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Compared with working-class parents, middle-class parents increasingly promote sports performance for their children as part of a larger strategy of ensuring that their children are upwardly mobile and likely to attend and graduate from college. However, we need to learn more about the distribution of youth sports performance in specific sports and whether it relates to social class. In this study, we test for a relationship between social class and performance in girls soccer by examining the success of high school girls soccer teams in 16,091 contests. We find that schools with more working-class youth consistently lose by many goals. The relationship between performance and social class is weaker in predominantly Latinx schools than in predominantly Black and predominantly White ones, likely reflecting the community cultural wealth in soccer in Latinx immigrant communities. We discuss the practical and theoretical implications of these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on social identity theory (SIT), this study explored social class group identity, intergroup attitudes, and views about social mobility and inequality among socioeconomically and racially/ethnically diverse adults in the U.K. (n = 457) and the U.S. (n = 595). U.K. participants evidenced greater consensus about the social class groups present in their society than did U.S. participants, but lower, working, middle, and upper class were commonly perceived in both contexts, and many participants self‐identified as working class (38% U.K., 17% U.S.) or middle class (45% U.K., 47% U.S.) Consistent with SIT, participants in both contexts identified with their social class ingroup (e.g., felt they belonged) and stereotyped it less harshly on dimensions (warmth or competence) on which it was generally negatively stereotyped. Importantly, middle and upper class participants tended to feel more positively (e.g., proud) about their ingroup, and believed society was more fair and equal, and upward mobility more likely, than did lower and working class participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the growing trend of unionization among tech workers in the United States. It acknowledges the significant power that tech workers possess in both their workplaces and the broader economy. The article compares the organizing efforts of tech workers to historical labor movements in other industries and discusses the challenges they face due to the industry's resistance to unions. Despite these obstacles, there has been a noticeable increase in tech worker organizing, resulting in thousands of workers joining unions and securing collective bargaining agreements. However, this represents only a small portion of the overall tech industry. The article explores the potential for a tech worker movement, highlighting the development of networks and shared narratives among tech workers, as well as instances of worker activism and unionization efforts. It also delves into different theories of class, such as the Professional-Managerial Class (PMC) and Contradictory Class Locations, and emphasizes the importance of addressing issues like compensation and job security in tech worker mobilizations. The article discusses the transformation of worker consciousness and the unique challenges of organizing in the tech industry. It identifies progressive workforces and lower-paid workers as potential strongholds for majority unionism in tech. Lastly, the article draws parallels between tech workers and autoworkers in the historical labor movement and considers the possibility of industry-wide settlements in the tech industry. [Extracted from the article]

Social science research has produced evidence of an "integration paradox": immigrants and their descendants who appear to have greater access to mainstream middle-class society, as indicated by their education or labor market success, often report experiencing more discrimination. Several explanations have been put forth to account for this counterintuitive pattern, supported by a wealth of empirical evidence. To assess the reliable insights generated by this line of research, this article presents a review and meta-analytic analysis of the integration paradox. The article reviews the major theoretical arguments advanced in literature, and derives crucial hypotheses concerning the phenomenon's overall nature, underlying mechanisms, and two key moderating conditions. Specifically, it discusses how factors like better education, which appear to signal improved integration into mainstream society, may also lead to greater exposure to mainstream members, heightened familiarity with exclusionary public discourse, or a heightened risk of downward social mobility. By increasing cognitive susceptibility to framing experiences in terms of discrimination or simply the opportunities to encounter discrimination, these mechanisms are expected to increase reports of discrimination. To test these propositions, the study summarizes and evaluates 280 statistical estimates published in 42 studies, utilizing recent developments in multilevel meta-analysis. The findings support the credibility of the integration paradox, particularly for immigrant minorities who are easily distinguishable from the mainstream and for those who reside in countries with a more open socio-political context of reception. However, the results also suggest that additional research is needed to fully comprehend the underlying mechanisms of the paradox. