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The identity politics as part of a Hindutva strategy has played crucial role in worsening Indo-Pak relations by hindering success of any bilateral peace process. Historically, India and Pakistan have involved in various peace processes but all to no avail. This research design follows exploratory and correlational approaches. The results are extrapolated by analyzing the quantitative and qualitative data obtained for the study. Using social constructivism as a theoretical framework, the study examines how ideational factors, propagated by Hindutva through the creation of 'us versus them' narratives or 'myths' constructing threats to Hindus, proved to be instrumental in forging a negative image of Pakistan which is intricately woven around the constructed perception of its dominant religion, Islam, and its adherents i.e., Muslims. The study reveals that the association of negative identities like those of terrorists and enemies with Pakistan as part of Hindutva agenda, has negatively affected India-Pakistan peace-processes. However, it suggests that adopting a multifaceted approach to peace can significantly contribute to the success of bilateral peace process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The change of perception and opinion of population is dangerous for the security of state. In this way, contemporary propaganda alters public perception through deception employing new technology, resulting in a widespread occurrence in region. Given the public's lack of trust in political leaders and official institutions, propaganda is active and aggressive in the internet environment. So, Propaganda has a detrimental impact on the collective mindset (Asmolov, 2019). These sentiments of mistrust, brittleness, and instability shape the minds of the people, which would have a negative impact on regional peace and stability. Due to the rise of opinion media models, divisions are broadening inside states. Further, disinformation and fake news in cyberspace made things worse. In today's international politics, the media has become an important source of propaganda. Furthermore, social media, in particular, has played a significant role in propagating fake news. India has always employed propaganda to de-stable her opponent while gaining support, loyalty, and trust from their own people. The aim of this article is to explain the Indian propaganda against Pakistan. The study explores the political implications of Indian propaganda on Pakistan. The qualitative research technique is used to collect data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hindi cinema has long been instrumental in defining the boundaries between the "self" and the "other," often by providing stereotypical representations of the other's different religious, linguistic or ethnic affiliations. It was often Pakistan that played the role of the other, especially in films dealing with international terrorism or war. However, certain recent films focus on the lives of everyday people and emphasize the possibility of redefining the India-Pakistan relationship by portraying cross-border friendship between everyday Indians and Pakistanis. In this article, I look at two such films, Bajrangi Bhaijaan (Khan, 2015) and Happy Bhag Jayegi (Aziz, 2016) and investigate whether these films provide a more nuanced portrayal of Pakistani characters than previous war or spy films. Throughout the paper I suggest that this is not the case and that these films, despite their wholesome message, employ a variety of stereotypes related to gender, religion, and nationality, which have been crucial in delineating the cultural boundaries of the Indian nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to provide an answer to the question which has hitherto not been significantly explored in the relevant academic scholarship: Why did China block India's (and other countries) attempts to designate Masood Azhar – head of Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM/Jaish) as terrorist under UN Security Council 1267 committee rules? According to the extant literature, China's actions are explained broadly by India-China rivalry and India-Pakistan rivalry resulting in a strategic and 'all weather partnership between China and Pakistan against their common enemy India. This study argues that China's actions are also explained by its New (Asian) Security Concept and the ensuing China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), domestic (in)stability in Pakistan and China's geo-strategic interests. China is deeply perturbed by the socio-economic-political instability in Pakistan. China was concerned that if Masood Azhar was designated as a terrorist under UNSC 1267 Committee rules, Jaish and other terrorist organizations would take up arms against the Pakistani state (as in the past) which will create further instability in Pakistan and undermine CPEC and China's geo-strategic interests. Thus, the paper provides a more comprehensive and nuanced grasp of China's reluctance to designate Masood Azhar as a terrorist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan has always been an important factor in India's domestic politics and foreign policy – a position that flows as much from historical disputes as from Pakistan's continued support for terror activities against India. This importance has increased further under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership. This article argues that the September 2016 'surgical strikes' by Indian special forces inside Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and the February 2019 'airstrikes' by Indian Air Force against terrorist training camps at Balakot inside Pakistan's Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province were defining moments in India's Pakistan policy. India's actions stemmed from its desire to change the status-quo in India–Pakistan relations by punishing Pakistan for its continued use of terrorism. But this is 'work in progress' since there are certain limitations to India's ability to compel Pakistan to alter its revisionist behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the emergence of India and Pakistan as independent states following the end of British colonial rule in 1947, the two countries have been at loggerheads and fought three wars in 1947, 1965, 1971 and a limited war in 1999. They have been engaged in one of the world's most complex and sharply contested rivalries. These two countries became ideological rivals despite the fact that both countries