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The article discusses the increase number of death due to the incident of terrorism which triggered by religious differences of people living around the world. Topics mentioned include the coordinated terrorist attacks of the Islamic terrorist group al-Qaeda in the U.S. on September 11, 2001, the March 2004 bombing at the Atocha train station in Madrid, Spain and the bombing of underground train stations in London, England on July 7, 2015. It also cites the questions of immigration and culture among the Muslims due to their involvement in terrorism.

The article focuses on need of implementation of victim compensation scheme utilizing rules akin to the detailed statutory guidelines provided for in Spain's civil system. Topics discussed include U.S. can utilize the stability and neutrality of these combined systems, tort system and response to the London Bombings and September 11th Victims Compensation Fund enacted by the U.S. government to compensate victims of the 9/11 attacks orchestrated by Al-Qaeda.

For more than a decade, 'radicalization' has been a keyword in our understanding of terrorism. From the outset, radicalization was conceived of as an intellectual process through which an individual would increasingly come under a spell of extremist ideas. This ideological understanding of radicalization still prevails. In a 2015 speech on extremism, British Prime Minister David Cameron, for instance, claimed that the 'root cause of the threat we face is the extremist ideology itself'. But the way we understand radicalization has specific consequences for the way we manage and fight the scourge of terrorism. Considering recent events, including the November 2015 Paris attacks, the present article sets out to reassess the above-mentioned intellectualist understanding of radicalization and come up with new suggestions as to how radicalization may be understood today. Initially, the article suggests that ideology is not necessarily a precondition for violence, but that a prior experience with violence is more often a precondition for engaging an extremist ideology. Such experience with violence can be both domestic and international, obtained in Europe or Syria and other conflict zones. In the second part of the article it is argued that although radicalization is often conceived of as an individual process, pathways towards terrorism are inherently social and political. Finally, the article argues that by stressing the importance of ideology and ideological processes, concepts of radicalization have abstracted away from another factor that is pivotal for understanding pathways towards terrorist violence: the skills and capacities of the body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks what happened to racially motivated hate crimes in the wake of the 7/7 terror attack that hit London in July 2005 and the 9/11 terror attack that hit the United States in September 2001. There is anecdotal and descriptive evidence of an increase in bias-motivated crimes since the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States, but little quantitative research on the issue. This study offers empirical evidence on the effects of 7/7 and 9/11 on hate crime using rich data from four police force areas in England with sizable Asian/Arab populations. We find significant increases in hate crimes against Asians and Arabs that occurred almost immediately in the wake of both terror attacks, which subsequently decayed, but remained at higher than pre-attack levels a year later. We argue that this demonstrates a significant link between terror attacks and subsequent increases in hate crime and hypothesize that attitudinal changes resulting from media framing and coverage may act as a conduit linking terror attacks and hate crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article is a qualitative analysis of nation-state population “resiliency” to several spectacular and/or highly symbolic terrorist assaults that were watershed events. It draws heavily from qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) frameworks to isolate and identify the presence of what Goertz calls the “secondary dimensions” of a “primary concept” such as resiliency to terrorist assaults. In turn, the presence of those secondary dimensions and their strength presuppose and derive from “tertiary indicators” that are the basic metrics and concrete manifestations of those secondary dimensions. The nation-states under consideration include the London bombings of 2005, the United States for 9/11, the Madrid bombings of 2004, the first suicide bombings within pre-1967 boundaries of Israel, and the Russian Federation in the case of the 2002 terrorist assault against the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow. The results serve as the basis for the development of a “resiliency continuum” of