Turkish Communities maintained their existence up until today guiding the development of nationalism notion. With this study focusing on activities of Turkish Communities in 1926, it hass been aimed to micro-analyze the mentioned period. In the conclusion of the study, conclusions were drawn in the light of the gathered data and their interpretations were represented. In the study; newspapers, journals and archives as well as primary and secondary sources were utilized.

Kimyadaki gelişmeler, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda zehirli gazların kullanılmasına olanak sağlamış, ancak 1925 yılında Cenevre’de imzalanan protokol bile bunların kullanımını durduramamıştır. Bunun üzerine çeşitli ülkelerde gerek halkı bilinçlendirmek gerekse de olası bir savaş durumunda korunmayı sağlamak için kurslar, eğitimler düzenlenmeye başlanmıştır. Genç Türkiye Cumhuriyeti de bu ülkelerden biridir. Cumhuriyet yönetimi, yaklaşmakta olan İkinci Dünya Savaşı’na giden yolu dikkatle izlemiş ve kendi içinde gerekli önlemleri almıştır. Öncelikli olarak, konferanslar düzelenmiş, orta ve lise okullarının müfredatlarına zehirli gazlardan korunmaya yönelik dersler konulmuştur. Bu çerçevede, doktor, eczacı, öğretmen, kimyager gibi belirli meslek mensuplarının zehirli gazlar hakkında özel kurslarda eğitilerek bunların yöneticilere, memurlara, itfaiyecilere ve genel halk için açılan kurslarda ders vermeleri sağlanmıştır. Bu makalede, Avrupa’da zehirli gazın kullanımı hakkında bilgi verildikten sonra, birinci ve ikinci dünya savaşları arasındaki dönemde Türkiye’de zehirli gazlar üzerine düzenlenen yasa ve talimatnameler ele alınacaktır. Ardından zehirli gazlar konusunda yapılan sosyal düzenlemeler ve zehirli gazdan korunma kursları incelenecektir., Developments in chemistry paved the way for the use of poisonous gases during World War I. Despite a protocol having been signed in Geneva in 1925, the development and use of poisonous gases could not be prevented. Numerous countries began to hold courses to train civilians in order to raise awareness and teach self-protection. The Turkish Republic was among them. While institutions held conferences, special courses were added to the secondary and high school curricula. Members of various professions such as doctors, pharmacists, teachers and chemists who were trained in such courses taught about poisonous gases to administrators, civil servants, and firemen, as well as to the general population. After a short introducton on the use of poisonous gases in Europe, this present article will first study the laws and bylaws issued in Turkey. Then it will focus on courses held to protect Turkish civilians from possible toxic gas attacks throughout the period between WW1 and WW2.

Societies have special days marking their history. Thus, the developments that brought forth the birth of a new Turkish State also created new commemoration festivities. The Commemoration of the proclamation of the Republic Day - one of the nation-state symbols - as a national holiday, marks an important turning point in the history of the Turkish Republic. In particular, the Kemalist governement’s usage of the national holiday as an ideologic element should be regarded as a move towards the concept of nation. Initiated by the proclamation of the Republic, the commemorations are held since 1925 with official ceremonies in the country, as well as at the diplomatic missions abroad. The objective of this study is to examine how the commemorations of the Republic Day held from 1934 to 1949 were carried out, who were the participants and the socio-cultural effects of these celebrations on the society of Diyarbakir. This will constitute the main parameter of the study. These ceremonies, whose main purpose was to have people embrace the revolutionary regulations and to ensure a rapprochement between the government and the people of Diyarbakir, were closely monitored by the General Secretary of the Republican People's Party. The General Secretary’s instructions reaching out as far as villages, were executed in a planned manner The study utilised the official correspondence stored in the Turkish Republic Archives and local newspapers published in Diyarbakir. Keywords: The Republic Day Festivities, Diyarbakir, Celebration, The Republican People's Party, the People’s House.

During the early republican period, especially until the 1950s, all affairs were carried out in a manner of chain of military command for the purpose of ‘reaching the level of contemporary Western civilization.’ Both religious and Turkish classical music got their share from this rush to “westernization” which was carried out from top to bottom manner. During the early years of the Republic, the instruction of Turkish Art Music/Alaturka Music was excluded from curricula (December 1926), for about two years (November 2, 1934 - September 6, 1936) radio stations were banned from playing Turkish Folk Music and Turkish Art Music. Moreover, various attempts were made so as to produce music in the western sense. In the same period, the education and practice venues of religious music education and were reduced to next to nothing, and any efforts to foster this genre of music were to be regarded as attempts to perform banned rituals. The present study deals with the effects on music of the modernisation movement staged in all areas during the early years of the Republican era.

Aim Nurse educators are expected to teach nursing students the necessary knowledge and attitudes to prevent pressure injuries (PI) development. This study aims to assess the knowledge levels and attitudes of nursing students towards PI prevention and to analyze the relationship between their knowledge and attitudes. Material and methods This study adopted a cross sectional, descriptive, and correlational research design. 259 students of the nursing department of a private university in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus during the spring semester of the 2018–2019 academic year constituted the population of the study. Student information form, the Turkish version of PI prevention knowledge assessment instrument (PUPKAI-T), and attitude towards PI prevention instrument (APuP) were used for data collection. Data were analyzed by Kruskal-Wallis, Mann- Whitney U tests and Spearman's correlation. Ethics committee approval was received. Results Mean PUPKAI-T score was 10.16 ± 2.44 (range: ≥ 16). Participants obtained the lowest score from the etiology and causes (32.3%) and classification and observation (33.5%) subscales of the PUPKAI-T. The mean score obtained by the participants from the APuP was 44.62 ± 3.54 (range; min; 13, max; 52). We found a positive, weak, and statistically significant correlation between the PUPKAI-T and the APuP scores (r = 0.131, p = 0.034). Conclusion The study found that the mean PUPKAI-T scores of the nursing students were low and their APuP scores indicated a positive attitude. The findings imply that the nursing curriculum might be revised and new courses might be introduced to increase the knowledge levels of nursing students on PI prevention.

