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The thesis addresses the placement of `second position' clitics in a linear order in preposed predicates in Croatian. In particular, I propose a uniformly syntactic analysis of the `second position' effect in Croatian by analyzing the discontinuous AP predicates in root clauses and neutral discourse from Diesing\&Zec (2017). The motivation for the syntactic analysis of second position becomes inevitable with the evidence of novel data with the raising to subject construction presented in Chapter 3. The raising data with split and unsplit AP predicates forces the analysis where AP predicates are `split' earlier than post-Spell-Out (namely, in the syntactic component). This new evidence shows that AP predicates are not motivated by prosodically conditioned lowering of a clitic into the predicate in a post-syntactic component of the grammar, as most recently assumed by Diesing\&Zec (2017). In Chapter 3, I motivate the mechanisms that are involved in predicate `splitting': complex predicate formation and predicate inversion (Moro 1997). The former evacuates the head of the AP to spec BeP. This creates a remnant AP constituent which undergoes predicate inversion to spec TP (a la Moro (1997)). Second, the raising data force us to conclude that AP predicates prepose to spec TP position, in the same way as canonical DP subjects do. This result is consistent with the analysis of predicate initial copular constructions in (Moro 1997). In Chapter 2, I show that the `second position effect', more generally, involves movement of the closest XP to a specifier of a root node in a root clause, around a clitic complex. The clitics in the citic complex are a sequence of separate head constituents situated in a region of the clause higher than spec TP from where they do not move further. The analysis of the clitic complex in a stable region of a clause has been proposed in Romance (Kayne 1991), and the analysis where movement via attract closest occurs to the `1st position' in the root clause has been inspired by the root phenomenon in continental Germanic.

V prispevku je analizirana omejitev sopojavitev naslonk v slovenskem naslonskem nizu, v katerem se lahko pojavi zgolj ena naslonka določene zvrsti (Orešnik 1985), npr. le ena naslonka v dajalniku. Omejitev je pojasnjena v okviru minimalističnega programa tvorbene slovnice, in sicer z načelom razlikovanja (Richards 2010), ki v slovenščini uravnava tudi druge omejitve sopojavitev, do katerih vodijo skladenjski premiki. In the article, a restriction of the co-occurrence of clitics in the Slovene clitic cluster is analysed. Following Orešnik (1985), only one clitic of a certain type can appear in the clitic cluster, e.g. only one dative clitic. On the basis of Chomsky's (1995) minimalist program, the restriction is accounted for by the principle of distinctness, as proposed by Richards (2010), a principle that also accounts for other restrictions on syntactic shifts in Slovene.

This study aims to investigate syntactic change in situations of language contact. The languages included in the study are heritage Italo-Romance languages spoken in Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Canada and Italy. All heritage speakers are either sequential or simultaneous bilinguals and the dominant language of the larger national society may affect their heritage language at different levels. Heritage speakers acquired their native heritage language naturalistically, but their competence differs from that of native monolinguals as a consequence of language contact. Since heritage speakers use their native language only in limited contexts, they are unbalanced bilinguals. Their weaker language is their native language, while the stronger language is the dominant language of the society. Focussing on discourse features involved in the distribution of different types of subject pronouns, the study shows how different subject pronouns interact with syntax and with information structure and what happens to discourse features when languages get in contact with others. The main hypothesis is that all types of subject pronouns (full, clitic and null) have the same internal structure; the differences in their interpretation depend on a discourse feature [R(eferential)]: when subject pronouns encode this feature, they are overt and referentially specific enough to obviate or switch reference; when subject pronouns lack this feature, they refer to the most salient discourse antecedent and are normally not phonologically realised. This proposal captures the distribution of null and overt subjects in heritage Italo-Romance varieties.

This study aims to investigate syntactic change in situations of language contact. The languages included in the study are heritage Italo-Romance languages spoken in Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Canada and Italy. All heritage speakers are either sequential or simultaneous bilinguals and the dominant language of the larger national society may affect their heritage language at different levels. Heritage speakers acquired their native heritage language naturalistically, but their competence differs from that of native monolinguals as a consequence of language contact. Since heritage speakers use their native language only in limited contexts, they are unbalanced bilinguals. Their weaker language is their native language, while the stronger language is the dominant language of the society. Focussing on discourse features involved in the distribution of different types of subject pronouns, the study shows how different subject pronouns interact with syntax and with information structure and what happens to discourse features when languages get in contact with others. The main hypothesis is that all types of subject pronouns (full, clitic and null) have the same internal structure; the differences in their interpretation depend on a discourse feature [R(eferential)]: when subject pronouns encode this feature, they are overt and referentially specific enough to obviate or switch reference; when subject pronouns lack this feature, they refer to the most salient discourse antecedent and are normally not phonologically realised. This proposal captures the distribution of null and overt subjects in heritage Italo-Romance varieties.