shared a common history, cultural roots, geography, economic systems and strategic environment for centuries. The rivalry between India and Pakistan dates back to the colonial period and has continuously overshadowed their bilateral relationship till date. This paper attempts to examine the two major irritants between India and Pakistan: Kashmir and terrorism. Then it discusses how the inflexible attitude adopted by the two nuclear neighbours towards the resolution of these issues has created perpetual regional instability in the South Asian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did India launch and later withdraw from the exercise in coercive diplomacy – Operation Parakram – against Pakistan in response to the attack on India's Parliament by terrorists based in that country? This paper marshals factors operating at the systemic, state and individual/small-group levels of analysis to show that, despite the paucity of evidence on decisionmaking of the kind required for an effective foreign policy analysis (FPA) approach, a reasonably clear picture can be developed. It combines deductive logic relating to state behavior in a nuclearized environment with the limited empirical evidence available to show that India never intended to go to war and that the operation was essentially a bluff that, having eventually reached a dead end, was called off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Pakistan emerged as two newly independent countries together, almost 70 years ago, with the division of British India. The review looks at selected published and aired news and views from mainstream media in India, such as I The Hindu i , I Hindustan Times i , the I Times of India i , I Indian Express i , as well as Pakistan's I The Dawn i , I Express Tribune i , I News International i and others. India should not use Indus Waters Treaty to quench thirst for action against Pakistan after Pulwama. 12 Pakistan slams India over Pulwama attack propaganda. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on Pulwama crisis, terrorist attack in Pulwama in Kashmir, India, in light of the Kargil conflict in 1999. It mentions individual identities and organizational affiliations of the attackers, and how these likely affected India's ability to justify forceful responses and Pakistani support has been central to the Kashmiri insurgency. It also mentions identity of the perpetrator or the claimed involvement of Pakistan-based militant organizations. It reflects on crisis focused on the immediate justification and tactical effects of the initial Indian airstrikes as Indian Air Force almost certainly intended to hit targets.

This Editorial Postscript was a late addition to this issue of Perspectives on Terrorism, but it felt necessary to contribute something to the Special Correspondence. There is value in the essays by Muhammad Feyyaz and Abhinav Pandya[1], even taken separately, but greater significance comes from discussing where the authors agree and where they disagree, both about Pulwama and about its consequences. Below is an attempt to connect the two pieces, to help generate broader discussions over the challenges of studying and writing about political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since its occurrence in mid-February 2019, the Pulwama incident has obsessively gripped Indian and Pakistani political circles and society alike. It has also remained at the centre of policy, security and opinionated analyses within and beyond South Asia. Ironically, most of these encounters, barring a few notable exceptions, have largely been ridden more by polemics underlying typical Indian and Pakistani nationalism and by partisan descriptions rather than being the product of a systematic analysis of the possible causes behind the incident, the cycle of reactions that it has produced and the ensuing very dangerous security implications. The present account contextualizes the incident within a broader, quite complex, and multi-tier national and geopolitical landscape, to determine its objective status, and reflects on a few broad policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Pulwama Indo-Pak stand-off marks a strategic change - a much more assertive Indian state in response to the terrorist activities of Pakistan-sponsored non-state actors. It demonstrates India's firm determination to root out terrorism even if that requires smart cross-border operations, violating the sovereign space of Pakistan, and risking a full-fledged war. Also, with the global attention that the recent stand-off received, it is highly likely that the Kashmir issue, which has somehow remained a local problem, will not be so anymore. Any Indo-Pak conflict over Kashmir is likely, in the future, to have strong international ramifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 14 February suicide attack that killed more than 40 personnel of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in the Pulwama district of Indian Kashmir has resulted in a number of security and political challenges for the Indian government. The attack almost brought India and Pakistan to the brink of war. Following Indian airstrikes on Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM) camps in the Balakot district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province, Pakistan responded with its own retaliatory strikes in the Indian Kashmir. This article examines the significance and implications of the Pulwama attack and consequent state responses. It argues that terrorist groups like JeM, through their terrorist attacks, have repeatedly influenced foreign policy and the regional security of South Asia. Given the adversarial ties between India and Pakistan and the lack of a credible crisis management mechanism, terrorist groups may continue to exploit this gap to precipitate crises between the two countries in future as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on prevention of Lashkar-e-Tayyiba Attack and compared to its main rival Jaish-e-Mohamed (JeM), which conducted a suicide attack in February in Pulwama, India and spurred a military confrontation between India and Pakistan. Topics discussed include Lashkar has focused on the insurgencies in Kashmir and Afghanistan, activities consistent with the Pakistani military's policies, Pakistani government's support for the U.S. war in Afghanistan and campaign against al-Qaida and need to find resolution to the Kashmir dispute is among the solutions frequently raised as a potential avenue to persuade Pakistan to relinquish Lashkar as well as Jaish.