Turkey has growingly increased its activism in the Mediterranean. Engaged on several fronts—from the gas dispute to migration issues, the ongoing conflicts in Libya and Syria and the longstanding dispute over Cyprus—Turkey is a key player in the eastern region of the Basin. Yet, the Mediterranean has been a very important area for the Turkish Republic ever since the first years of its foundation, but its foreign policy started to look at the region as a whole only since the Nineties. Most recent events show that Turkey’s policies and interventions in the Basin appear to be linked to a broader and more complex framework in which various international political trajectories and domestic issues merge. This article contains an outline of Turkish foreign policy’s historical framework, attempting to emphasize when and in what manner various interests resulted in the Mediterranean being considered a geostrategic area; how interest in the Mediterranean was accompanied by Turkey’s rise as a regional power and then an analysis of the most recent challenges faced.

Objective: The aim of this study is to evaluate the attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs of medical faculty students about the covid-19 pandemic. Methods: Between 29/03/2020 and 04/13/2020 a total of 1,332 students had been questioned in three Turkish speaking countries (Turkey, Azerbaijan, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus). Results: The average age of the students were 20.1 ± 1.6. Among all 895 (67.7%) of them were female and 427 (32.3%) were male. 1020 (77.2%) of the studens were in Turkey, 195 (14.8%) were in Azerbaijan and 107 (8.1%) were in the TRNC. 104 of the students (7.9%) had a chronic disease. It was found that number of alcohol and cigarette users decreased significantly during the pandemic. (p

This chapter describes education about Alevism in Turkish public schools. Alevis are members of a sect of Islam that was banned under Ottoman Empire which had adopted Sunni Islam as its official religion. Alevis lived in closed communities and transferred their beliefs to the next generations by oral tradition until the Turkish Republic era. Although the new Republic has adopted a more flexible approach to religion, it has followed the ideal of a homogeneous nation and religion, hence it has adopted Sunni-Hanafi interpretations of Islam and banned all other religious organizations and beliefs by law. This perspective has been encouraged in religious services and education. Religious communities who do not adopt Sunni Islam have been excluded from religious services and education.

The paper aims to analyse the ongoing gas dispute in the Eastern Mediterranean. Turkey sent drilling ships in Cyprus’s EEZ in the spring of 2019 which escalated to a diplomatic crisis. The tensions between the two countries have multiple causes, and the paper intends to examine them at local and regional level. Firstly, the Turkish intervention in 1974 led to the partition of the island and the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (recognised only by Ankara). Despite the efforts, this problem has not been solved yet leading to territorial disputes concerning the use and the extent of the Exclusive Economic Zone of the island. Secondly, the drilling activities since the mid-2000s were successful in the South by discovering several gas fields which pushed Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to pursue a more confrontative foreign policy in order to assure their rights. Thirdly, during the last 10–15 years, large reserves were found in the Egyptian and Israeli EEZ as well, opening the opportunity for these states to become gas exporters. Cyprus (and Greece) began to support the energy cooperation between these countries which (taking into consideration their problems with Ankara) limits Turkey’s room for manoeuvre in the region.

Since the beginning of the civil war in Syria, the United States of America and the Turkish Republic have been active supporters of a replacement of the Syrian government and the resignation of the President B. al-Assad. The search for a solution to the “Syrian issue” has opened up broad opportunities for Turkish-American cooperation. The article observes the most important areas of this interaction and attempts to explain the intensification of the Turkish-American contradictions in the context of the events of recent years in Syria. The twopart structure of the article reflects the logic of Turkish-American relations development as a result of rapid change of the balance of power in Syria and the region. Two phases are clearly visible. AmericanTurkish cooperation, including joint work to strengthen the combat potential of the Syrian opposition, took place in the early stages of the Syrian conflict in 2011-2013. However, by 2014 it was replaced by the two states’ rivalry for influence in the Syrian Arab Republic. The “Kurdish issue” became the main reason for the deepening differences between the allies. It started to determine Ankara and Washington’s behavior to all the participants of the conflict in Syria. Intensification of struggle against terrorism in the Syrian Arabic Republic revealed deep differences in both Turkish and American governments’ approaches towards the key participants of the Syrian conflict. The author concludes that today the United States and Turkey are acting on the Syrian direction based on the unconditional priority of their own national interests, but not the formal allied obligations binding them.

This article examines the history of official institutions, which were created to solve migration/migrant problems in the period extending from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic. It demonstrates an interesting paradox; the tradition of institutionalization was very weak, despite the size and frequency of immigration. Indeed, the institutionalization in immigration issue was partly unsystematic, unstable, discontinuous, personal, exclusive, non-collective and insufficient. Yet despite...

This manuscript describes the historical background of gastronomy and culinary culture from ancient time to the present day of Konya, which is a world city. Konya is an important historical center that has witnessed various civilizations since ancient times to the present day. Anatolia's doors opened to the Turks after the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, and Konya then became their capital of Seljuks. Konya was annexed into the borders of the Ottoman Empire in 1465. The city has become one of the most developed cities in modern Turkey. Turkish cuisine culture is one of the most ancient ones and today and has one of the world's richest cuisines. From the historical point of view, Konya is evaluated as Prehistoric, Seljuk, Ottoman Empire and today's Turkish Republic periods. Konya's cuisine has been very famous in the past and is even now today. The combined effects of Seljuk, Persian, and Mevlevi cuisines reaching from Central Asia to Konya form one of the roots of today's Turkish food culture. After the Turks settled in Anatolia, combined with the materials they brought from Central Asia and the geographical regions they passed through, the cuisine has reached a high status, which continues even today. Mevlevi cuisine was also influenced by Seljuk palace kitchen. Some of the foods that Mevlana mentioned in his books named “Mesnevi” still exist in Konya's cuisine today. Nutritional needs of people visiting the city have also influenced the development of Konya's cuisine. In this article, the most famous dishes of Konya's culinary culture are introduced. Keywords: Culinary culture, Eating-drinking, Konya, Ottoman, Seljuk, The Turks