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Western European welfare states, research shows that support for welfare chauvinism, or the notion that welfare benefits for immigrants should be restricted, is highest among white, blue-collar working-class voters. On the other hand, higher-educated, middle-class voters are more likely to reject welfare chauvinism and support the inclusion of immigrants into the welfare state. For social democratic parties, this might pose an electoral dilemma between generous welfare states and open borders: They rely on both middle- and working-class constituencies and are ideologically tied both to a universal welfare state and the protection of (national) workers. To what extent does such an electoral dilemma between classes exist for social democratic parties? How do social democratic parties solve this dilemma when in government? In this paper, we postulate that a class divide around welfare chauvinism exists within the electorate for social democratic parties and that these parties' policies in government reflect these divides: If the social democratic electorate has a high share of working-class voters, they should act more welfare chauvinist than if their electorate is mostly middle class. We test these hypotheses by combining survey and macro-level policy data in 14 Western European countries from 1980 to 2018. We find consistent evidence of the existence of a working-class/middle-class divide regarding welfare chauvinism, even within social democratic electorates. On the macro-level, we find partial evidence that social democratic parties in power respond to the class demands of their electorate: They are less welfare chauvinist when they have a higher proportion of middle-class voters, whereas their working-class vote share does not significantly condition their policies at all, contrary to assumptions in the literature. We therefore conclude that as social democratic parties become parties of the middle classes, the likelihood that they will retrench immigrant welfare rights reduces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the first English speakers in Namibia, South African Coloureds came to form an essential part of an ethnically fluid intermediate social class in colonial Namibia. This study seeks to pinpoint to what extent Coloured English varieties have been contributing to Namibian English and how much prestige is attached to them. To this end, this study simultaneously uses linguistic and perceptual data. One dataset consists of English phonetic data elicited from a representative urban sample of young Namibians. That dataset is analysed to establish what phonetic features mark out Coloured Namibian English varieties and to what extent they are found in other ethnolinguistic varieties and across social classes. The study then reports on a verbal guise experiment whose aim is to establish how young Namibians rate Coloured Namibian English varieties. Finally, the study analyses folk comments on Namibian English accents elicited from young Namibian focus groups. The study finds that, in terms of vowel realization patterns, Coloured Namibian English varieties sit in between White and Black Namibian English varieties, forming part of a continuum of which one extremity displays a White South African English imprint. The less ‘Afrikaans‐accented’ Coloured English varieties—associated with women—are developing middle‐class indexicalities. The fact that these varieties are targeted by young Black women and are perceived as ‘General Namibian English’, the study concludes, confirms that Namibian English is norm‐developing, as befits any Outer Circle variety. It is loosely tied to (South African) Inner Circle norms and has entered Phase 4 (‘endonormative stabilization’) of E. Schneider's Dynamic Model. The normative influence of Namibian Coloured English, the study argues, shows that the Dynamic Model needs fundamental adjustment to properly account for the role of non‐Europeans in Outer Circle dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informed by Bourdieu's conceptualisation of habitus and its relation with social class, this study explores the construction and negotiation of middle-class identity among a group of urban overseas returnees in China. Using ethnographic interviews and online observational data, the study found that participants built a compliant identity conforming to their parents' expectations and metrics of being 'middle-class'. However, they resisted their families' positioning and the ideal class role images imposed upon them. In their workplace, participants negotiated this middle-class identity mainly by exhibiting professional qualities drawing upon their linguistic capital and new habitus gained through their overseas educational experiences. The privileged identity that the participants exhibited, however, was not without dilemmas and struggles due to their different set of habitus and linguistic practices. Finally, participants were found to project a new middle-class image with translanguaging practice and distinctive lifestyles by co-constructing a 'returnees circle'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the influence of class on migrants' social positioning strategies in transnational spaces. It contributes to debates about the processes of transnational class‐making and class formation. Going beyond an analysis of class in socio‐economic terms, the paper focuses on peoples' (changing) subjective understandings of middle‐class membership as a relevant factor in migrants' transnational social positioning strategies. Based on qualitative interview data with middle‐class migrants in Germany, the presentation relates their experiences with downward social mobility before and after migration to their subjective perspectives on middle‐class membership over time and in different places. The findings show that middle‐class performance is shaped by migration experiences but also shapes peoples' mobility trajectories and therefore influences and promotes different transnational lifestyles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Entramado is the property of Universidad Libre Seccional Cali and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Memoria de la Educación is the property of Historia y Memoria de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rise of transnational and transcity education consumption suggests the increasingly important role of the capability to move in order to access quality schooling. Studies have examined the multidimensional inequalities underlying translocal education consumption. However, the role of mobility itself is not sufficiently understood. Two questions are rarely asked: (1) How is the capability to move acquired and practised to bring about translocal schooling consumption? and (2) How does the disparity in the capability to move restructure the established intergenerational capital transmission mechanism conceptualized by Bourdieu? This paper answers by theorizing a mobility-mediated, education-based intergenerational capital transmission mechanism. This framework is built upon a theoretical engagement among John Urry, Pierre Bourdieu, and Neil Smith. We substantiate this framework by examining a student migration regime in Sichuan, China. Attention is paid to the inclusion/exclusion of hypermobility-based schooling consumption regime. Empirical analysis is performed by the comparison of two social groups: (a) the middle-class households who employ mobility to chase after the footloose prime schooling resources and thus materialize their class reproduction strategy and (b) the immobile remainder who are stuck in a location deprived of quality schooling resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The mobile phone has evolved into an indispensable accessory carried by everyone. With its increasing usage, there is a parallel rise in mobile phone addictions. Nomophobia, short for no mobile phone phobia, is characterized as a fear specific to the absence of mobile phones. Objectives: (1) To assess the prevalence of nomophobia among adolescents and adults residing in semi‑urban Chennai. (2) To understand the patterns of mobile phone usage and explore the health‑related consequences of nomophobia. Methods: This cross‑sectional study was conducted among adolescents and adults (15–50 years) in semi‑urban Chennai from July to September 2022. The sample size was 220, and the study utilized the Test of Mobile Phone Dependence Brief as an assessment tool. Participants scoring >30 were identified as nomophobic, indicating mobile phone dependence. Results: Among the 220 study participants, there was an almost equal distribution between males and females, with a majority falling within the 21–25 age group. Approximately 26.1% belonged to the upper middle class and 89.1% were married. The prevalence of nomophobia was notably high at 68.6% (151 out of 220). A significant association was found between social class and mobile phone addiction, with the middle class exhibiting higher levels of addiction. Conclusion: The study highlights that a substantial majority of adults exhibit mobile phone addiction, almost two‑thirds of the participants. There is a pressing need for health awareness programmes targeting adults to educate them about the adverse effects of mobile phone addiction. Additionally, reinforcing strategies for effective and time‑restricted mobile phone usage is essential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights NGOs contribute to the formation of norms and policies around penality, and inform social understandings of what constitutes acceptable punishment. This article turns to the symbolic group-making work of human rights workers as agents who work with prisoners, and who also construct the image of the prisoner for the rest of society. I zoom in on the case of prison NGO work in Russia, a non-democratic country, and answer two questions: first, how do prison NGOs construct the image of the prisoner, and articulate their relationship with their social base and their networks of civic engagement? Second, what organizational behaviors do these articulations encourage? Drawing on 18 semi-structured interviews and observation at prison NGOs based in Moscow, the study shows that Russian NGO workers often view themselves and act as members of a middle class social movement in Russia. While NGOs tend to focus on the most economically disadvantaged and socially isolated groups in their work, the prisoners they depict when addressing the public and the press tend to represent more educated groups with higher levels of symbolic capital (political prisoners, those convicted of economic crimes, and former state employees), reflecting a desire to put prison on the middle class agenda. At the same time, prison NGO employees employ a class lens in their work with prisoners, and determine how to help prisoners based on their assessment of how the socio-economic background of the prisoner intersects with ethnicity, religion, ability/disability, region where they are serving their sentence, and region where they are from. In other words, prison NGO workers view prisoners through the resources they can accumulate using the simultaneous, intersecting dimensions of their status and their relation to other groups both in prison and outside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal on Masculinities & Social Change / Masculinidades y Cambio Social is the property of Journal on Masculinities & Social Change / Masculinidades y Cambio Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article draws on a year of ethnographic fieldwork with traders in a Pakistani agricultural commodity market. It analyses their business and wider networking strategies to show how they – as a segment of Pakistan's middle classes – perceive and interact with the state in the process of accumulation. Ordered by custom, contract, and selective engagement with state functionaries who also engage them selectively, traders' economic activity is inextricably bound up with political practices that defy democratic principles. Neither a concern with the public good nor programmatic politics is visible in what traders do; the state is viewed as an instrument of accumulation while itself appearing to have no project of its own separate from the local dominant classes; and collective organisation both substitutes for the regulatory state and staves off its attempts at enforcement. These trends further militate against viewing the middle classes as catalysts of democracy and have important implications for development strategies seeking to reform the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I examine the simultaneous expansion of urban sprawl and influx of middle‐class migrants in the context of Gurugram, India, to highlight how physical and social space plays an integral role in shaping class distinction among the migrant middle classes. I make a case for social class, generally, and migrant middle classes in neo‐urban contexts, specifically, to be understood as a sociospatial category. My arguments build primarily on Bourdieu's argument that both physical and social space operates on similar principles of reciprocal externality of positions in the context of social class distinction. I highlight how the migrant middle classes formulate and consolidate their social class distinction against competing claims over sociospatial dominance of the local ancestral agrarian community in neo‐urban Gurugram, India. My findings highlight how existing local sociopolitical fractures interact with global capitalist circuits of capital to shape the sociospatial context in which social class distinction is formulated. The article allows for grounding theorizations of social class to accommodate local sociopolitical and sociospatial dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the concept of conspicuous redistribution to elucidate the complex