nation-states where placement of those countries on the continuum reflect “nonresilient,” “semiresilient,” and “resilient” conditions, themselves defined by the number of secondary dimensions found in each case study. In the process, the analysis illuminates possible interconnections between “context specific” factors, such as a country’s historical experience with terrorism and population characteristics (e.g., education levels, degree of heterogeneity) to the resiliency or nonresiliency condition, and describes possible links between exogenous “systems factors” such as war and power ranking to the resiliency condition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the 11 September 2001 attacks, the US government increased its counterterrorism (CT) funding and created several Federal Agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security; Transportation Security Administration; and National Counterterrorism Center. Similarly, the 7 July 2005, London bombings also compelled the British government to increase its CT funding. These examples illustrate a phenomenon that when states experience terrorism, they dramatically increase public safety spending in order to reduce or eliminate the incidents of and casualties resulting from acts of terror. Using statistical data collected from 34 countries covering nine years, this article examines recent CT spending increases. Critically, the authors explore whether recent public safety expenditures can measurably reduce the number of domestic and international terrorist attacks. The implications of their findings should be salient for policy-makers’ assessments of their countries’ current CT strategies and policies concerning their respective Intelligence and Security Communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since September 11th 2001, and the London bombings of July 2005, the 'war on terror' has led to the subjection of populations to new regimes of control and reinforced state sovereignty. This involves, in countries such as the UK and the US, the limiting of personal freedoms, increased regulation of immigration and constant surveillance, as a response to the perceived increased risk of terrorist attacks. In this paper I consider new surveillance technologies in secondary schools as a moment in the "war on terror" where recognisability is key to understanding the ways in which populations are racialised. I argue that the counter-terrorism agenda is one of the reasons why schools have invested to such an extent in new technologies of surveillance and explore the implications such surveillance has for the way in which students are raced. The paper applies a framework which combines a Critical Race Theory (CRT) analysis of white supremacy with Judith Butler's (2004a, 2010) thinking on recognisable lives and Agamben's (2005) state of exception in order to analyse how minority ethnic young people are constructed as 'threatening'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, as well as subsequent events and societal changes, on Great Britain. Particular focus is given to the British government's response to the attacks, including British involvement in the Iraq and Afghan wars, anti-terrorism legislation, and arrests. According to the author, military action in Islamic countries by the U.S. and Great Britain should be replaced by diplomacy. It is suggested that American and British people should protest what the author considers the misuse of state power. Details related to the London terrorist bombings of 2005 are also presented. Other topics include resilience, collective memory, and civilian liberties.

This essay analyzes competing discourses of resilience across United States and United Kingdom online news and blog coverage following the 2005 London 7/7 subway bombings. More specifically, it tracks how dominant articulations of resilience reflect an emerging Anglo-American sensibility that created constraints and possibilities for British national identity and security policy. We argue that the prevailing construction of Londoners as resilient represents a budding form of cosmopolitan nationalism that may have paved the way for the adoption of resilience as an official plank of U.S. and U.K. security policy. We conclude by examining the potential socio-political consequences of the discursive cultivation of resilience and explore its dialectical relation to vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo examina el papel de la Alianza Atlántica u OTAN (Organización del tratado del Atlántico Norte), a raíz de los 10 años del ataque terrorista en Nueva York el 11 de septiembre de 2011. Se da una visón histórica de la OTAN, que tras esos atentados invocó por primera vez el artículo V del Tratado de Washington, el cual pone en marcha la defensa colectiva. Se mencionan los ataques terroristas en Madrid y Londres, en 2004, y 2005, respectivamente.