A small number of physicians strived to increase scientific knowledge on cancer despite the hardships of the early and difficult years of the Turkish Republic. For instance, Hamdi Suat took his place in the international medical literature with his article that was published in 1927 based on the scientific data he obtained at his pathology laboratory that he established in 1925. Kazım İsmail published his original work called “The Causes and Treatment of Cancer” in 1926. Moreover, Kazım İsmail published a translated book with the title “Diagnosis of Primary Cancer” with Ömer Vasfi in 1928. In addition, Esad Raşit translated and published a book called “The Science of Internal Diseases, Infectious Diseases: Cancer, Care” in the same year. At the Third Turkish National Medical Congress, physicians from different medical specialties dealing with cancer came together and discussed it thematically. Prior to the congress, six articles on cancer, written by German physicians, were published in the special issue of “The Journal of Treatment Notes”. Furthermore, Ali Rıza and Kazım İsmail handed out the first book on cancer written in Turkish with the Latin alphabet, called “Surgically Treated Skin Cancers”, to the physicians participating in the congress for free. Saim Ali Dilemre and Mehmet Lütfi wrote the congress’ report on cancer. Soon after the congress, Selahattin Mehmet Erk’s article “X-Ray Treatment of Cancer”, Remzi Kazancıgil’s article “Curie-therapy of Cancer”, Burhaneddin Toker’s article “The Surgical Treatment of Cancer” and Kemal Atay’s article “The Surgical Treatment of Cancers”, all of which were presented at the congress, were collected into a book.

The governments of the Turkish Republic have claimed the authority to decide what kind of Islam is or is not desirable for Turkish citizens. This article explores how the governments after the 1980 coup infiltrated the negative image of Sufi orders into compulsory religious education and how the Justice and Development Party regime has been trying to modify it. To do so, it investigates the descriptions of Sufi orders as well as Sufism in the textbooks studied as part of the mandatory Religious Culture and Morals course from the beginning of 1982 to present.

In late 1912, the Ottoman imperial armies suffered a series of quick defeats at the hands of the Balkan League, comprising Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro, resulting in significant territorial losses. The Ottoman defeat in the Balkan Wars (1912–13) often stands at the center of teleological accounts of a neat and linear transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish Republic. These teleological readings see the Ottoman defeat as a historical turning point when Ottoman elites turned nationalist, discovered Anatolia, and embraced the Turkish core. This article contends that such approaches frame late Ottoman history in anticipation of the later reality of nation-states, and overlook the messy and historically complex nature of the collapse of empire and the emergence of the nation-state. Although the defeat was certainly shocking for the Ottoman ruling elite, I argue that it initiated an era of debate rather than one of broad consensus. Similarly, the defeat neither marked the end of the Ottoman Empire nor heralded the coming of the Turkish Republic, but rather reinvigorated the Ottoman imperialist project.

The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is among the many countries which have long embraced the use of social media and social networking sites. The frequent access of and use of social networking platforms have been intensified by the presence of many institutions of learning and the increasing number of foreign students and tourists from across various countries of the world. The Northern Cypriot locals are not left out in the social media activities. The common networking sites frequently used in the setting include but not limited to Facebook, e-mail and twitter. Northern Cyprus is clearly multilingual but three languages seem to be common in communication: Turkish, English and Arabic. However, on the social media, broadcast messages, adverts and bulk sms from service providers are predominant in either English or Turkish. The methodology will be quantitative through survey. The research will compare the use of English and Turkish languages on social media in north Cyprus to determine which is more frequently used and more accessible to social media users. The possible findings would be that English and Turkish are in a competitive situation.

The current article delineates the qualified nature of citizenship in the Turkish Republic. Its primary argument is that the content of citizenship in Turkey has been shaped and reshaped since its ...

The influence of the changes in the administrative and political culture on the architectural design and construction practices has clearly been striking in the urban planning and architecture of Nicosia, which is the center of political power representation in Lusignan, Venetian, Ottoman and British administrations throughout history. This article examines the political power in northern Nicosia in the historical period until the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus after the Republic of Cyprus (1960-1963) became virtually dysfunctional and the island's capital, Nicosia, was divided into north and south by the creation of the Green Line (Buffer Zone) in 1963. The article, which assesses the spatial transformation resulting from the policies of the immigrants in the direction of resettlement, which is the priority of the Turkish Cypriot leadership and guarantor Turkey between 1963-1974 and 1974-1983, in terms of socio-economic and political dimensions, was transposed until the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in 1983 investigates the factors affecting the spatial transformation of the capital Nicosia and northern Cyprus through the archival work and the architects of the period planning studies. In this context, the article assesses the effect of changing priorities, economic determinants, and the function in the ideological representation of political power in the process of political and spatial transformation between 1963 and 1983 in Cyprus through an interdisciplinary approach to urban and architectural change and continuity in Nicosia. Öz Yönetim yapısındaki ve politik kültürdeki değişimlerin mimari tasarım ve inşaat uygulamalarına etkisi tarih boyunca Lüzinyan, Venedik, Osmanlı ve İngiliz yönetimlerinde siyasi güç temsilinin merkezi olan Lefkoşa’nın kentsel planlamasında ve mimarisinde belirgin olarak göze çarpmaktadır. Bu makale Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’nin (1960-1963) fiili olarak işlevsiz hale geldiği ve adanın başkenti Lefkoşa’nın 1963’te Yeşil Hat oluşturularak kuzey ve güney olarak bölünmesinden Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti’nin ilanına kadar olan tarihsel dönemde Kuzey Lefkoşa’da siyasi gücü temsil eden mimari ve şehirleşme politikalarının planlama, tasarım ve uygulama süreçlerini incelemektedir. Kıbrıs Türk liderliği ve garantör Türkiye’nin 1963-1974 ve 1974-1983 dönemlerindeki önceliği olan göçmenlerin yeniden yerleşimi doğrultusunda yürüttükleri iskan politikalarının sonucundaki mekânsal dönüşümü sosyo-ekonomik ve siyasi boyutlarıyla değerlendiren makale, 1983’te Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti’nin ilanına kadarki geçiş döneminde başkent Lefkoşa’nın ve Kuzey Kıbrıs’ın mekânsal dönüşümüne etki eden etmenleri arşiv çalışması ve dönemin planlama çalışmalarını yürüten mimarlarının anlattıkları üzerinden irdelemektedir. Bu bağlamda makale, Kıbrıs’ta 1963-1983 yılları arasında yaşanan siyasi ve mekânsal dönüşüm sürecinde siyasi gücün ideolojik temsilinde değişen önceliklerin, ekonomik belirleyenlerin ve işlevselliğin Lefkoşa’daki kentsel ve mimari değişim ve sürekliliklere etkisini disiplinlerarası bir yaklaşımla değerlendirmektedir.