geometry of masculinity, money, and morality in southeastern Nigeria. For Nigerian men – especially elites, and those who aspire to join the middle class – having money is zealously pursued and spending it is widely rewarded. But money is also linked to collectively disparaged social ills such as greed and corruption. As a result, ethical uncertainties constantly infuse men's performance of social class. Acts of conspicuous redistribution simultaneously show off money and signal that the man spending it is socially and morally motivated. These practices are especially pronounced at major rituals of the life course, including weddings and funerals. Such ceremonies incorporate the ostentation typically associated with conspicuous consumption while also sharing wealth in support of pro-social values and institutions. Although conspicuous redistribution aims to fasten money to morality and sociality, it ultimately benefits elite men by enhancing their social status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how highly skilled immigrants from Poland become middle-class in Germany through a transnational and intersectional lens. Hence, it asks what is the middle-class, and who and where belongs to it. First, it considers the fluidity of social class in post-socialist Poland to deconstruct middle-classness. Second, it draws on Reckwitz's distinction between the new and old middle classes in Germany and their factions to argue that immigrants cannot become middle class members by default. Based on the analysis of empirical material consisting of narrations of Polish immigrants, the article asks if Polish immigrants become middle class 'by effort'. The analysis shows that Polish immigrants' habitus locates them in-between different middle-class factions. The narrations suggest that these immigrants experience discrimination and exclusion, but – curiously – also demonstrate these immigrants' lack of awareness of structural barriers in access to the middle-class factions in Germany. It argues that such 'blindness' to structural underpinnings of exclusion is a result of the entanglements of nationalism and neoliberalism, for example, the immigrants' belief in meritocratic principles. Finally, the article suggests avenues for future theory-building by addressing the intersection of social class, gender, life course, and ethnicity to better understand middle-classness of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the moral dimensions of capitalism in various African contexts. It analyzes the moral underpinnings of economic practices and behaviors, highlighting the role of social and cultural principles. The article also explores the gendered nature of markets and the role of market disciplinary committees. It emphasizes the tensions between neoliberal economic ideals and the lived experiences of individuals and communities, and calls for a critical examination of dominant narratives. Additionally, the article discusses how corporations use moral discourse and partnerships to further their own interests, and suggests that understanding the political dimensions of moral economies may lead to a more equitable society. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Papeles del CEIC is the property of Centro de Estudios sobra la Identidad Colectiva, Facultas de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Around the world, we witness not only growing levels of economic inequality but also the rise of protests whereby people from different social classes are demanding a more equal society. Our research uses a person‐centered approach to examine subgroups of participants in a social movement against inequality on the basis of their social class, intention to participate in conventional and/or radical collective actions, and social identification with the movement. We used longitudinal data from the Chilean student movement (two time points; total N = 1226) to conduct latent profile and latent transition analysis. We identified four profiles of participants: (1) inactive supporters (mostly from the upper class), (2) low radicals (mostly from the middle class), (3) moderate radicals (mostly from the middle class), and (4) high radicals (mostly from the middle class). The four profiles were generally stable over the one‐year period. We further found that group efficacy and a "nothing to lose" mindset predicted the profile membership of participants. Group efficacy also predicted transitions of participants between different profiles. Our findings highlight the key role that the middle class plays in diverse forms of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 1975, Vietnam experienced a series of dramatic changes in social class structure, and these changes continue to have strong impacts in the present period. A significant change is the emergence of a growing middle-class, and this class tends to have an essential role in economic development, as seen in many countries around the world (ADB, 2011). However, studies of the theoretical significance of the middle-class exploring practical applications of the concept in Vietnam are still quite limited. By integrating quantitative and qualitative research, this article analyses the characteristics and factors affecting the occupation of middle-class groups in Ho Chi Minh City (Vietnam). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are sociolinguistic factors that trigger language anxiety among learners, such as gender, cultural differences, and socioeconomic status. In relation to this, the current study investigated the English writing anxiety experienced by the Grade 11 students of Kiburiao National High School in Bukidnon, Philippines. It also determined the degree of such a writing anxiety and how it varies in terms of sex and social class. This is qualitative research participated by 198 learners identified through purposive sampling. Second Language Writing Anxiety Inventory (SLWAI) was adopted as the instrument to gather data, and descriptive statistics was applied for the analysis. Findings revealed that the participants experienced a moderate level of avoidance behavior, somatic anxiety, and cognitive anxiety when writing in English. In terms of sex, both males and females experienced the same level of somatic and cognitive anxiety. This means that both sexes suffer from the same extent of physiological and mental stress associated with English writing. In terms of social class, males and females from both poor and low-income classes experienced