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If we think of the nation as a table, perhaps a Thanksgiving one, who belongs around it? Who is the host, and who the guest? What are the criteria for inclusion, and who gets to decide? This article uses the 400th anniversary of the Mayflower and the "First Thanksgiving" to explore "many great migrations." For those migrating and for those who encounter the migrants, the movement of peoples prompts fundamental questions of identity, difference, inclusion, and belonging. Perhaps looking at history can help those in the present view the challenging questions posed by new peoples as an opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump's embrace of Andrew Jackson as his presidential model made Jackson a centerpiece for debate as a kind of stand‐in for American history at large. The Trump camp acclaimed his aggressive nationalism and insurgent populism, while critics condemned him for exemplifying American xenophobia, bigotry, and racism. Both portraits reduced Jackson to caricature. While Trump praised him for purportedly raising tariffs and rattling sabers, critics charged him with originating Indian genocide, reducing public policy to private vendetta, and practicing unbridled personal violence. Thus, the resemblance between Jackson and Trump, touted by both sides for opposite reasons, rested on historical facts that were oversimplified and often demonstrably untrue. Politicians and pundits led in distorting the record, but scholars were acquiescent and even directly complicit in warping evidence to propound a shallow historical analogy for political effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politics & Religion Journal is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article argues how U.S. President Donald Trump's ‘end of globalism' increasingly appears as a U.S. self-interested strategy of ‘too little too late'. It mentions that the U.S. government woke up to an emerging Chinese internationalism and diplomacy not based on market plunder but rather on principles of socialist internationalism, highlighting the recently recalibrated Chinese-Russian relations.

Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans' intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump's reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump is one of many leaders who have come to power in recent years championing right-wing nationalisms often called populist. He has done so by advancing an "America First" vision of U.S. history, identity, and purpose that many find compelling. Liberals and progressives in America and elsewhere have failed to counter with politically resonant narratives of national identity that champion greater and more egalitarian inclusiveness. This article offers three criteria for devising such narratives: resonance, respectfulness, and reticulation. It also contends that America's democratic traditions, its constitutional traditions aimed at achieving a more perfect union without effacing legitimate diversity, and its quest to realize the goals of the Declaration of Independence over time all provide rich resources for stories of American peoplehood that can meet these criteria and, perhaps, defeat narrower nationalist visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The label of the 'Jacksonian' has served to add a sense of definition and historical precedent to a seemingly anomalous presidency. Comparisons between Donald Trump and President Andrew Jackson (the progenitor for the Jacksonian creed) have hinged on the perception that the Jacksonian philosophy purveys belief in majoritarian nationalism, diplomatic realism and the preeminence of America's white male labouring class. Commentators as diverse as New York Times journalists and International Relations theorists have applied such readings. Through investigating the changing paradigms of the Jacksonian, from its incipience in the 1820s to its ascription in Trump's populism, this article underlines how its shibboleths have gradually shifted towards becoming part of a 'minoritarian' phenomenon. Trump's victory in the 2016 presidential election, which was achieved in spite of his loss of the popular vote and failure to win former Republican states such as Virginia, indicated that the Jacksonian resurgence perceived in this contest was heavily dependent on the economic decline of the industrial Midwest. This contrasts with the cooption of the Jacksonian under FDR and Ronald Reagan, whose first terms resulted from comprehensive national landslides. Because of this lack of broader support, Trump's affinity with a decreasing population of white male non-college educated voters forms the existential driver of his presidency. Conveying a reversal of Andrew Jackson's majoritarianism, my research highlights that Jacksonian survival now hinges on consolidating the kind of minoritarian influence implied by the results of the 2016 presidential election. This analysis, along with my historiography of the Jacksonian, establishes the changes undergone by this significant American ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay concerns the political and social psychological roots of the White American electorate's decision to elect Donald J. Trump as the 45th president of the United States in 2016. The author explains how the Trump presidency is an iconoclastic reaction by the White American electorate to the country's first African American president, Barack Hussein Obama, and situates the Trump presidency as a White nationalist project dedicated to ensuring that the United States remains a Herrenvolk democratic society in which race is the dividing line between equality and racial subordination. Based on this reasoning, the author contends that scholars of color are 'free' to unapologetically pursue race-centered research and scholarly studies committed to the dismantling of White supremacy. The essay concludes with a discussion of why scholars of color and social justice activists must adopt what historians refer to as the longue durée in the quest to end White supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses entrenching retrenchment as a guide for foreign policies by the U.S. focusing on Donald Trump's presidency. Topics include promises made by Donald Trump as the presidential candidate of implementing foreign policies of retrenchment, his departure from international norms such as rejection of internationalism, and examples of areas where he has done retrenchment like in diplomatic offices.

The article focuses on assault on the norms of the liberal international order by U.S. President Donald Trump, as it was started by the U.S. to promote democracy, an open trading system, human rights, and the rule of law. It mentions Trump has attacked the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union, and the World Trade Organization, walked away from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Paris Climate Accords, threatened to scrap the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and imposed tariffs on. It also mentions his foreign policy poses a danger to world affairs and employs threats for the formation of the international order by initiating hyper-nationalism and protectionism.