This article challenges two established views in the literature on Turkish nationalism. First, that Turkish nationhood in the early republican era was civic and ethnic and, second, that, while Turkish nationhood was inclusive and egalitarian in constitutional texts, in the early years of the Turkish Republic and in the case of Turkish citizens of Muslim origin, it became exclusive or discriminatory in citizenship practices once the Republic was consolidated and in the case of non-Muslim Turkish citizens. Contra these two established views, I first argue that Turkish nationhood was not civic and ethnic, but it was actually civic and ancestral and cultural. Secondly, relying on an examination of legal texts produced and citizenship practices pursued in the years between 1918 and 1924, I argue that the Turkish nationhood was exclusive and discriminatory both theoretically and practically, on paper as well as in practice, both at the time of the foundation of the republic and once the regime had become consol...

The role of great powers in processes of secession and recognition has attracted increasing attention from scholars in recent years. This article examines how Britain rallied international opposition to the November 1983 unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (“TRNC”). As is shown, the British Government tried hard to prevent the UDI. Once it occurred, Britain led efforts to condemn the move. This resulted in UN Security Council Resolution 541, which declared the “TRNC” to be illegal and called on states not to recognise it. As well as exploring the diplomacy behind the counter-secession efforts, the article also answers a long-standing question as to whether any countries aside from Turkey ever recognised the TRNC. It also challenges the widely-held view amongst Greek Cypriots that Britain invariably supports the Turkish Cypriots on the Cyprus Problem.

This article examines the treatment of Armenians by the late Ottoman and Turkish republican state with a special focus on the social and political roles of the Armenian clergy, especially the patriarch. After giving a brief account of the historical evolution of the millet system – the principles and practices applied by the Ottoman state in its treatments of non-Muslims – the article tries to understand whether the new regime kept it or adopted a modern approach during the transition from empire to nation-state. It concludes that the republican state has created a deliberate inconsistency in its treatment of the Armenian community and patriarch. Although it has avoided recognizing them as a group and their group’s rights it continuously discriminated against them because of their group identity. The republican state has tried to downgrade the patriarch to a mere religious figure without any social or political role which is defined de jure. However, it has continued to accept him as de facto leader of the Armenian community on some occasions.

Turkish environmental law has greatly changed and improved since the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. While progress has mostly been gradual, the EU accession process had a notable impact.

Built in 1884 as part of the building complex called Cercle d’Orient, Emek Theater (Emek Sinemasi in Turkish) was the oldest cinema in the history of the Turkish Republic. Located in the Beyoglu district of Istanbul, the building, which was designed by the Levantine architect Alexandre Vallaury, was used in various functions, before being converted into a movie theater in 1924. In 2009, the Emek Theater was shut down and emptied due to gentrification plans called Grand Pera project and demolished completely in May 2013. In her 2016 animation film Cinema Emek, Cinema Labour, Cinema Travail, Turkish visual artist Ozlem Sulak reconstructs the famous interior design of the Emek Theater. This chapter offers an ontological analysis of Sulak’s film and its particular techniques by using Anabelle Honess Roe’s ideas on animation as a mimetic substitution. Second, it focuses on Sulak’s intention to remind her audience of the symbolic status of the Emek Theater as a lieu de memoire by grounding the analysis in Pierre Nora’s theories, as well as in Mark Crinson’s concept of posturbanism.

This chapter aims to portray the Armenian community from the establishment of the Turkish Republic through to the victory of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002. This chapter covers the changing strategies and identity politics employed against Armenians between 1923 and 2002, emphasizing how Armenians as minorities have been perceived as second-class by the Turkish state throughout the twentieth century.

The early post-Cold War era saw an increase in Turkish interest in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)—a region in which the Ottoman Empire, as the predecessor to the modern Turkish Republic, had played a pivotal role. Through the 1990s and early 2000s, Turkey’s political, economic and sociocultural links to the MENA rapidly expanded. Turkey ‘rediscovered’ the region and now plays a highly significant role in its political and economic affairs. A body of literature has emerged that explores the emergence of these expanding ties and the policy interests driving them. But it is important to deepen our understanding of the ways in which Turkey has not only reengaged with the MENA but has more fully integrated with it. Turkey has become a more central component of the regional system than at any time since the First World War. This chapter explores this new reality by analysing the political economy of Turkey’s economic relations with key MENA partners.