greater English writing anxiety compared to higher social classes, such as the middle class, which imply that learners with more social privilege and support exhibit lesser level of language anxiety. Thus, the study argues that social class can be a determinant of language anxiety among learners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay takes readers on something of a journey. It opens by showing how, when it comes to the creative arts in the UK, it is upper- and middle-class, privately educated, Oxbridge graduates who receive the bulk of the available financial support. It proceeds by arguing that their shared experience of private school and Oxbridge is a major reason so much of culture in England, and the university within it, is rather safe, homogenous and anti-intellectual, not to mention white, male and liberal humanist. At the same time, it maintains that it is not enough to change who is contributing to culture and the production of knowledge, and what they are being conditioned to write and publish about; what's also needed is a change in how they are doing so. It ends by indicating some of the ways in which we can use new media and radical open access publishing to reinvent our (Euro-Western, modernist, middle-class, white, male) liberal humanist modes of being as writers and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores two significant issues in Lima: social differentiation and middle-class neighbourhoods. In a context of urban unpredictability, it addresses the residential strategies carried out by ancashinos, puneños and huancaínos during Lima's 1970 and 1980 decades. Reviewing the residential criteria, such as the material neighbourhood conditions, the urban location and the resident families' features, it was identified that social class, ethnic group and social origin were fundamental categories when choosing neighbourhoods. The residential strategies allow to delve into the homogeneity of the city's central area and explore the social differences within the middle classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Middle-class contexts foster solipsism, a social cognitive tendency that focuses on one's internal states, goals and motivations and favours dispositional attribution. By contrast, working-class contexts foster contextualism, a social cognitive tendency that focuses on uncontrollable situational forces and favours situational attribution. The current research investigates social class differences in attribution of stability and purchase intention following a product-harm crisis. Consistent with previous research on social class differences in social cognitive tendency, four studies (N = 680) demonstrate that middle- (vs. working-) class individuals perceive themselves as having a higher social status in society (Studies 1A and 3), which leads to a stronger tendency to attribute stability to a product-harm crisis (Studies 1A, 1B, 2 and 3), believing to a greater extent that the problem is typical of the brand's products and the brand will likely run into similar problems in the future. Moreover, this stability attribution has downstream consequences for purchase intention — middle- (vs. working-) class individuals are less likely to purchase products from the same brand following a product-harm crisis (Study 3). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines pre-and-post-migration poverty and non-poverty statuses of returned migrants from Malaysia by analyzing the basic needs/living standards in a village in Bangladesh, thereby underlining the factors that shape those statuses. In doing so, the study conducted a baseline survey on the study village and in-depth interviews of all returned migrants. The vignettes of migrants are categorized and analyzed through content analysis and pre-and-post-migration poverty conditions are scrutinized through a Basic Needs Approach (BNA). We find that the majority of poor, lower middle-class, and middle-class migrants have enhanced their pre-migration household resources and thereby have attained improved living standards compared to their pre-migration period. The study also finds that upon returning home, a portion of migrant households from all classes has experienced a decrease in resources, is now living in a worse living condition, and has fallen back to poverty. Moving out of and/or falling back into poverty is determined by a number of factors such as migrants' personal characteristics, migrant household members' employment statuses, initial household resources, and the governance systems of Bangladesh and Malaysia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the Iranian-American community in rural Kentucky, pre-migratory ideas and practices from the homeland play crucial roles in community formation. They use their compromised pre-migratory identities, middle-class achievements, and adherence to local norms to create a community composed of cultural citizens. Drawing upon their upwardly mobile middle-class status, my interlocutors challenged local racialization dynamics while adopting local norms that emphasized the importance of faith, church, and community. Through negotiations of their contested past cultural citizenships, they were able to create unique forms of claiming U.S. cultural citizenship, which enabled them to build a unified and harmonious diasporic community. The Iranian case compels us to consider how a full spectrum of factors, including educational and professional achievement, social class, local norms, the homeland contested identities, national politics, and local community-building initiatives, interplay in shaping the endeavours of Muslims to combat racialization and achieve cultural citizenship within American society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand the nature of classrooms, "power containers" in Gidden's words (Giddens, 1986 , p.136), in terms of inequality and power share. Inequalities in education have been a by-passed subject in Turkey for a long time, and classroom practices remained "black boxes" (Mehan, 1979 , p.4). Thus, after a brief summary of power issue in education, educational inequality discussions and their reflections in the Turkish context are discussed in the study. Then, the position teachers hold is discussed with references to history and society. Then, the 6-month observations and interviews conducted on the first grade are discussed both chronically and thematically. Beginning on the first day of school, the teacher held a higher