India's relations with the Gulf countries started to flourish in the 1990s after India succeeded in de-hyphenating Pakistan from its policy toward the Gulf. Though Pakistan remained a factor as it continued to raise Kashmir and internal situation in India at multilateral forums such as OIC to evoke anti-India sentiments, it did not remain an underlying factor in as was the case during the Cold War era. In the contemporary dynamics, when India-Gulf relations are progressing toward strategic partnerships, Pakistan has re-emerged as a factor but its nature has changed. As highlighted in the joint statements issued during the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visits to the Gulf countries since May 2014, India can now put pressure on Pakistan by highlighting its policy of sponsoring terrorism. This was evident when the Arab Gulf countries condemned the Pathankot (January 2016) and Uri (September 2016) terrorist attacks. India's relations with the Arab Gulf and other Middle Eastern countries are independent of their engagements with Pakistan and India-Pakistan tension, but New Delhi has stepped up efforts to raise the issue of cross-border terrorism and use of religion to incite terror activities against India during its engagements with these countries. It underlines the growing convergence between India and Arab Gulf countries over regional issues and the ability of India to isolate Pakistan over issues related to terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kashmir has been smoldering for the last seven decades without having any kind of permanent solution or bilateral arrangement agreed upon between India and Pakistan. Change of governments on both sides never changed the stance of each or the fortune of Indian Occupied Kashmiri people who have been killed and butchered like the sheep of a herd. Reciprocity of terrorism and counter-terrorism allegations on each other has totally changed the direction of the whole dispute. This study suggests that Terrorism and counter-terrorism approach is being used as a tool for deliberate deferral to this historical dispute for the last two decades. Therefore, the study focuses on Kashmir specific lethal trajectory of action and reaction syndrome, which is being used to keep the status quo in the hope to avail better bargain if and when time comes. Due to adoption of the phenomenon of terrorism and counter-terrorism approach, opportunists, elements of vested interests along with religious fanatics and offensive war-mongers have hijacked the whole process of bilateral relationship between India and Pakistan; therefore, the conflict over Kashmir is yet awaited to be resolved. With the changing game of power politics on international arena and the influx of regional power players, pseudo-defenders and proxy war handlers have further perplexed the ever-worsening gruesome situation in Kashmir. The study suggests adopting incremental efforts to coordinate through uninterruptable negotiations, which would give a shut up call to the peace-spoilers. As soon as both countries get close to each other it is only then any kind of permanent solution could be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is facing multipronged challenges mainly by the surge in Afghan Taliban insurgency, the emergence of Islamic State-Khurassan Province, fragile Afghan security forces, upsurge in Afghan Drug Trade and discord among Pakistan, Afghanistan and India. All these factors are responsible for the mayhem and turmoil in Afghanistan and would have far reaching implications for Pakistan and Central Asia. It is imperative for the regional and global powers to support reconciliation and negotiation process with Afghan Taliban and other reconcilable groups to settle this issue amicably and open the gates for cooperation and development in the region. India and Pakistan must end their proxy war, resolve their outstanding issues, and collectively work for the stability of Afghanistan. Moreover, Pakistan and Afghanistan must overcome their differences, settle the border dispute, secure the border and collectively work for the regional connectivity and collaboration. The United States of America, China, Russia and European Union must support Afghanistan in rebuilding and reconstruction. Politically and economically stable Afghanistan would connect the land locked Central Asian states with rest of the world and pave the way for better connectivity and economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the study is to determine the impact selected Indo-Pak events that are believed to be deteriorating for the relation between the two countries on behavior of Bollywood film industry. The events we selected include Nuclear Bomb Experiment 1998, Kargal War 1999, and Attack on Indian Parliament 2001, and Mumbai attack 2006. The data for anti-Pak movies is selected from 1988 to 2017 that is fair range for well number of such movies. The number of movies is calculated for the selected range for each year. The study is conducted using Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test and we selected 10 years before and after year of the selected event as we assume that such movies take time to be complete and have long term impact. We found that Nuclear Bomb Experiment 1998, Kargal War 1999 and Mumbai Attack 2008 have significant positive impact on Bollywood movies attitude towards anti - Pak movies. However, Parliament attack 2001 is not found to have influence. The possible justification for the insignificance of impact of Parliament attack 2001 may be the Agra Summit 2001 with the involvement of United Nation that raised the need for resolving long term relations between these two countries. The study is unique on its own and may open up a new wave of research in this subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study has started with the sole argument that peace process of this region is now turned into a complex political theatre where terrorism is the major menace. The aim of this study is to scrupulously investigate the nature and substance of South Asian peace process with particular emphasis on India-Pakistan. Thus intends to extend the scope of further research on peace process through linking it with terrorism. The methodology of this research relied largely on qualitative analysis. Methodologically, the study does not directly address the policies of the South Asian countries rather it uses already available literature of policy experts to research the linkage between terrorism and peace process, test their correlations (whether it is positive or negative) in context to South Asia, and to conclusively make a judgment based on the research question-to what extent the incidence of terrorism is hindering the progress of South Asian peace process? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between Pakistan and India have been through many ups and downs since 1947. Amidst tensions and conflicts, there were moments of peace and parleys. The Agra Summit of 2001 was an important event in the history of the two countries, as it was a concerted effort to resolve some of the key issues through peaceful means. The meeting created a lot of hope and media frenzy. This paper is based on the coverage of the summit in the mainstream media of two countries. Through careful sampling, The Hindu from India and Dawn from Pakistan were selected to study the coverage. The newspapers were scanned for three-day coverage from July 15-17. The research shows that it was saturation coverage. The Hindu led the drive with 55 stories in three days. Dawn was not far behind it with 33 news pieces. The two papers published total 88 stories in three days, which means that around 30 stories were published per day. It also comes to average 15 news items in each newspaper in a day. The political stories were maximum in number, followed by the news related to culture, travel and food. There were also several stories about Kashmir, terrorism and security issues. The coverage was initially balanced but it slightly became partisan by the end of the summit. The attitude of media changed as it became clear that no breakthrough was possible during the two-day summit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foreign and security policy of Pakistan need to be rationalized without bandwagoning with any state. Every country's real source of power is embedded in its economic foundation and internal cohesion, which enables it to develop other elements of national power to effectively compete in a competitive world. On the other hand, the issue of terrorism especially associated with Al Qaeda and its affiliates, warrants effective and resolute eradication measures. Pakistan has to craft a flexible nuclear deterrence strategy to stabilize its strategic equation with India, and to prevent escalation of crises. The acme of diplomatic and strategic finesse necessitates that Pakistan synergize its instruments of maneuverability - nuclear deterrence, diplomacy, strategy, geo-economics, internal and external balancing in harmony with the transforming regional/geostrategic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing literature in the terrorism field does not address the absence of terrorism scholarship in developing countries. This article focuses on this intellectual gap using the case of Pakistan. It argues that most decolonised states, including Pakistan, are yet to grasp the complexities of traditional approaches to the study of terrorism, let alone its critical dimensions. The article explores some of the prevailing conditions in developing countries, specifically decolonised states such as Pakistan, which prevent the development of a robust academic discourse on terrorism and the development of a strong field of study. It suggests that the main barriers that account for this shortfall include the state’s legitimacy deficit, a flawed education system that nurtures fictions as truth and inhibits knowledge production, the institutionalised role of conspiracy theories in national politics and the multiplicity of terrorism discourses among government and sociopolitical entities. The conclusion highlights a number of reasons that might help to explain this persistent condition and offers a few policy recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For some years now, a part of the political and intellectual world has been seduced by the improbable idea of a clash of civilisations for final determination of the superiority of one culture, ideology of faith over all others. And the terrorist violence is sometimes seen as a legitimate instrument in this final millennial struggle by those who are absolutely convinced that their vision of the world is the only one possible. And in this regard some staunch violent communal centric groups have been formed and supported by Pakistan which is serving as a homeland and haven for these terrorist groups. These terrorist groups are armed, trained andfinanced by Pakistan in the plea of supporting freedom movement ' and where India is portrayed as 'an aggressor ' by Pakistan. This article deals with this problem of Pakistan's continuous support to terrorism which had sharply deterioted its relations with India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of terrorism has brought major shifts in the global political landscape especially after the tragic events of 9/11. South Asian region, with a characteristic volatility in its security environment due to India-Pakistan rivalry felt the shocks of global terror waves to a much greater extent than the rest of the world. Pakistan being a front line state in the global war against terrorism and a Muslim majority state had to bear an additional brunt of Indian hegemonic hostile state behavior which reached its highest ebbs in the post 9/11 South Asian political milieu. The two pressing issues of long held Indian hegemonic designs and global surge in violent religious extremism have deep ramifications for an already troubled India-Pakistan relations equation. A comprehensive understanding of these two phenomena is vital to understand the dynamics of contemporary South Asian regional security architecture. This paper takes into account the acrimonious relations between the two major actors, India and Pakistan, the forces at work in escalating their mutual distrust and antagonism and the impact on the security environment of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses relationship between India and Pakistan over intelligence sharing. Topics include description of the National Security Advisor (NSA) agreement between both countries; illustration of Pakistan's involvement in 2016 airbase terrorist attack at Patkankot, India; observation of Pakistan officials over media reports related to suspicion of Pakistan's involvement by the Indian Intelligence Bureau (IB) and association of Pakistani Mumtaj Qadri in killing governor Salman Taseer.