El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar dos fenómenos de acuerdo a lo que se conoce como efectos de distintividad. Con esta etiqueta nos referimos a aquellos escenarios en los que dos objetos que son demasiado semejantes aparecen en el mismo dominio sintáctico (Chomsky 2013, 2015, Moro 2000, Kayne 1994, Richards 2010, Hiraiwa 2010, Rizzi 1990). Para este fin, se estudian las combinaciones de clíticos y el orden VSO en algunas variedades románicas teniendo en cuenta la hipótesis de que las restricciones observadas en estos fenómenos se deben a la aparición de dos objetos idénticos. El capítulo I presenta los aspectos principales del marco teórico que se asumirá en la tesis (el denominado Programa Minimista 1992). En este capítulo también se discuten las diferentes propuestas que ponen de manifiesto la necesidad de la distintividad en el sistema, es decir, se discuten los puntos donde dicha necesidad emerge y qué significa exactamente ‘ser idéntico en un dominio X’. Finalmente, se introduce la Condición de Distintividad Revisada (RDC a partir de ahora). El capítulo II se centra en las restricciones de combinación que operan en las agrupaciones clíticas en algunas variedades iberorrománicas (aragonés, castellano y catalán). En particular, este capítulo analiza la restricción que surge en la combinación de dos clíticos de tercera persona. Siguiendo a autores como Kayne (1975, 1989, 1999), Rizzi (1986) y Uriagereka (1995), se asume que los clíticos constituyen un caso de movimiento de un SX al borde de fase. También se ofrece evidencia a favor del carácter no primitivo del dativo (Boeckx y Martin 2013). Este capítulo defiende que la incompatibilidad que se produce en la combinación de clíticos de tercera persona se debe a la co-aparición de dos rasgos idénticos de caso en el mismo dominio, lo que viola la RDC. Específicamente, se argumenta que la incompatibilidad se produce por la aparición de dos SKs en el especificador del Sv. Las variedades recurren a diferentes estrategias para evitar la restricción. A lo largo de este capítulo, se defiende que la variación lingüística del dativo determina la manera en la que se evita la RDC. El capítulo III estudia el orden VSO en las lenguas románicas, centrándose en los contrastes observados entre el castellano y el catalán. El análisis presentado en este capítulo se basa en la idea de que la posibilidad de presentar el orden VSO se relaciona con la complejidad del Objeto Directo (OD a partir de ahora). Siguiendo a López (2012), Ormazabal y Romero (2013), Roca y Ordóñez (2013), se desarrolla un análisis sugerido por Ángel J. Gallego (p.c.) y, en primer lugar, introducido en Castillo-Ros, Colomina y Gallego (2018), donde se asume que el castellano presenta una estructura más compleja para el OD. En este capítulo también se discuten los contextos en los que aparece el orden VSO y su interacción con el EPP (Ortega-Santos 2005, Sheehan 2006). Este capítulo propone que el orden VSO supone la violación del RDC, ya que dos objetos idénticos se encuentran en el mismo dominio: VSSDOSD. Las lenguas como el castellano que permiten este orden muestran mecanismos adicionales para distinguir uno de los dos objetos. El listado de fenómenos presentados a lo largo del capítulo ofrece evidencia a favor de esta idea. Se argumenta que la estructura del OD permite la aparición del orden VSO: VSSD OSK/SP. Las lenguas como el catalán que no disponen de la misma estructura para el OD solo permiten el orden VSO en contextos donde uno de los dos objetos se sitúa en otro domimio o se introduce por una preposición. El capítulo IV ofrece el resumen y las conclusiones. The goal of this dissertation is to analyze two phenomena under the called distinctness effects. With this label I refer to scenarios where two too similar syntactic objects are found in the same domain (see Chomsky 2013, 2015, Moro 2000, Kayne 1994, Richards 2010, Hiraiwa 2010, Rizzi 1990). To this end, clitic combinations and VSO order are studied in Romance languages considering the hypothesis that restrictions observed in both phenomena are due to the appearance of two identical objects. Chapter I introduces the general guideline of the framework that will be assumed in the dissertation (the so-called Minimalist Program 1992). Also, this chapter discusses the different proposals that point out the existence of a distinctness necessity in the system, that is, discusses the point where this necessity emerges and what exactly means ‘to be identical in X domain’. Finally, I introduce the Revisited Distinctness Condition (RDC henceforth). Chapter II focuses on the combinatorial restrictions that operate in clitic clusters in certain Eastern Iberian varieties (Aragonese, Spanish, and Catalan). In particular, this chapter analyzes the restriction that arises in the combination of two third person clitics. Following authors such as Kayne (1975, 1989, 1999), Rizzi (1986) and Uriagereka (1995) I argue that clitics are determiners that move and incorporate into the verb. Specifically, this chapter assumes Gallego’s proposal (2016), which combines aspects of Chomsky (2000, 2001), Torrego (1998, 2002), and Uriagereka (1995). The main idea of this proposal is that clitics constitute a case of XP movement at the edge of the phase. Also, evidence in favor of the non-primitive character of the dative in Romance languages is provided (Boeckx & Martin 2013). This chapter defends that the incompatibility of a third person accusative clitic and a third person dative clitic emerges due to the co-occurrence of two identical case features in the same domain, which violates the RCD. Specifically, the incompatibility is produced in the combination of two KPs inside the same phasal domain: the specifier of the vP. Varieties resort to different strategies to avoid the restriction. Through the chapter I argue that the cross-linguistic variation regarding the structure of the dative determines the way in which the RCD is avoided. Chapter III studies VSO order in Romance, focusing on contrasts observed in Spanish and Catalan. The analysis presented in this chapter bears on the idea that the possibility to display VSO order is related to the complexity of the Direct Object (DO henceforth). Building on López (2012), Ormazabal & Romero (2013), Roca & Ordóñez (2013), I develop an analysis suggested by Ángel J. Gallego (p.c.), and first outlined in Castillo-Ros, Colomina & Gallego (2018), where I assume that Spanish displays a more complex structure of the DO. Also, this chapter discusses contexts where VSO appears focusing on the interaction with this context and the EPP (see Ortega-Santos 2005, Sheehan 2006). Specifically, this chapter proposes that VSO order implies the violation of the RDC since two identical objects are found in the same domain: VSDPODP. Languages such as Spanish that allow this order show extra mechanisms to distinguish one of the two objects. The battery of phenomena introduced throughout the chapter has offered evidence to support the idea that DO displays a different structure in Spanish. I argue that this structure enables the appearance of the VSO order: VSDP OKP/PP. Languages such as Catalan that do not display the same DO structure only permit VSO in contexts where one of the two objects are situated in another domain or introduced by a preposition. Chapter IV offers a summary of the dissertation and the conclusions. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Ciència Cognitiva i Llenguatge