position than the students and parents and distributed power share among students. Students were discriminated against according to their parents and cultural capital (language, strategies, communication style, and school materials). In accordance with the neoliberal policies, middle-class students and their parents were fronted in the classroom and they had more power than the others. However, lower-class students had little power and they were mostly criticized in the classroom. The strategies and advantages middle-class students had over lower-class ones are discussed in the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the global trend towards both middle- and working-class families raising their children intensively increases, social class differences in parenting beliefs and choices for their children have become more subtle. In light of the proliferation of intensive parenting norms, however, few studies have explored particular mechanisms underlying the subtle class differences linked to parental values. Drawing on in-depth interviews of 51 Hong Kong Chinese parents, this study investigated how parents contended with competing values in socialization, which in turn shaped their parenting choices. Three common values emerged from the interviews – academic excellence, hard work and happiness – showing that the middle and working classes managed their values for children in two different ways, termed here as 'values coupling' and 'values juggling', respectively. Middle-class parents were able to make their value choices cohesive through a 'twist' to reconcile between competing values. However, working-class parents were inclined to 'drift' their value choices in the face of unreconciled value tensions as well as structural constraints. Subtle differences in parental values were found to be tied to class position, and contributed to maintaining class inequality and social reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contributes to the Polish tradition of research using personal memoirs to illustrate the experience of everyday life. The authors analyze the experiences of middle-class representatives based on data collected through a nationwide competition for a diary of an unemployed person. The diarists experienced unemployment for at least one month between 2016 and 2017. The article shows the fragility of middle-class status, one that is difficult to achieve and easy to lose. The Polish middle class is under constant threat of being "washed away" by a wave created by low wages, poor working conditions, insufficient savings, credit burdens, and the trap of comparing oneself with other representatives of the middle class. The article illustrates the mediocrity of middle-class life--the disillusionment with the quality of life in the middle of the social structure based on deficits in health and psychological well-being and disruptions in social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores teachers' conceptions of the ideal student, aspects of the hidden curriculum, and how each varies by neighborhood-level social class. I used a thematic analysis to analyze 30 semi-structured interviews with public elementary school teachers in the United States. Emergent themes indicate the creation of archetypes regarding the ideal student, their connection to social class, and their effect on the hidden curriculum. Most notably, teachers teaching in lower-class neighborhoods idealized the eager conformist; teachers teaching in middle-class neighborhoods idealized the well-rounded collaborator; and teachers teaching in upper-class neighborhoods idealized the independent innovator. Findings suggest that teachers' conceptions of the ideal student reflect the social conditions of the neighborhood where they teach, which impacts aspects of their teaching pedagogy and classroom-management techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the differential coverage of drug overdose death in three major Australian newspapers between 2015 and 2020. It outlines the number of articles, the types of voices, and emotional collectives drawn on in three types of overdose death stories: those related to injecting drug use, pharmaceuticals (largely opioids), and those that occurred at music festivals. Our analysis finds that in each newspaper festival deaths are reported on more than other types of overdose stories, even though deaths in the other categories represent significantly larger loss of life. Beyond the number of articles written about each type of overdose, our analysis pays attention to emotional collectives, such as pity, surprise, and grief, and how these constitute the overdose victim. We argue that the differential media treatment of overdose deaths—depending on substance involved, social circumstance—is intimately (if implicitly) linked to a differential valuing of human life. We explore the way people who die of an overdose exist on a spectrum, from those who are visible and valued subjects in media coverage (the grievable), to those who are abject and already lost (the ungrievable). Finally, our analysis finds that proximity to White and middle-class culture structures the way the lives of overdose victims are (re)produced as lives worth grieving in media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current research investigates the effect of a type of intergroup contact that has rarely been studied to date, class-based contact, on one's personal contribution to inequality. We conducted two studies with middle and upper class individuals. We first longitudinally examined whether positive contact with working-class people reduces contribution to inequality (i.e., participants stating that they themselves contribute to maintaining the social hierarchy) whilst controlling for ideological factors. Lower levels of contribution to inequality were present in people with more and better contact, but the change over time was small in the absence of experimental manipulation. An experiment then showed that recall of positive (vs. negative) contact with working-class people reduced participants' contribution to inequality and increased their willingness to participate in collective action for equality. These results suggest that facilitating spaces where members of different social classes can have positive interactions can contribute to reducing inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In defining social class, researchers often rely on measures of objective class position, even though