This essay analyses Navid Kermani's literary engagement with the interaction between Islam and the West in his novel Kurzmitteilung (2007). Kermani (b. 1967 in Germany of Iranian parents) is a scholar of Islamic Studies as well as a writer; he critically examines how Islam often serves as an object of Western counter-identification. The essay explores how the novel, which is set after the London suicide bomb attacks on 7 July 2005, treats the perceptions and self-perceptions of Muslims at the beginning of the twenty-first century, focusing on its German-Iranian narrator, the event manager Dariusch. My analysis considers Dariusch's ambiguity: he claims a residual cultural identity as an Iranian Muslim, which he contrasts with the identity of Arabs who plant bombs in the West, yet he is not a practising Muslim; he criticises the Western commercialisation of Islam, thereby making his own reverse division between the hypocritical West and misconstrued Islam, but is complicit with this commercialisation in his professional life. Finally, Dariusch dismisses Islam altogether (he turns to Scientology). More broadly, this essay also critically explores the position of Islam in the West and its contribution to Western cultural and religious identification after '9/11' and '7/7'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism is a psychological "mind game" with terrorists and leaders of the targeted society competing to influence and control the terror generated. While terrorists look to maximize their terror, government and public health entities seek to blunt fear and adverse avoidance behaviors that may ensue amongst the public. Drawing upon case studies, the paper employs the risk perception matrix from the field of risk analysis to map and compare the degree of dread risk created by different types of terrorist attacks (CBRNE); and the interplay of terrorism and measures society can undertake to mitigate terror. Case studies include the Second Intifada in Israel, the 1995 Sarin attacks in Tokyo, the London 2005 transport bombings, and 9/11. The paper demonstrates how the risk matrix can provide the public and emergency planners with context to reduce dread, fear and associated adverse avoidance behavior, and how to use information from previous events to guide future planning to augment resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing the tools of conceptual metaphor, this paper discusses critical elements of language use in the media that encased 9/11, the London bombings and the ensuing riots in Sydney, Australia. The results of this study found that the language use of key stakeholders, and the media itself, in America, England and Australia has been characterized by a series of nested 'sociomotor metaphors' that subtly framed Islam as being evil in nature. By linguistically deforming elements of the corporeal Islamic body, there has been the attempted creation of a first-world cultural trope, albeit within a vocal minority, that negates all Muslims as human as we know it and denies the Islamic cosmological viewpoint as being valid. While having an immediate effect of racism and vilification, this paper argues that the naming of evil at a national world-view level, however subtle, only serves to create or perpetuate a similar or parallel expression of perceived evil within the dominant naming body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamist militants frequently lack a talent for tradecraft. In recent attacks in Britain and Spain, terrorists made numerous mistakes: receiving traffic citations while traveling in 'enemy' territory, acting suspiciously when questioned by the police, and traveling together during missions. Militants' preference toward suicide operations restricts their ability to acquire practical experience, particularly when they lose their lives during attacks. And their unyielding devotion to their cause blinds them to opportunities to improve their operations. This is good news for counterterrorism officials. Terrorists' poor tradecraft provides alert law enforcers with critical leads they can use to identify their attackers, unravel their plots, and-sometimes-disrupt their operations before they cause additional harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers two questions on the labour market discrimination against Arab or Muslim men after the recent terrorist attacks. First, I consider for the first time the impact of the September 11 attacks on the wages and working hours of Arabs in Europe. Second, I test whether the fact that a country was the direct target of terrorist attacks influences discrimination using the Madrid train bombings on 11 March 2004 and the London bombings on 7 July 2005 as quasi-experimental events. The results indicate that the wages, hours worked and employment probabilities of Arab men were unchanged by the attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Five years since the 7/7 London bomb attacks and almost a decade after the 9/11 attacks in the United States, the jihadist terror threat from violent extremists has evolved in significant ways, particularly as it affects the United Kingdom. Research indicates that one wave of terrorism directed at the UK has more or less run its course. But there is powerful circumstantial evidence to indicate that another phase may soon emerge and that it may be quite different from before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 7/7 terrorist attacks demonstrated that there were some clear deficiencies with the organisation of the United Kingdom's counter-terrorism intelligence community. In the aftermath of the attacks, there were moves to develop a more robust 'counter-terrorism network' in the United Kingdom that would facilitate better communication and intelligence sharing. While recent developments are to be welcomed, the reforms have not addressed some of the fundamental cultural, institutional and technological issues at the heart of the problem. The creation of an effective counter-terrorism network demands that