Globalization processes significantly increase in the modern world, the scientists more often deviate from regional researches to more extensive territorial researches, comprising not only the region of their habitation. Black Sea region the territory, which originally was a centre of a highly developed culture, science and medicine. An attempt to give historiographic review of researches, produced mainly in Istanbul in the period from the end of XIX century, when the first publications appeared according to the theme ofTurkish medical history, and to the first part of ХХ century is undertaken in the given writing, dedicated to medicine history in Turkey. The subject matter is formation, historical evolution and the modern state of medicine history in Turkey, predominantly published in Istanbul. The problems of medicine history teaching touched upon in Turkey, connected with language and linguistic peculiarities, creation of dictionaries, which helped to use the basic medical terms and conceptions. It is shown how medicine history education in Turkish language and also history of development and formation of this process were important for the students and listeners. The emersion of Turkish books on medical history, as of Turkish authors (for instance, MekhmetEminFekhmi), so the translated writings (Huseyin Ramsey “Tarih-iTıb”) is very significant. It is interesting that even the workers of various Istanbul hospitals could be the authors of the books. The first years of ХХ century were marked by the works, where the researches of medical historical societies (RysaTahsin “Mirat-iMektebiTıbbiye”) were described. The works on Turkish medicine history were actively developed in 20-s of ХХ century under conditions of young Turkish republic formation. The challenges in the given work are: to generally consider the biographies of outstanding Turkish medicine historians and their writings, wrote in the first part of ХХ century, which contributed to Turkish science.

The first Vessel Traffic Service (VTS) started in 1949 in the Liverpool Port (UK) and it continued in Netherlands in 1956. In Turkey, planning and management of the marine traffic using the waterways and ports in Turkey started with Turkish Straits VTS which came into service in 2003 due to the increase in traffic density enhance its effectiveness and necessity every year. Feasibility studies in five new areas have been initiated for the establishment of the VTS system by force of the strategic decision taken by the maritime authority in 2008. These areas are; Izmit Bay, Izmir Bay and Aliaga Region, Gulf of Iskenderun and Mersin. Monitoring the marine traffic has an important place as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) is an important transition point in the Eastern Mediterranean region. For this reason, in this study the impact assessment and necessity of the establishment of a VTS to be located in the TRNC were evaluated by using Environmental (PEST: Political, Economic, Social, Technological) and SWOT (Strengths, Weakness, Opportunities, Threats) Analyses. In addition, the suitability of the possible locations of Traffic Monitoring Stations (TMS) has been examined by the field study. Evaluation of TRNC VTS in geographical and strategic terms will benefit from the opportunities and facilities that both the Republic of Turkey and the TRNC will have as a part of the effect of VTS against the embargo imposed on the TRNC in the world. Three appropriate VTS TMSs have been chosen as a result of the field study carried out for 10 determined TMSs; Cape Kormakitis, Cape Apostolos Andreas and Famagusta. It is also concluded that it would be appropriate to plan the Famagusta Station as VTS Centre. It is assumed to monitor and track the vessels in the zones out of the coverage area of these stations by Automatic Identification System (AIS). Safety and security in the shipping, protection of navigation, life, property and the marine environment of the region will be enhanced by monitoring the vessels passing particularly through this region and by making use of the opportunities provided by technology in accordance with national and international regulations.

The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.

This study focuses on the role of the planner in the process of shaping the urban form of Turkish cities. The aim is to discuss the role of the planner from a historical perspective. After an examination of the changing nature of the Turkish planning system and development plans, the study provides a tentative framework for explaining the changing role of the planner. In its evolution throughout almost a century, from the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923 until the present day, the role of the planner in shaping the urban space has been reduced to the distribution of development rights. Priority is given to the construction of more buildings through projects conceived on the basis of single plots to replace old buildings with new ones or through urban regeneration projects on a neighbourhood scale, which are realized through the demolition of informal housing areas. In both cases, we see the absence of a structural understanding of the nature of the world we live in, where urban development plans have become the tools for replacement processes, and cities have become places where buildings come together without being woven into each other.

This article presents a mathematical model that studies the dynamics of HIV in North and South Cyprus. The global stability of the two equilibrium points involved are disease-free and endemic, and are performed using Lyapunov function. We have showed that the stability is dependent on the magnitude of the basic reproduction number R 0 . If R 0 < 1, the disease free equilibrium point is globally asymptotically stable and the disease vanishes, whereas if R 0 ≥ 1, the endemic equilibrium point is globally asymptotically stable and epidemics will occur. Real data obtained from the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Ministry of Health is used to examine and predict the progress of HIV in North Cyprus, as well as comparing our results with South Cyprus using their published data. Reported HIV positive cases of only Turkish and Greek Cypriots were included from the data obtained from Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Ministry of Health and South Cyprus data, respectively. The results showed that, the basic reproduction number of North and South Cyprus are 0.00012 and 0.00034 respectively; which are less than one; hence, this indicates that there is currently no epidemic in the country. Furthermore, the number of HIV positive individuals in North Cyprus is likely to increase by almost 50%, whereas for South Cyprus an increase of 100% of the initial value (of 2017) is estimated in the next 20 years. Thus, the authorities should take the necessary actions and strategic measures for controlling the spread of the disease. © 2019, Springer Nature Switzerland AG.

This article aims to examine the recent past of Turkey and Lithuania together with Turkish and Lithuanian woman directors and their movies in the sense of feminist approach. Even though both countries have different historical backgrounds, the period between the 1980s and 1990s have a profound impact on the very similar aspects of both countries such as economic, social, cultural and gender. On the one hand, while Lithuania was gaining its freedom and almost started facing a new era called post-Soviet, on the other hand, Turkish Republic was experiencing its third military takeover throughout its history in the very morning of 12th September 1980. While Turkey was under military control and restrictions during the 1980s, Lithuania was substantially close to being independent and self-governed. However, these noticeable changes had various side effects during the 1990s mainly on women both in Turkey and Lithuania. Through looking at politic, economic, social and cultural differences, it will be questioned how effective the patriarch is and how women reclaimed their voices to be visible and to fight for gaining their social rights in two different located countries as one in the European Union territory and the other one in Western Asia and Southeastern Europe.