subjective perceptions of social class identity can better account for the creation of social class boundaries. We explore the relationship between measures of objective class position and subjective class identity using data from an online survey of 1155 residents in Alberta, Canada, a conservative province dependent on a fluctuating energy sector. We find that although most Albertans identified as middle class, the strength of class identity and views regarding linked social class fates varied across categories with poverty class and uppermiddleclass respondents standing out. In reporting class identity, respondents considered measures related to objective class position, especially their income and economic security levels, but gaps still remained. We then use the results of this exploratory study to advocate for more comprehensive measures of social class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its fuzziness, the term middle class has become increasingly attractive in the past two decades, not only among social scientists and market analysts but also as a term of self-description employed by upwardly mobile individuals. Research on middle classes in the Global South, and especially in Africa, confronts us with particular challenges. First, while conventional class theories take the nation-state as the obvious framework for defining class boundaries, African examples point to the importance of sub-national (as well as transnational) dimensions of class formation. Secondly, marriage ties and kin relations of upwardly mobile individuals in African societies often cut across class boundaries, resulting in 'multi-class' families and competing loyalties. The paper addresses these challenges by looking at the emergence of a national middle class in Ghana. More specifically, we discuss how social mobility and class formation play out in two different regions of what is today Ghana: a coastal region that since the seventeenth century has been drawn into global networks and was highly stratified by the end of the nineteenth century; and a marginalized savannah region with an egalitarian society until chieftaincy and education were introduced by the British colonizers in the early twentieth century. These regional disparities and resulting sub-national memberships intersect with the emergence of a national middle class. However, we argue that despite distinct regional trajectories, we are currently witnessing a certain 'synchronisation' of social stratification and the formation of a broader middle class that understands itself not only in regional, but national terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the reign of Maria Theresia and her son Emperor Joseph II, Trieste was completely rebuilt and became an att ractive free tax port of the Habsburg Empire. From the beginning of the eighteenth century to the first decade of the twentieth century, the population of Trieste increased from 5,000 to 230,000 inhabitants with an incredible number of migrants coming from Central Europe and the Mediterranean coastal areas. The multiethnic middle class obtained a series of privileges never granted before to the nobility, and its status is recognisable through the passion for chamber music and symphonies of Wiener Klassik, played both in private and public concerts. With the help of Czech intellectuals and musicians, during the 1860s the native Slovenes established a group of societies in which Romantic music and national anthems or Lieder were played. This trend culminated in the foundation of the Narodni dom (National House) and the Glasbena matica ([Slovene] Music Society). At the same time, the Italian nationalists maintained partial control of the Opera house, and the German minority reacted with the Schillerverein, in which Julius Heller spent his energies in spreading the music of Romantic and late-Romantic authors. Despite the political clash, the three groups gave significant impulse to instrumental music, which has marked the culture of Trieste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Religación: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades is the property of Religacion: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is widely assumed that post-industrial societies are characterized not only by growing economic inequalities and social polarization but also by increasing spatial segregation. This paper does not address residential segregation (i.e., "intra-city" inequalities), but instead investigates how social classes are distributed over different settlement types and whether class differences in places of residence have increased between 1996 and 2018. Based on microcensus data and applying the ESeC class schema, we focus on the question of whether members of the "new middle class" are increasingly concentrated in post-industrial metropolises while members of the "old middle class" largely reside in peripheral towns and regions. The results do not support the assumption that spatial disparities between classes have systematically increased in Germany. However, opposing trends in the likelihood of residing in the most dynamic cluster of the German metropolises are observed for the youngest age group of the new middle class and the oldest age group of the old middle class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The definition of philanthropy is contested with variations across time and global context. The article will centre on the Caribbean with its numerous identities to highlight inclusive philanthropic practices. Through an analysis of Caribbean history, theoretical foundations, and contemporary analysis, three social classes or ideal types are identified. These include 1) the colonial dominant, 2) the Black or creole middle class and 3) the resisters or grassroots/marginalized populations. Drawing on these ideal types, the analyzes three categories of philanthropic practice developing within and through the Caribbean, including 1) the philanthropy of colonial dominance, 2) philanthropy of cultural mediation and 3) philanthropy of anticolonial resistance. The Caribbean offers an ideal context for understanding traditional forms of philanthropic action and 'philanthropy from below,' highlighting issues of power, oppression, and social transformation that impact the region's ongoing development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops a model to explain the incorporation of new groups into the political elites in oligarchic societies. In this