information flows more freely through the intelligence community and that institutional boundaries are broken down. Until these obstacles have been overcome, the new counter-terrorism network will continue to be hampered by the same old problems of intelligence sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the British Labour government's developing political discourse on patriotism, citizenship and multiculturalism since 1997, particularly following the 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States and the 2005 London bombings. It focuses on the speeches of key government figures, notably Prime Ministers Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, and on the ways in which they apply their ideas to the teaching of history and citizenship in schools. It contrasts a broadly cosmopolitan rhetoric about Britain and its role in the world with a narrower focus on British history and “British values”. It considers concerns about the radicalisation of Muslim youth and how such concerns are related to a discourse about separation and communication, applied to minorities in general, and to Muslims and to Muslim women in particular. Political discourse is contextualised within the race relations legislation of the period. The author reflects on challenges that arise when history is harnessed in a project to promote national unity. It suggests that history teaching needs to be reframed, so as to recognize that students are not only citizens of a nation-state but are also emergent cosmopolitan citizens living in an age of globalization and universal human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British government's response to the London bombings sought to make the terror of that day foreign, even though it appeared largely domestic. This helped construct it as unusual, contingent, part of the uncontrollable ‘otherness’ of the ‘foreign’. However, it also drew the response into the arena of British foreign policy, where the ‘failing state’ has been the dominant conceptualisation of insecurity and terrorism, especially since September 11th. When the bombings are examined through the ‘failing state’ disturbing and important problems are uncovered. Primarily, the ‘failing state’ discourse deconstructs under the influence of the terrorism in London, revealing that Britain itself is a ‘failing state’ by its own description and producing a generalisation of state ‘failure’. It thereby reveals several possible sites for responding to and resisting the government's representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a critical analysis of the relationship between cosmopolitanism and terrorism, via the question of response. Using 9/11 and 7/7 as key moments in the evolution of this relationship, the article asks: how does cosmopolitanism respond to terrorism? What limits does this response contain? How might we go beyond such limits? It is argued that cosmopolitan responses to terrorism provide an important, but limited (and sometimes limiting), alternative to mainstream discourses on terror. After 9/11 the possibility for cosmopolitan thinking 'beyond' the mainstream view was articulated by a range of authors, including Archibugi, Habermas, Held and Linklater. A brief survey suggests that defending international law, constructing international institutions and alleviating global poverty were seen as good responses, in the context of divisive mainstream politics. However, by engaging a case study of the Make Poverty History campaign, the article argues that when cosmopolitan ideas were cemented in practice, the distinctiveness of a cosmopolitan response faded. This point was brought into sharp relief by a number of moralising responses to 7/7. Straightforward dichotomies between 'barbaric terrorists' and 'civilised cosmopolitans' served to construct cosmopolitanism as a coherent, and united, global community. Available tactics, for this 'community', were reduced to more-of-the- same - more aid, more global democracy - and assertions of a moral equivalence between Bush and 'Terror', such that 'you are either with cosmopolitans, or, you are with the War on Terror'. In light of these ethical closures, and drawing from the arguments of Jacques Derrida and Judith Butler, the article identifies some cursory ways in which cosmopolitans might think beyond such limits, to articulate an imaginative and engaged approach to global ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The data protection directive regulated the issue of processing of personal data, excluding from its field of application activities that relate to police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. The terrorist attacks of 2001 and the bombings in Madrid and London have given a new impulse to political interest in police cooperation throughout the European Union and its regulation in order to ensure greater efficiency. As a response, the European Commission presented in October 2005 a Draft Framework Decision on the protection of personal data processed in the framework of police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters. Numerous drafts have been prepared thereafter, but no consensus has been yet reached (August 2007). In our paper we will present the current developments at European level for the regulation of the issue of data protection in the third pillar and we will analyse the main principles that should be applied in order to ensure a coherent data protection framework, which will pay due respect to the fundamental rights of the citizens, and especially the right to privacy and data protection on one hand, and the safeguards for an effective law enforcement system on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States and the 7 July 2005 London bombings, geospatial researchers have attempted to utilize GIScience technologies in response to disasters occurring in the microspace of multilevel structures (such as the interior of buildings) in urban areas. Such applications require 3D geographic information systems (GIS) functionalities