El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar dos fenómenos de acuerdo a lo que se conoce como efectos de distintividad. Con esta etiqueta nos referimos a aquellos escenarios en los que dos objetos que son demasiado semejantes aparecen en el mismo dominio sintáctico (Chomsky 2013, 2015, Moro 2000, Kayne 1994, Richards 2010, Hiraiwa 2010, Rizzi 1990). Para este fin, se estudian las combinaciones de clíticos y el orden VSO en algunas variedades románicas teniendo en cuenta la hipótesis de que las restricciones observadas en estos fenómenos se deben a la aparición de dos objetos idénticos. El capítulo I presenta los aspectos principales del marco teórico que se asumirá en la tesis (el denominado Programa Minimista 1992). En este capítulo también se discuten las diferentes propuestas que ponen de manifiesto la necesidad de la distintividad en el sistema, es decir, se discuten los puntos donde dicha necesidad emerge y qué significa exactamente 'ser idéntico en un dominio X'. Finalmente, se introduce la Condición de Distintividad Revisada (RDC a partir de ahora). El capítulo II se centra en las restricciones de combinación que operan en las agrupaciones clíticas en algunas variedades iberorrománicas (aragonés, castellano y catalán). En particular, este capítulo analiza la restricción que surge en la combinación de dos clíticos de tercera persona. Siguiendo a autores como Kayne (1975, 1989, 1999), Rizzi (1986) y Uriagereka (1995), se asume que los clíticos constituyen un caso de movimiento de un SX al borde de fase. También se ofrece evidencia a favor del carácter no primitivo del dativo (Boeckx y Martin 2013). Este capítulo defiende que la incompatibilidad que se produce en la combinación de clíticos de tercera persona se debe a la co-aparición de dos rasgos idénticos de caso en el mismo dominio, lo que viola la RDC. Específicamente, se argumenta que la incompatibilidad se produce por la aparición de dos SKs en el especificador del Sv. Las variedades recurren a diferentes estrategias para evitar la restricción. A lo largo de este capítulo, se defiende que la variación lingüística del dativo determina la manera en la que se evita la RDC. El capítulo III estudia el orden VSO en las lenguas románicas, centrándose en los contrastes observados entre el castellano y el catalán. El análisis presentado en este capítulo se basa en la idea de que la posibilidad de presentar el orden VSO se relaciona con la complejidad del Objeto Directo (OD a partir de ahora). Siguiendo a López (2012), Ormazabal y Romero (2013), Roca y Ordóñez (2013), se desarrolla un análisis sugerido por Ángel J. Gallego (p.c.) y, en primer lugar, introducido en Castillo-Ros, Colomina y Gallego (2018), donde se asume que el castellano presenta una estructura más compleja para el OD. En este capítulo también se discuten los contextos en los que aparece el orden VSO y su interacción con el EPP (Ortega-Santos 2005, Sheehan 2006). Este capítulo propone que el orden VSO supone la violación del RDC, ya que dos objetos idénticos se encuentran en el mismo dominio: VSSDOSD. Las lenguas como el castellano que permiten este orden muestran mecanismos adicionales para distinguir uno de los dos objetos. El listado de fenómenos presentados a lo largo del capítulo ofrece evidencia a favor de esta idea. Se argumenta que la estructura del OD permite la aparición del orden VSO: VSSD OSK/SP. Las lenguas como el catalán que no disponen de la misma estructura para el OD solo permiten el orden VSO en contextos donde uno de los dos objetos se sitúa en otro domimio o se introduce por una preposición. El capítulo IV ofrece el resumen y las conclusiones. The goal of this dissertation is to analyze two phenomena under the called distinctness effects. With this label I refer to scenarios where two too similar syntactic objects are found in the same domain (see Chomsky 2013, 2015, Moro 2000, Kayne 1994, Richards 2010, Hiraiwa 2010, Rizzi 1990). To this end, clitic combinations and VSO order are studied in Romance languages considering the hypothesis that restrictions observed in both phenomena are due to the appearance of two identical objects. Chapter I introduces the general guideline of the framework that will be assumed in the dissertation (the so-called Minimalist Program 1992). Also, this chapter discusses the different proposals that point out the existence of a distinctness necessity in the system, that is, discusses the point where this necessity emerges and what exactly means 'to be identical in X domain'. Finally, I introduce the Revisited Distinctness Condition (RDC henceforth). Chapter II focuses on the combinatorial restrictions that operate in clitic clusters in certain Eastern Iberian varieties (Aragonese, Spanish, and Catalan). In particular, this chapter analyzes the restriction that arises in the combination of two third person clitics. Following authors such as Kayne (1975, 1989, 1999), Rizzi (1986) and Uriagereka (1995) I argue that clitics are determiners that move and incorporate into the verb. Specifically, this chapter assumes Gallego's proposal (2016), which combines aspects of Chomsky (2000, 2001), Torrego (1998, 2002), and Uriagereka (1995). The main idea of this proposal is that clitics constitute a case of XP movement at the edge of the phase. Also, evidence in favor of the non-primitive character of the dative in Romance languages is provided (Boeckx & Martin 2013). This chapter defends that the incompatibility of a third person accusative clitic and a third person dative clitic emerges due to the co-occurrence of two identical case features in the same domain, which violates the RCD. Specifically, the incompatibility is produced in the combination of two KPs inside the same phasal domain: the specifier of the vP. Varieties resort to different strategies to avoid the restriction. Through the chapter I argue that the cross-linguistic variation regarding the structure of the dative determines the way in which the RCD is avoided. Chapter III studies VSO order in Romance, focusing on contrasts observed in Spanish and Catalan. The analysis presented in this chapter bears on the idea that the possibility to display VSO order is related to the complexity of the Direct Object (DO henceforth). Building on López (2012), Ormazabal & Romero (2013), Roca & Ordóñez (2013), I develop an analysis suggested by Ángel J. Gallego (p.c.), and first outlined in Castillo-Ros, Colomina & Gallego (2018), where I assume that Spanish displays a more complex structure of the DO. Also, this chapter discusses contexts where VSO appears focusing on the interaction with this context and the EPP (see Ortega-Santos 2005, Sheehan 2006). Specifically, this chapter proposes that VSO order implies the violation of the RDC since two identical objects are found in the same domain: VSDPODP. Languages such as Spanish that allow this order show extra mechanisms to distinguish one of the two objects. The battery of phenomena introduced throughout the chapter has offered evidence to support the idea that DO displays a different structure in Spanish. I argue that this structure enables the appearance of the VSO order: VSDP OKP/PP. Languages such as Catalan that do not display the same DO structure only permit VSO in contexts where one of the two objects are situated in another domain or introduced by a preposition. Chapter IV offers a summary of the dissertation and the conclusions.