This research aimed to determine the level of digital citizenship of the school directors in Turkmenistan, a developing country, and compare the level of digital citizenship of the school directors of the Ministry of National Education in TRNC. A causative comparison, one of quantitative designs, was conducted in this research. The participants were secondary school directors of the Ministry of National Education, TRNC in the 2017-2018 academic year. Convenience sampling method was used in this study. Due to time constraints and because it was easier, only 45 high school directors in Lefkosa, TRNC were involved. In Turkmenistan, 38 high school directors in the city of Dasoguz could be reached. The total number of the participants was 83. The "digital citizenship scale" and personal information form were used in this research. When the rate of Digital Citizenship, based on countries, is examined, the level of digital citizenship of the Turkish (TRNC) secondary education school directors is observed to be higher than of the Turkmeni secondary education school directors.

In this paper I try to present the perceptions of a process that marked not only the evolution of therelations between two countries (Romania and Turkey) but also determined some important socialchanges in the Turkish-Tatar community from Dobrogea, Romanian province known as Dobrudja inthe Turkish historiography. In order to obtain an accurate image we used in our research documentsfrom Romanian and Turkish archives, Romanian press, Turkish press and the press of Turkish-Tatarcommunity from Dobrogea. In our analysis we consider Dobrogea, the main region of Romania whereTurks and Tatars leave, a “contact zone”, a term used by Mary Louise Pratt (1992: 4) for “social spaceswhere disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other”. We also consider the emigration fromDobrogea to Turkey in the interwar as part of “balkanlaşma göçleri” (Balkanization migration), a termused by Turkish researcher İlhan Tekeli to designate the emigration from the ex-Ottoman territoiresin the Balkans to Anatolia (or more specifically within the new borders of Ottoman Empire/TurkishRepublic). Tekeli (2013: 44-45) argues that “Balkanization migration” has a direct connection with theprocess of formation of the national states in the Balkans.

This chapter aims to present a brief history of the treatment of the two ethnic minorities in the two case studies, the Kurds in Turkey and the Acehnese in Indonesia, especially since the start of democratization, which, as explained in Chap. 3, can be considered 1998 for Indonesia and 2002 for Turkey. The purpose of doing this is to provide some background for the subsequent analytical chapters that will take into account the four variables/hypotheses of the research. The chapter starts with the Kurdish issue, and its history of exclusion and securitization since the founding of the Turkish Republic, followed by recent developments in Turkish democracy and especially the recent resecuritization of the Kurdish minority. The chapter then moves on to the Acehnese issue, presenting its history between autonomization and securitization and finally the recent Indonesian autonomization of the Acehnese.

This article tells the story of the construction of Turkish national identity in the early republican era by addressing two canonical novels about occupied İstanbul:Sodom ve Gomore(“Sodom and Gomorrah”) by Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu andBiz İnsanlar(“We People”) by Peyami Safa. Following the establishment of the Turkish Republic, Turkish nationalist intellectuals attempted to offer certain formulations and implemented various mechanisms to create a national self. The study aims to focus on the ways in which Karaosmanoğlu and Safa create the new Turkish national identity and deals with the questions of how occupied İstanbul was perceived by these intellectuals and how the memory of the Allied occupation of İstanbul, the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the National Liberation Struggle shaped Turkish elites' self-identification as well as their formulation of the national identity.

The author analyzes the situation in Cyprus upon the background o f the Annan plan and the recent parliamentary elections. The article covers the main events andfactors that have a bearing on the current sitaution in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The analysis concerns the Turkish prime minister's pre-election visit to the TRNC, political campaigning for the elections, external and internal factos influencing the elections, its results and Turkey's reactions to the election results and the new government. The author contends that President Denkta$ envisages 'a single new state created by the two existing states'. As to the form o f the union, he believes that 'a corifederal system would have more chance of success than afederal system. Ifthis works well the two sides may decide in future to establish a closer union'.

Turkish republicanism is commonly thought to have originated with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the founding of modern Turkey in 1923, and is understood exclusively in terms of Kemalist ideals, characterized by the principles of secularism, nationalism, statism, and populism. This book challenges this view, showing how Turkish republicanism represents the outcome of centuries of intellectual dispute in Turkey over Islamic and liberal conceptions of republicanism, culminating in the victory of Kemalism in the republic's formative period. The book is the first complete history of republican thinking in Turkey from the birth of the Ottoman state to the founding of the modern republic. It shows how the Kemalists wrote Turkish history from their own perspective, presenting their own version of republicanism as inevitable while disregarding the contributions of competing visions. The book demonstrates how republicanism has roots outside the Western political experience, broadening our understanding of intellectual history. It reveals how the current crises in Turkish politics—including the Kurdish Question, democratic instability, the rise of radical Islam, and right-wing Turkish nationalism—arise from intellectual tensions left unresolved by Kemalist ideology. The book offers a new narrative of the evolution and shaping of modern Turkey.

In this research, effects on grammar and writing achievement of a Turkish language instruction in which a programmed grammar source book followed are explored. Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus primary schools eighth grade students is the population of this research. The participants of this research are assigned randomly into two groups namely control group (n = 33) and experimental group (n = 30). The experimental group followed a programmed grammar source book in the teaching-learning sessions in Turkish language instruction, whereas the control group followed a grammar book based on traditional methods. Findings of this research revealed that the experimental group students were more successful in grammar compared to the control group students. However, no significant differences were observed between the experimental and the control group students in terms of writing skills.