to represent the three-dimensional structures of urban environments and to conduct 3D GIS-based spatial analyses. These requirements motivate this study to represent the complex internal structure of buildings at a three-dimensional subunit level so as to analyze human behavior in an emergency situation. This article discusses the development of a 3D Navigable Data Model (3D NDM) based on the 3D Geometric Network Data Model and representing pedestrian access within buildings or urban built-environments, which can be modeled as a network of walkway sections and connections. Additionally, this article discusses the design of a geospatial database created to manage the physical and environmental factors of disaster sites that are essential for emergency response. To improve planning and facilitate rescue operations in a decision support system, this article presents (1) a 3D geo-coding method to locate rescue personnel and disaster sites within the reference data (a network representation of a building), (2) a 3D map matching method to define the correlation between the location of bottlenecks or disaster sites and the nearest location on the 3D NDM, which represents the internal structure of the built-environment as a network representation, and (3) an indoor navigation model, based on the Dijkstra algorithm, to identify optimal routes within a multilevel structure by measuring relative pedestrian accessibility and to provide navigation guidance for rescue personnel. Lastly, this article presents the results of an experimental implementation of the 3D NDM using GIS data for a section of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte campus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the grand narratives that have been produced in the post 9/11 era in Europe by looking at the March 11, 2004 attacks in Madrid, and the July 7, 2005 attacks in London. The paper will posit that the random nature of the Madrid and London attacks, and the apparent lack of meaning behind the 'message' of these attacks, destabilises a fundamental and mythological narrative of the European project: that the 'new Europe' is somehow beyond politics and has entered into a Kantian 'perpetual peace'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post 9/11, surveillance systems of all kinds have been extended, powered by the security logic of the war on terror, which tends to transform even the convenience discourses of consumer surveillance into discourses of consumer protection. This process continues, so that, in the UK at least, the expectation of visibility/data-visibility is already the norm in many public places, as responses to CCTV coverage of the London bombings show. This chapter explores the total surveillance trajectory as a contemporary formation and considers cultural studies’ possible responses to it. A point of reference here is One Dimensional Man, Marcuse's 1960s critique of mass society, which argues that the logics of a technocratic rationality informing both mass consumption and mass destruction (the threat of the Cold War) are totalitarian – a term that might have been intended in part as a provocation – and that might usefully be deployed as such today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on events that helped shaped public policy in Australia towards the war on terrorism. The powers of the Australian Security and Intelligence Organisation were expanded following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The emphasis on immigration control was shifted to domestic violence after the London, England bombings in July 2005. The major race riot in Sydney, New South Wales alerted authorities on the deterioration in ethnic relations.

The recent bombings in London and Madrid raise the specter of episodic terror attacks in the United States that fall short of the "mushroom cloud" scenarios discussed in the aftermath of 9/11 and the run-up to the Iraq war. Despite the smaller scale of these attacks, they have the potential to generate widespread fear and anger. This article builds on new work in behavioral law and economics to show how these emotional responses can generate systematic biases that motivate and direct counterterrorism policy. These biases should be cause for concern, not least when they lead us to adopt policies that are more burdensome on others instead of those that are most effective at preventing further attacks. Not surprisingly, policies which impose burdens on others—and therefore appear less costly-tend to interfere with civil liberties, particularly those of noncitizens. Recent psychological studies offer an unprecedented opportunity to recognize and understand these biases, and to take action to correct them. One process-oriented corrective that I propose here is to conduct systematic human rights impact assessments during the formulation of counterterrorism law and policy. These assessments should lead to measures more protective of both liberty and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the view of "The Age" newspaper published on August 1, 2009 regarding the anti-terrorism laws in Melbourne, Victoria. It relates how the current laws enacted in response to the September 11, 2001 and the London, England attacks in 2005 were enacted without due protection against abuses and injustices that may arise. Commonwealth Attorney-General Robert McClelland believes that the reaction to terrorism can destroy the institutions and governance of the community.

The article highlights the extent to which previous experiences of terrorism have been discounted by policy makers and opinion formers in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S. and the July 7, 2005 bombings in London, England. According to the article, even though London had been a terrorist target since the end of the 19th century virtually all of the political and media responses to the July bombings chose to ignore that previous experience. This followed the pattern set by responses to the U.S. terrorist attacks, the article adds.