RESUMO No campo disciplinar da sintaxe diacrônica, apresento neste artigo um mapeamento diatópico-diacrônico de resultados de diferentes estudos de três fenômenos morfossintáticos do português escrito no Brasil dos séculos XIX e XX: a implementação do pronome você na função de sujeito; a expressão do complemento dativo com referência à segunda pessoa do singular; e a sintaxe de colocação e posição dos pronomes pessoais clíticos em sentenças finitas simples e em predicados complexos. Esse mapeamento diatópico-diacrônico me permite trazer à tona argumentos a favor da hipótese de que, no vasto território brasileiro oitocentista e novecentista, as formas inovadoras da gramática do Português Brasileiro são implementadas com mais expressividade, já na escrita do final do século XIX, primeiro na região Nordeste quando comparada às regiões Sudeste e Sul. Na escrita do século XIX, no Nordeste brasileiro, há reflexos de um sistema já implementado (1) com o pronome você na função de sujeito, (2) com o pronome lhe como forma de complemento dativo com referência à segunda pessoa do singular, com um aumento expressivo das formas preposicionadas ( a/para + te/tu/você ), e (3) com um sistema de clíticos com poucos casos de interpolação e contração de pronomes e formas inovadoras sem alçamento em complexos verbais e com próclise em posição inicial do período. ABSTRACT In the field of diachronic syntax, I present a diatopic-diachronic overview of three different studies regarding morphosyntactic phenomena from Portuguese written in Brazil in the 19thand 20thcenturies: the use of the subject pronoun você (you); the expression of the dative complement with reference to the second person singular; and the clitic syntax in relation to agreement and position in simple and complex predicate sentences. This diatopic-diachronic overview supports the hypothesis that, in the vast Brazilian territory of the 19thand 20thcentury, the innovative forms of the Brazilian Portuguese grammar are implemented expressively in the end of the 19th century. The Northeast region stands out first in comparison to the Southeast and South regions. Writings from the 19thcentury, from Northeastern Brazil, present reflections of a system that was already implemented (1) with the pronoun você in the function of subject, (2) with the pronoun lhe as a form of dative complement with reference to the second person singular, with an expressive increase of the prepositioned forms ( a/para + te/tu/você ), and (3) with a system of clitics with few cases of interpolation and contraction of pronouns and innovative forms without elevation in verbal complexes and with proclisis in the initial position most common in the sentence.