Elazı, an eastern Anatolian province, became an internal border within Turkey in the 1930s, when neighboring Dersim’s historically autonomous Kurdish tribes rebelled against the Turkish state’s centralizing and assimilationist policies. The government responded with overwhelming force, destroying a third of the villages in the province, cordoning off Dersim, and forcibly evacuating survivors to western Turkey. Thereafter, travel beyond Elazı into this combat zone required special passport-like permits. Railroads, touted primarily as instruments of national integration and defense against foreign aggression, were in reality used to ferry troops into battle and Dersimis out of their homelands. New surveillance and communication technologies transformed the terrain into a highly militarized landscape. Despite formal similarities to their counterparts elsewhere in Turkey, Elazı’s state-run institutions engendered practices that reinforced ethnoreligious hierarchies. Zeynep Kezer describes this extraordinary concentration of the state apparatus between Dersim and Elazı during the early years of the Turkish Republic and explores the spatiality of borders as inhabited surfaces rather than linear formations in Spatializing Difference: The Making of an Internal Border in Early Republican Elazı, Turkey.

After Turkey had approved formally that Cyprus was under the British rule with the Treaty of Lausanne, some of the Turkish Cypriot population that were accepted as Turkish citizens stayed in the island through British nationality, many Turkish Cypriots had to leave the island but in the later period, the challenges that the Turkish Cypriots experienced continued to increase. When compared with the Greek Cypriots, the challenges that the Turkish Cypriots who were quite backward in political, social and economic terms had were ignorance, poverty, non-organizing problem, and migration. Hocazade Süleyman Şevket, who was among the intellectuals trying to find valid solutions by examining the situation of the Turkish Cypriots, wrote articles about the situation of the Turkish Cypriots in the newspaper, Soz, one of the important newspapers of Cyprus. Süleyman Şevket frequently expressed his anxiety about the future of Turkish Cypriots and he also stated issues such as the inability to unity, ignorance, and poverty that were common among Turks dragged them into disaster and emphasized that these issues could be resolved only by modeling the Turkish Republic and the reform movements. In this study, the issues that the Turkish Cypriots had in education, culture and social life in the post-Lausanne period are discussed based on the article “How are the Turkish Cypriots?” by Süleyman Şevket. In addition, archival documents and other related reports of this period are examined comparatively.ÖzLozan Antlaşması’yla Kıbrıs’ın İngiliz yönetimine geçtiğinin Türkiye tarafından resmen onaylanması üzerine, o güne kadar Türk tebaası olarak kabul edilen Kıbrıslı Türklerden bir kısmı İngiliz uyruğuna geçerek adada kalırken, çok sayıda Kıbrıslı Türk de adadan göç etmek zorunda kalmış, ancak bundan sonraki süreçte, Kıbrıs Türkleri için yaşanan sıkıntılar artarak devam etmiştir. Kıbrıs Rumları ile mukayese edildiğinde; siyasal, toplumsal ve iktisadi bakımdan oldukça geri oldukları gözlenen Kıbrıs Türklerinin yaşadıkların sorunların başında, cehalet, yoksulluk, örgütlenememe sorunu ve göç yer almıştır. Kıbrıs Türklerinin içinde bulundukları durumu inceleyerek, geçerli çözüm yolları bulmaya çalışan aydınlar arasında bulunan Hocazade Süleyman Şevket, Kıbrıs’ın önemli gazetelerinden olan Söz gazetesinde, Kıbrıs Türklerinin durumu ile ilgili yazılar kaleme almıştır. Süleyman Şevket, Kıbrıs Türklerinin geleceğinden duyduğu endişeyi sıklıkla dile getirmiş olup, Türkler arasında yaygın olan; birlik olamama, cehalet ve fakirliğin, onları her geçen gün felakete sürüklemekte olduğunu, bu sorunların, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve inkılap hareketlerinin örnek alınarak çözülebileceğini ifade etmiştir. Bu çalışmada, Süleyman Şevket’in, “Kıbrıs Türkleri Ne Halde?” başlıklı yazısından yola çıkılarak, Lozan sonrası dönemde Kıbrıs Türklerinin eğitim, kültür, ekonomik ve sosyal hayatta yaşadıkları sıkıntılar ele alınmıştır. Ayrıca, bu döneme ait arşiv belgeleri ve konu ile ilgili diğer raporlar da mukayeseli olarak incelenmiştir.

Antakya tarihi kent dokusu Helenistik dönemden günümüze birçok medeniyet tarafından iskân edilmiş çok katmanlı bir yerleşimdir. Roma Dönemi’nde Doğu’nun Kraliçesi olarak isim- lendirilen Antakya, farklı medeniyetlerin uyguladığı imâr faa- liyetleri ile biçimlenmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Antakya tarihi kent dokusuna yönelik Fransız Mandası ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti dönemlerinde hazırlanan, uygulanan kentsel koruma ve imâr faaliyetlerinin kentsel dokuya olan etkilerini ortaya çıkarmak- tır. Çalışmanın ilk etabını Antakya’nın genel durumu ve kısa ta- rihçesi oluşturmaktadır. İkinci bölüm, Fransız Mandası dönemi ile Türkiye Cumhuriyeti döneminde Antakya tarihi kent doku- suna yönelik hazırlanan, uygulanan kentsel koruma ve imâr fa- aliyetlerine odaklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın son bölümü, kentsel koruma ve imâr faaliyetlerinin Antakya tarihi kent dokusuna etkileri tartışılmaktadır., Antakya, known as Antioch during the ancient period, is significant among Turkey’s historical urban contexts. It is located in the south- east of Turkey, near the Syrian border and is the capital of Hatay prov- ince. Called the ‘Queen of the East’ at one time, it is an important city historically since it was an early center of Christianity and one of the capital cities of the Roman Empire. As a result of its importance, the city has been formed/re-formed over time by different empires, and many structures from various periods are still persist in the current urban form. The aim of this paper is to examine the French Mandate and Turkish Republican Period urban conservation and development strategies in Antakya in order to better understand their influences and effects on its historical urban core. The paper thus begins with an introduction and brief outline of the historical development of the core of Antakya. The second part focuses on the French Mandate and Turkish Republican Period urban conservation and development plan strategies. The final part discusses the effects of different urban de- velopment strategies on the historic core of the city.