model, factions within the traditional power-holding group compete, and as their conflict escalates, they recruit the support of groups traditionally excluded from politics. This mechanism changes the ruling class's social composition without the need for a substantial push from lower-status groups. I apply this model to analyze sequential changes in the social composition of the Chilean Congress from 1834 to 1894. To identify old versus new elites, I use an original database of kinship ties among all Chilean ministers and Congress members. By combining social network analysis and historical evidence, I show that, in times of increased intra-oligarchic conflict, groups traditionally excluded from the inner circles of power – the bourgeoisie and the bureaucrats initially – made breakthroughs in their political representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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My research applies the categories of labour specialisation and professionalism to the Athenian bank with a view to demonstrating that banking was a full-time occupation requiring a complex set of skills and that bankers could be considered professionals rather than simple workers. This paper is divided into three sections. In the first, I scrutinise all the sources regarding the banks' activities and the bankers' clients to show that the trapezai were constantly frequented by traders, members of the wealthy upper class and most likely individuals belonging to the social middle class. This first section reveals how the banks' clients exerted a high and constant demand for the services offered by the Athenian bankers. The second section explores the set of skills required to run a bank or even simply to work as a bank employee and aims at demonstrating how important it was that banks were efficiently organised through a precise division of labour. Such a division clearly shows that banking was a highly specialised activity. In the third section I identify the features that qualify bankers as professionals, namely social prestige, the passing down of knowledge and skills to individuals other than the bankers' sons, and the creation of a wide network of international contacts. The analysis conducted on Athenian bankers to determine whether or not they constitute professionals is reinforced with several parallels to bankers active in other prosperous poleis, such as Delos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to see how the consumption behavior of the Muslim middle class through the digital space is within a dualistic view, namely as a religious identity or as an affirmation of class identity. This study used the Norman Fairclough Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method by analyzing three aspects: text, discursive analysis, and social practice. The scope of this research analysis is the content (in the form of posts) tagged on the official Instagram accounts of three Muslim fashion brands that produce Islamic clothing, namely (Brand A), (Brand B), and (Brand C). The results suggest that middle class Muslim fashion is no longer just an aspect of religiosity and religious identity, but has become a class affirmation. Social media postings using Muslim fashion brands (both A, B, and C) and then tagging them on the brands' official Instagram accounts shows a strengthening of class identity. Identifying Muslim fashion by tagging the brands that appear can confirm that they are able to consume Hijabs and Muslim clothing are not only used to identify symbols of religion or religiosity, but more as symbols of social class. The use of Muslim fashion is not enough except to show class identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the changing relationship of class and the living conditions of individuals in Hungary in comparison with other European countries. Our central question is to what extent class position determines the material living conditions of individuals in Hungary, how this relationship has changed, and how significant it is compared to other European countries. Our analysis is a direct test of the death-of-class thesis in one of the core fields of class analysis. Our results show that there has been a rapid and large-scale restructuring of Hungarian society after 2010, with two notable tendencies. The first is an overall improvement of material living conditions at all levels of the class structure, the other is the gradual solidification and polarisation of class structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitudinal studies illustrate high levels of support toward homosexuality across European countries. Although these patterns suggest that European societies are becoming more progressive and tolerant, they do not extend to Muslim migration. As Western conceptions of liberalism are increasingly defined in terms of tolerance of sexual minorities as a marker of societal progress, persistent anti-Muslim sentiment presents a liberalism paradox. Existing research often explores these two social topics independently, with limited attention to their intersection. Moving beyond this unidimensional lens, we draw on the frameworks of homonationalism and illiberal liberalism to provide insights into how seemingly incompatible perspectives are mutually constitutive and operate in the service of individuals' self-interest. We use latent class analysis to examine attitudinal configurations related to homosexuality and Muslim exclusion from the 7th wave (2014) of the European Social Survey (ESS). Our analysis identifies three dominant attitudinal clusters. We find that most respondents held multidimensional views—supporting homosexuality while simultaneously rejecting Muslim migration—consistent with selective tolerance and homonationalist perspectives. The remaining two clusters held unified viewpoints, either rejecting both homosexuality and Muslim migration or favoring both. Predicting these attitudinal configurations with socio-demographic characteristics and attitudes towards immigration, we find that those with selective tolerance-homonationalist perspectives occupy a precarious middle-class position characterized by low levels of educational attainment and lower-status white-collar occupations. We find evidence that individuals in this tenuous social class position express both economic and cultural threat by reappropriating tolerant views toward homosexuality for the purpose of justifying Muslim exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]