Rolle (2020) identifies an apparent morphophonological conspiracy in serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Degema. He argues that it constitutes evidence for a partly-unified postsyntactic module, in which morphology and prosody are built in parallel (by ‘Optimality-Theoretic Distributed Morphology’). We argue that the pattern Rolle identifies in Degema SVCs instead results from the simultaneous interaction of two independently-attested syntax-prosody phenomena: (1) the pressure for adjacent verbs in an SVC to form a single prosodic unit, and (2) the suppression of redundant agreement within a single prosodic word (a.k.a. ‘Kinyalolo’s Generalization’). Thus the Degema SVC conspiracy can be localized to the syntax-prosody interface, and there is no need to adopt a unified postsyntactic morphology-prosody module like Rolle’s. We offer some further conceptual critiques of his model.

This abstract attempts to provide an explanation for the wellknown constraint, pervasive in the Romance languages, which disallows the subject in wh-questions to intervene between a wh-phrase and the verb. It is suggested that the difference stems from a fundamental structural difference between the two types of languages. Romance, unlike English, projects an abstract Cl(itic) category above TP. Cl is an abstract operator whose function is to «externalize» an argument of a verb v with respect to the tense associated with v. Cl is identified by rich agreement or a clitic morpheme, which accounts for the presence of such a category in Romance and its absence in English. It is then argued that the projection of a Cl-operator between CP and IP in wh-questions gives rise to a minimality effect. The appendix deals with some cases of clitic-doubling of non-specific wh-phrases in modal contexts and suggests that the clitic (associated to Cl) functions as an E-type pronoun in such cases. En aquest article s'intenta explicar una restricció força coneguda, molt freqüent a les llengües romàniques, que fa que el subjecte a les interrogatives-qu no pugui intervenir entre un mot-qu i el verb. Es suggereix que la diferència prové d'una diferència estructural fonamental entre dos tipus de llengües. A les llengües romàniques, a diferència de l'anglès, es projecta una categoria abstracta Cl(ític) per sobre del ST. El Cl és un operador abstracte la funció del qual és la d'«externalitzar» un argument d'un verb v respecte al temps associat amb v. El Cl s'identifica per la con-cordança rica o un morfema clític, que dóna compte de la presència d'aquesta categoria a les llengües romàniques i la seva absència en l'anglès. Es defensa que la projecció d'un operador-Cl entre el SC i el SI a les interrogatives-qu dóna lloc a un efecte de minimitat. A l'apèndix es tracten alguns casos de doblament de clític de mots-qu no específics en contextos modals i s'apunta que el clític (associat amb Cl) funciona com un pronom de tipus-E en aquests casos.

Resumen Este artículo busca describir un proceso novedoso de formación de palabras del español rioplatense en que el pronombre acusativo femenino la puede unirse a bases patrimoniales y neológicas y, en particular, a cuatro tipos de bases verbales: no derivadas (colgarla), derivadas de sustantivos y adjetivos ( gordearla), préstamos léxicos (flopearla) y nombres propios (berlinearla). A través de una base de datos propia constituida por ejemplos encontrados en redes sociales, nuestro objetivo es identificar si este proceso se encuentra a medio camino entre la morfología y la sintaxis, porque comparte características de ambos niveles, o bien puede delimitarse dentro de alguno de ellos. El análisis de la referencia, idiomaticidad, regularidad y productividad del pronombre la y las nuevas unidades verbales indica que, en efecto, este se encuentra en un estado intermedio, ya que pueden postularse dos tipos de creación distintos, que se corresponden con dos instancias de formación: una primera más sintáctica y una posterior con características de evolución morfológica. Abstract The article aims to describe an innovative process of word formation in Spanish from Río de la Plata (Argentina), where the accusative feminine pronoun la can be linked to inherited and neological stems, especially to four types of verbal stems: non-derivative (colgarla), derived from nouns and adjectives (gordearla), lexical borrowings (flopearla), and proper names (berlinearla). By using our own data base containing examples found in social networks, we intend to establish whether this process is halfway between morphology and syntax because it shares features of both levels, or whether it is located in one of them. The analysis of the reference, idiomaticity, regularity, and productivity of the pronoun la and the new verbal units show that it is actually in an in-between state, for one can postulate two different types of creation that correspond to two formation instances: the first is more syntactic and the second has features of morphological evolution. Resumo Este artigo busca descrever um novo processo de formação de palavras do espanhol rioplatense em que o pronome acusativo feminino la pode se unir a bases patrimoniais e neológicas e, em particular, a quatro tipos de bases verbais: não derivadas (colgarla), derivadas de substantivos e adjetivos (gordearla), empréstimos lexicais (flopearla) e nomes próprios (berlinearla). Por meio de um banco de dados próprio, constituído por exemplos encontrados nas redes sociais, nosso objetivo é identificar se este processo se encontra no meio-termo entre a morfologia e a sintaxe, porque compartilha características de ambos níveis, ou se pode ser delimitado dentro de algum deles. A análise da referência, idiomaticidade, regularidade e produtividade do pronome la e as novas unidades verbais indicam que, efetivamente, este se encontra num estado intermediário, já que podem ser postulados dois tipos de criação distintos, que correspondem a duas instâncias de formação: uma primeira mais sintática e, uma posterior, com características de evolução morfológica.