This article discusses the role of Kurdish tribes during the Turkish Independence War (1918-1922). It shows that despite various manipulations orchestrated by the British government, certain Kurdish groups based in Istanbul refused to collaborate with the British against the Ottoman Empire and thus did not follow a separatist policy. This article is reviewed along the Turkish-British Struggle in the national competition, the national movement in Kurdistan; they are used to describe how the tool they neutralize. During the continuing cutthroat competition, most of the Kurds did not become an instrument to all kinds of British policies. British did not manage to have the Kurds rebel along their imperial interests even though they manipulated the independence of Arabs, Armenian nationalism and Zionism. Oz Bu makale Turk Kurtulus Savasi (1918-1922) esnasinda Kurt kabilelerin ne tur roller ustlendikleri konusunu ele almaktadir. Makalede, Ingiliz hukumeti ve Istanbul’da bulunan bazi Kurt gruplarin kiskirtmalarina ragmen, kurt kabilelerin buyuk cogunlugunun Ingilizlerle isbirligi yapmayi reddettikleri ve Osmanli Imparatorluguna karsi ayrilikci bir politika izlemedikleri tezi islenmektedir. Le role des Kurdes dans la lutte pour la Fondation de la Republique turque Resume Cet article examine le role des tribus kurdes pendant la guerre d’independance turque (1918-1922). L’article examine la these qui defend que, malgre les manipulations orchestrees par le gouvernement britannique et certains groupes kurdes residents a Istanbul, la majorite des tribus kurdes ont refuse de collaborer avec les Britanniques contre l’Empire ottoman et n’ont pas suivi une politique separatiste

Since the establishment of the Republic in 1923, any non-Muslim born in Turkey, whatever his/her religion, is a Turkish citizen as are any of his/her Muslim fellows. However, sometimes he/she might consider him/herself an alien and might even be regarded as such by the official authorities. The purpose of this article is to shed light on this reality from an historical perspective. Based on the comparison of two terms (ecnebi and yabanci, both meaning foreigner) that had become frequently used during the last Ottoman decades, the analysis establishes to what degree ecnebi was replaced by yabanci in official republic terminology. The article argues that this change might be related to the formation of less visible categories of foreigners that partly originated from the confessional imperial framework based on the differentiation between Muslims and non-Muslims. Far from being set aside as the Kemalists have long claimed, this framework has prevailed. It partly explains to what extent, as a result,...

The success of political Islam in Turkey in the last 14 years has reshaped social and political life and power relations in the institutions of the Turkish state. The electoral triumph of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in November 2002 began a process of change that has led to the emergence of a new kind of country, while the putsch of July 2016 represents a new phase. The political and social changes that Turkey has gone through during this period are, however, not without precedent in the difficult history of the Turkish Republic. This book aims to analyse the most important elements of political Islam in Turkey and its successful understanding of power consolidation.

More often historians began to address to various aspects of the medicine history, the regional peculiarities of its formation and development. However, there are practically no articles, dedicated to medicine development in Turkey, and particularly, concerning Turkish pharmaceutics in Russia. We considered some aspects of pharmaceutical branch formation in Turkish republic from 1923 to the present time. The role and tools of state support in creation of innovative pharmaceutical production, including the training of highly skilled Turkish specialists is defined. One comes to the conclusion that high import dependency of domestic market medications and medical goods appears to be unacceptable from the point of view of national security. The given problem was solved in a complex. Secondly, university reform was conducted, directed to secular education improvement, including pharmaceutical one. Lecturers, who did not prove scientific character of their work, were practically almost removed from Istanbul university, and new foreign lecturers were invited, mainly from Germany, whose works on pharmaceutics and related sciences passed scientific approbation. The history of basic professional pharmacological associations and societies are touched upon in the article. The challenges and activities of professional pharmaceutical associations are disclosed.

The ongoing debate in the recent years on the basis of context, quality and method still continues today about “History of Turkish Republic and its Revolution” taught in secondary schools and “Ataturk Principles and Turkish Revolution” in higher education which has co-curricular program with the former. Since the course is designed both as a part of science of history and as a means in citizenship education, this course, above all, gives much responsibility to the academics as the practitioners. The ongoing debate on the basis of objectives, content, method of Ataturk's Principles and History course comes to a point via gaining a new dimension such as ending the course, implementing distance education or changing the content completely with a new formulation. The main purpose of this study is to review the related literature on Ataturk's Principles and History of Turkish Revolution courses in higher education in the light of the discussions and issues and to determine the requirements of the course by evaluating the interviews had with the academics giving this course in the different universities of Turkey. The dialogues at different times are discussed with adherence to the basic principles of the interviewing method and by the qualitative evaluation technique.

This article investigates the birth in the mid 1940s of Mavi Yolculuk, the Blue Voyage, which is a popular tourist itinerary in Turkey today. It examines the ideology that gave rise to these boat journeys along the south-western coast of Turkey and its connection with national identity formation. It analyses travel accounts written by Azra Erhat, and writings by two other prolific writers, Cevat Sakir Kabaagacli and Sabahattin Eyuboglu, considered the pioneers of the Blue Voyage. The multiple roles of these writers (as translators, artists and educators) are considered in order to discuss the role of an elite discourse and to shed light on the ideology surrounding these journeys. The article also discusses the way in which history, archaeology, geography, language and travel mingled as these local travellers attempted to create a new Turkish identity.