The Trump administration’s immigration measures and attendant dehumanizing rhetoric have fanned the flames of nationalism and sown fear in communities. Its internal enforcement strategies are bolstered by manipulative narratives that perpetuate myths and reflect facile analyses of complex dilemmas, focusing on symptoms rather than causes of migration. Reducing immigration questions to the locus of border crossers alone eclipses from view transnational actors responsible for economic instability, violent conflict, or labor recruitment, and also eclipses their accountability. Recent developments in migration ethics help illuminate significant historical and structural contexts of migration as well as models of justice and norms for negotiating duties of reception that better reflect such relationships. Attending to underlying fears and idolatries that contribute to exclusionary dynamics also emerges as critical for advancing just policy reforms and cultivating civic friendship moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the radicalism in a North American context by considering the example of U.S. President Donald J. Trump and his populist nationalism. Topics include the rejection of the norms of modern American civic discourse through statements by Trump; violence incited by him against protesters who disrupted his rallies; and comparison of Trump with fascism by some commentators.

An essay is presented about the studies of transnational American literary research on virulent nationalism during the time of U.S. President Donald Trump. The topics discussed include the travel bans in the U.S., the American literature during the 20th and 21st century, and the writings of author Mark Twain on the invasion of the U.S. on the Philippines.

This paper focuses on Trump's aggressive language on immigration. By analyzing a data set made of public speeches, interviews, and statements from Trump's official website, the paper will look at how certain lexico-grammatical and intertextual choices in Trump's representation of immigration display all the typical features of a populist agenda. Trump's texts will be analyzed according to Wodak's Discourse-Historical approach: Trump's own "politics of fear" and language on immigration are evidence of the strong currency held by values associated with right-wing, ethno-nationalist populism, once the core ideological tenets only of certain fringe movements such as the Tea Party, but now firmly established in mainstream politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the corpus of research dedicated to nationalism studies is vast, less attention has been given to the surge of neo-nationalism especially in the context of far-right populism, which has also seen a significant rise in prominence. This study explores the emerging trend of neo-nationalist, more pertinently, isolationist sentiments that have gained popularity, specifically in the United States of America and in Europe. The phenomenon, which distinguishes these two regions include the snowballing popularity of Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump, and across the Atlantic, the growth of far-right leadership and euro-scepticism. This paper explores both occurrences against the backdrop of a twenty-first century reinvention of nationalist sentiments. These two events are indicative of a political landscape that attempts to re-claim fundamental tenets of nationalist ideology. As such, the study will develop the growing body of research on nationalism perspectives as well as provide a platform for further research of similar topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the politics and government in the U.S. and alt-right base, an ananonymous army of trolls or internet racists. Topics discussed include the alt-right base and its support to the campaign of President Donald Trump, the rejected nomination of Jeff Sessions due to a history of racism in 1986, and the tweets of media personality Milo Yiannopoulos about racist harassment. Other topics include bright-eyed fascist Richard Spencer, American nationalism, and inauguration ceremony of Trump.

What responsibilities do researchers of learning have in the wake of Trump's election and the proliferation of far-right, populist nationalism across the globe? In this essay, we seek to prompt and engage a dialogue about the political role and responsibilities of our field at this historical moment. First, we situate the social hierarchies that were most pronounced during this election within a longer history of U.S. policies and practices. We then examine the ostensible division between research on learning and the political contexts and consequences of learning. We argue for the need to address this false chasm and build on scholarship that has demonstrated the inextricable links among learning, power, and politics. We conclude by exploring how research on learning might more meaningfully engage with the political dimensions of learning through teaching, engaged research, publishing, professional forums, and service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses aspects of U.S. President Donald Trump's savage capitalism in 2017. He says that Trump represents a form of savage capitalism because his post-fascism traits including authoritarianism, radical nationalism and xenophobia. He adds that Trump is a product of the transformations of capitalism in recent decades. He also iterates that traditional politics may become obsolete or inadequate because of Trump's disrespect for the rule of law.

This essay examines the social origins of the election of Donald Trump in November 2016, and assess the possible direction of his presidency. Riding the wave of middle class radicalism that began with the Tea Party insurgency, Trump’s nomination temporarily disrupted the dominance of capitalists over the Republican Party. Despite his economic nationalist rhetoric, Trump will be unable to break in practice with the neo-liberal consensus of the past forty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights on internationalism. Topics discussed include the skepticism of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and his relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin, the impact of the foreign policy of leftists, and the inverted nationalism and self-indulgent preoccupation in the U.S. It also mentioned the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement which aim boycott Israel and Israeli universities, the belief of British politician Jeremy Corbyn that NATO should be abandoned, and the Green Party USA.

Donald Trump's victory highlighted the growing strength of a populist brand of nationalism in the United States. He stressed the themes of economic protectionism, the need for greater burden sharing in Washington's security alliances, and a much tighter immigration policy. Both during the campaign and since entering the Oval Office, Trump embraced the label of "America First," explaining that his administration's top priority would be to defend and advance America's national interests, rather than promoting the interests of allies or abstract global values. It remains to be seen just how nationalistic, perhaps even insular, U.S. foreign policy will become under a Trump administration, but at the least, it will be more demanding of allies, trading partners, and other powers in the international system. However, U.S. policymakers will have to contend with a growing populist nationalism in other countries as well. The spread of such sentiments is likely to make international cooperation much more difficult, except on narrow issues where the national interests of various nations overlap greatly. The coming years will, therefore, more closely resemble the international system of the 19th and early 20th centuries than the system that has existed since the end of World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton exemplify new forms of old nationalisms that are likely to define politics in the United States for many years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including North American radicalism, religious rhetoric and the Upper Canada rebellion of 1837, and U.S. Donald J. Trump and his populist nationalism.

The article focuses on the liberals criticizing the U.S. president Donald Trump's decision to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border in order to prevent drug trafficking and immigration. It discusses the high cost it would take for the construction, and talks about the symbolic and cultural depiction of the wall as it symbolizes American nationality.