Complementizers agree in phi-features with the embedded subject in dialects of German and Dutch, in Tense with the embedded clause in Irish and in phi-features with the matrix subject in certain African languages. These complementizer agreement phenomena will be the main empirical focus of this chapter. In particular it discusses the empirical generalizations and analyses of complementizer agreement itself as well as the relevance of this phenomenon for the theoretical debate on the interaction between the syntactic and the PF module of the grammar, the analysis of agreement, the relation between T0 and C0, and the layout of the left periphery.

The dissertation investigates the interaction of various kinds of phonologically weak items (clitics) with different types of elliptical operations (mainly VP-ellipsis and sluicing). The main focus of the work is on what this interaction can reveal about the timing of ellipsis and cliticization.The first part of the dissertation investigates the interaction of VP-ellipsis and second position cliticization in Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian and reveals crucial differences between the two languages in this respect: it is argued that second position cliticization is phonological in nature in the former and syntactic in the latter. The second part focuses on preposition omission under sluicing in Russian. It is argued that the operation of preposition omission is sensitive to the prosodic organization of the prepositional phrase. This dissertation is of relevance to those interested in the nature of cliticization, the timing of ellipsis and prosodic restrictions on elliptical operations.

espanolEn esta investigacion se estudiara la variacion que existe en el uso de la segunda persona te y el clitico se en el discurso publicitario como opciones significativas encaminadas a construir un mensaje que atraiga la atencion del potencial consumidor y consiga su objetivo de forma efectiva. La segunda persona del singular, tanto en sus formas de sujeto (tu) como de objeto (te, a ti) es la forma mas frecuentemente usada en el discurso publicitario. No obstante, en numerosos anuncios se observa tambien el uso del clitico se, lo cual podria indicar que se trata de una forma cuyo significado puede ser muy util como estrategia persuasiva en este tipo de discurso. Como punto de partida para el analisis del significado de esta variacion se utilizara la prominencia cognitiva. Los distintos valores de prominencia de las dos personas gramaticales analizadas se concretan en distintos significados en el discurso publicitario. Se estudiara la distribucion sociosituacional de las variantes en funcion de los tipos de consumidores a los que van dirigidos los anuncios. EnglishThe purpose of this study is to analyze the variation of the secondperson object clitic te [‘you’] and the clitic se [lit. ‘it’] in advertising discourse from a cognitive viewpoint. The main explanatory notion will be cognitive salience; both clitics, te and se, exhibit this to varying degrees. The secondperson te is more salient than the clitic se; therefore, the meanings conveyed by each in media discourse will be notably different. Results indicate that the distribution and usage of the clitics te vs. se constitutes a different strategy of persuasion in advertising discourse. In general terms, te is used when a special deictic stance is needed, such as indexing a second-person as a potential consumer of the product or idea, whereas se tends to appear in utterances that describe the general and objective benefits of the product or idea advertised, denoting a desubjectivizing stance. The sociosituational distribution of this variation according to the target consumers will be analyzed.

U ovom se radu proučavaju sintaktička obilježja političkih vijesti koje je na svojim stranicama 2019. godine objavila HINA, a koji su nastali prevođenjem Reutersovih tekstova na engleskom jeziku. Originalni tekstovi imaju utjecaj na prijevode, što se vidi po nekim njihovim obilježjima. U prijevodima je previše prisutna uporaba participa, ponekad i pogrešnih oblika koji nisu dio standardnog hrvatskog jezika. Pasivni oblici glagola pojavljuju se, ali ne često. Upravni govor najčešće se prevodi slijedeći engleski original, a neupravni govor uvodi se koristeći verba dicendi, no upravni i neupravni govor ponekad se zbunjujući kombiniraju. Česta je uporaba konstrukcija s raščlanjenim predikatima. Javljaju se primjeri nesročnosti predikata i subjekta, uglavnom po rodu. Česte su i pogreške u rekciji glagola, posebice onih koji imaju slično, ali ne isto značenje u dvama jezicima, a ponekad se koriste pogrešna glagolska vremena za budućnost. Brojevi se uglavnom ne sklanjaju, a redoslijed enklitika poštuje se samo rijetko. Jukstapozicija najčešće se ne pojavljuje. Prisutne su i neke konstrukcije prenesene iz engleskog, najčešće u uporabi prijedloga i priloga., This paper examines the syntactic features of news about politics which were published by HINA on their websites in 2019 and which were composed by translating texts originally published by Reuters in English. The original texts have left their mark on the translations, evident by some of the translations' features. The translations use participles more than recommended, sometimes those which are not part of the standardized Croatian language. Passive forms of verbs appear, but infrequently. Direct speech is usually translated by following the English original, while indirect speech is introduced using verba dicendi, but direct and indirect speech are sometimes confusingly combined. Predicate decomposition appears frequently. There are numerous instances in which the government of verbs is not suitable, especially when verbs have similar, but not the same meanings in English and Croatian. Incorrect verb tenses are sometimes used for future actions. Numbers are often not inflected, while the order of clitics is rarely accurate. Juxtaposition does not generally appear. Also present are some syntactic constructions carried over from English, mostly when using adverbs and prepositions