The article discusses the five dangerous myths about Pakistan that the country's foreign and security policy propagated for its vested interests. It states that the myths have spoiled U.S. foreign relations with Pakistan and the U.S. sought cooperation with India since 2000. It is noted that former Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf stated that the country faces existential threat from India and highlighted that it is a victim of terrorism. It mentions the ties between Pakistan and terrorist group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). It also states that Pakistan has not been a reliable ally to the U.S.

The article focuses on political discourse of Pakistan and India in context to Kashmir issue along with information on administrative identity and cross border terrorism.

Kashmir, at present, is not being treated as a priority by politicians or policy makers. The author argues that this is a grave mistake. The ground realities which have continued to blight the lives of millions in the region for decades have not been resolved. Not only do they demand resolution, but leave the region fragile and unstable, a danger exacerbated by the nuclear capabilities of India and Pakistan. The domestic narratives within India and Pakistan which lead to heightened hostility have been exacerbated by recent events such as the Mumbai Hotel attacks and cross-border skirmishes. A resolution of Kashmir would reverse these inherent tensions. The unresolved situation also undermines the human rights of the inhabitants of Kashmir. Likewise, it leads to an unconscionable waste of the natural resources of the region, as well as needless restrictions in Indo-Pakistani trade and money being tied up in military conflict. A resolution of the conflict would also have wide-scale benefits in the region, reaching to Afghanistan and China. In conclusion, the author surveys what might be practical ways of resolving the Kashmir problem. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Starting with the security complex theory elaborated by Barry Buzan, this paper aims to provide an overview over an area long troubled by tensions and conflicts - South Asia. We are going to use an approach going from general to particular. After establishing a theoretical framework regarding the phrase security complex, the paper will focus on the South Asian security complex and more specifically on the two most important actors: India and Pakistan. The relations between the two countries, both born after the partition of 1947, have always been characterized by turmoil - religious clashes, failed peace talks, territorial disputes not to mention the numerous wars conducted. We will emphasize the sources that generated direct confrontation over the last 66 years (such as Kashmir dispute or cross border issues) in order to be able to identify some future scenarios and eventually outline solutions for regional peace and stability. Some special attention will be paid to the nuclear dimension that determined an escalation in the rivalry between the two powers. India obtaining nuclear weapons has started an arms race in the region, thus opening the path to more conflictual situations such as the Kargil War of 1999. Furthermore, an insight in the issue of terrorism that raises even more tensions in the dispute between India and Pakistan will be useful. Taking into account this problem, we will discuss India's vulnerability to terrorism (pointing out some recent attacks such as the 2006 Mumbai train bombings or the 2008 Mumbai attack), its counterterrorism efforts as well as Pakistani ties with terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has been confronting jihadist violence for decades. Although expeditionary terrorism by Pakistani militants typically receives the most focus, indigenous actors, many benefitting from Pakistani support, are responsible for the majority of jihadist attacks in India. Yet the dynamics of Indian jihadism remain under-explored. This article examines the Indian Mujahideen (IM), which constitutes the primary indigenous jihadist threat. It argues the IM is best understood as a label for a network of modules, with a loose leadership, that is connected to smaller, self-organizing clusters of would-be militants as well as to foreign militant groups like the Pakistani Lashkar-e-Taiba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]