Based on consideration of understudied clitic-climbing facts from Spanish and other Romance varieties, I provide a new argument for Lower Copy Pronunciation within the Copy Theory of Movement. In the main case investigated here clitic climbing unexpectedly fails to occur for morphophonological reasons. To assume that clitic climbing in such cases is impeded in the syntax by an operation at a subsequent stage (i.e., PF) would induce a serious ‘look-ahead’ problem. In order to circumvent this issue, the data are now cast as a case where syntactic movement of the clitic can take place across restructuring/clause-union contexts, with PF factors deciding to PF-privilege (i.e., pronounce) a lower copy in a non-trivial chain with the aim of salvaging a derivation that would otherwise fail. The data thus add to the vast repertoire of phenomena amenable to a lower-pronunciation account within the overarching Copy Theory.

Aquesta tesi gira a l’entorn del fenomen de l’ascens dels clítics (AC) i la correlació que estableix amb la reestructuració i el control. Els tres objectius principals són: delimitar l’abast de l’AC; oferir una aproximació descriptiva i formal a la variació lingüística observada en els parlars catalans i en les varietats romàniques; defensar que l’absència d’AC no implica l’absència de reestructuració i, de retruc, oferir una redefinició de la reestructuració com un fenomen de naturalesa gradual. El capítol 2 està a dedicat a la descripció interdialectal i interlingüística dels diversos patrons que presenta l’AC. En concret, s’ofereix un escenari panromànic a partir de la prospecció de les diferents posicions ocupades pels clítics en estructures de V1 [+FIN]+V2 [-FIN]. A la segona part, s’adopta una perspectiva diacrònica del fenomen i es mostra com la intersecció entre les dades sincròniques i diacròniques revela que la naturalesa calidoscòpica de l’escenari que conformen les varietats romàniques actuals és el resultat dels diferents estadis que ocupa cadascuna respecte del ‘cicle de l’AC’. En el capítol 3 es presenta una caracterització de la reestructuració en català a partir de l’anàlisi del repertori de fenòmens de transparència que s’hi associen tot fent un especial èmfasi en la correlació que mantenen amb l’AC. A la segona part, s’ofereix una descripció interlingüística de la reestructuració. Els resultats obtinguts donen suport a dues hipòtesis principals: i ) l’absència d’AC no comporta l’absència de reestructuració no només en les varietats en què l’AC és opcional sinó també en les llengües sense AC; ii ) la reestructuració és universal; el que distingeix les llengües és la manera com es fa visible (el repertori d’efectes de transparència). Al final del capítol, s’examinen els diversos verbs de reestructuració per als quals es bandeja un tractament monolític. El capítol 4 explora la intersecció entre l’AC, el control i la reestructuració. La contribució més destacada és la delimitació de l’abast de l’AC per mitjà de noves dades. En particular, el fenomen inclou diversos verbs de control, inclosos verbs pronominals i de control d’objecte, amb l’excepció dels verbs factius i proposicionals. L’estudi de les propietats temporals de tots aquests verbs posa de manifest la importància del temps a l’hora de definir la reestructuració; alhora, reforça la hipòtesi que aquest fenomen manifesta una naturalesa gradual. De retruc, l’anàlisi té una implicació rellevant per a la teoria del control: revela que la divisió entre control exhaustiu i parcial no se sosté en els dialectes del català ni tampoc en espanyol. El capítol 5 ofereix una aproximació formal a la reestructuració i a l’AC. Es desenvolupa una anàlisi biclausal d’aquests contextos i es defensa que la subordinada conforma un Cdef/Tdef. Alhora, s’argüeix que l’opacitat de les clàusules encapçalades pels verbs factius i proposicionals es deriva d’una estructura més complexa. La segona part del capítol està dedicada a l’anàlisi de l’AC: es presenta una caracterització dels factors i condicions que constrenyen l’AC i es defensa una anàlisi a partir de la qual la variació se situa en la naturalesa del v* subordinat. En darrer terme, la proposta adoptada comporta una redefinició de la reestructuració. This dissertation is devoted to the analysis of Clitic Climbing (CC) phenomenon and how it correlates with respect to restructuring and control. This thesis aims to reach three main goals: to delimitate the scope of CC; to provide a descriptive and formal approach to linguistic variation regarding the different CC patterns attested in Catalan dialects and across Romance varieties; to demonstrate that the absence of CC does not entail the absence of restructuring and, ultimately, to offer a redefinition of restructuring as a gradual phenomenon. Chapter 2 offers a description of the interdialectal and cross-linguistic patterns regarding CC. In particular, a pan-Romance scenario is drawn by exploring the different positions occupied by clitics in different complex structures involving V1 [+FIN] + V2 [-FIN]. In the second part of the chapter, the diachronic perspective adopted reveals how the interweaving of synchronic and diachronic data brings to light the current kaleidoscopic pan-Romance scenario as a result of the stage which each Romance language occupies with respect to the labelled ‘CC Cycle’. Chapter 3 presents a characterization of restructuring in Catalan by analyzing which set of transparency phenomena are associated with it and examines which correlation holds between all of them and CC. A cross-linguistic description of restructuring is made in the second part of the chapter. All the transparency effects analyzed provide strong evidence to support two major claims: i ) the absence of CC does not entail the absence of restructuring not only in those languages in which the phenomenon displays an optional nature but also in those languages in which CC is ruled out; ii ) restructuring is universal; what differentiates languages is the way in which it becomes visible (i.e. the set of transparency phenomena). Ultimately, this chapter explores different verbs belonging to the restructuring class and shows that a monolithic treatment is untenable. Chapter 4 is dedicated to the analysis of the intersection between CC, control and restructuring. The major contribution is the delimitation of the scope of CC with unexplored data. In particular, the phenomenon includes several control verbs including pronominal and object control verbs with the exception of propositional and factive verbs. Thus, the study of the temporal properties of different control verbs reveals the salient role played by tense in restructuring. Additionally, it gives support to the claim that restructuring displays a gradual nature. Eventually, the analysis has an important implication for the control theory: it is demonstrated that the division between exhaustive and partial control does not hold in Catalan dialects nor in Spanish. Chapter 5 offers a formal approach to restructuring and CC. A bi-clausal approach is defended involving an embedded clause headed by Cdef/Tdef. A set of arguments is provided to support this analysis. At the same time, it is argued that the opaqueness of the embedded clause selected by propositional and factive verbs is the result of a more complex structure. The second part of the chapter is dedicated to the analysis of CC. It presents a characterization of different factors and restrictions constraining CC and it develops an analysis which locates the variation regarding the different CC patterns on the nature of embedded v*. Ultimately, the analysis presented leads to a redefinition of restructuring.

This paper presents some facts about the syntax of subject pronouns in contact. We investigate agreement and EPP-checking in Brazilian Venetan, a heritage northern Italo-Romance variety spoken in southern Brazil in contact with Brazilian Portuguese. Central Venetan, the northern Italo-Romance variety that constitutes the basis of Brazilian Venetan, is a null-subject language presenting agreement-like subject clitics; Brazilian Portuguese is a partial pro-drop language, in which null subjects are allowed only in precise syntactic conditions and it is developing reduced pronominal subjects. We will address two changes we detected in Brazilian Venetan with respect to the syntax of subject pronouns: the non-contrastive realisation of the first person singular tonic pronoun, and the change in the syntax of subject clitics, which seem to be used as weak pronouns rather than agreement items. We will claim that the first change has to be connected to the simplification of interface conditions between syntax and discourse, a pattern which is commonly attested in bilingual speakers, while the second can be quite safely ascribed to the contact with a partially overlapping structure, namely the reduced pronominal subjects in spoken Brazilian Portuguese. We analyse the two phenomena, trying to find possible links between them in order to develop an analysis of subject clitics in contact and the conditions in which we may most probably find an effect of contact.

A key piece of evidence in favor of recent proposals that speech act roles are encoded in the syntax comes from languages with “allocutivity” –agreement with non-thematic addressees. This paper analyzes the syntax of allocutive morphemes in the best studied allocutive language, Basque. It is shown that properties of these morphemes, including morpheme order and the way allocutive morphemes condition exponence of neighboring heads can be modeled using standard assumptions about cliticization, head-adjunction and case in Basque. The analysis lends support to a central idea in recent literature on the syntax of speech act roles, namely that addressees are encoded by a nominal element introduced in the left periphery. This paper proposes that, in Basque, this nominal element is overt, with a distribution that obeys principles similar to those for thematic addressees.

This dissertation investigated the acquisition of Catalan and Spanish morphosyntax by early Catalan-Spanish bilinguals living in Catalunya, a province of Spain with widespread societal bilingualism. Specifically, it focused on the acquisition of six clitic pronouns in Catalan that have different representations in Spanish. Of the six, partitive en, oblique en, locative hi, and oblique hi do not have direct counterparts in Spanish, and correspond to ellipsis in the adult grammar. The accusative neuter clitic ho and masculine clitic l constitute a distinction based on specificity and gender not made in Spanish and both correspond to Spanish lo. With the help of a background questionnaire, participants (N=296) in this study were divided by language dominance and age of onset of acquisition into three groups: Catalan-Dominant (CD), Balanced Bilinguals (BB), and Spanish-Dominant (SD). In turn, participants were subdivided into five age groups, ages 4-8. Bi-directional data from an oral production task revealed significant differences with respect to clitic production in Catalan and clitic production and argument ellipsis in Spanish across both dominance groups and age groups. In Catalan, the CDs are the first to completely acquire these clitics (when acquisition takes place within the ages tested), with BBs and SDs lagging behind and often failing to converge with CDs by age 8. In Spanish the BBs perform like SDs from the first stages with respect to the ellipses and production of lo. The CDs converge with these two groups from age 4 with the exception of clitic lo and the ellipsis of the partitive argument. In contexts that would elicit partitive en and neuter ho in Catalan, CDs often recycle the Catalan clitics in Spanish. Implications in terms of the role that 1) markedness of the target structure, 2) age of onset of acquisition, and 3) input quantity and quality play in cases of 2L1 and cL2 acquisition are discussed.