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Copyright of Political & International Approaches / Faṣlnāmah-i Rahyāft/hā-yi Siyāsī va Biyn/almilalī is the property of Shahid Beheshti University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A reflection piece—on rethinking the return of a Martial Law dictator in the form of his namesake, the newly elected president of the Philippines; the gamut of conversations on (un)covered facts, post-truth, appearances, interpolations, populism, revisionism and transformations, as well as the power of (trans)national media and images entangled with participatory publics; and how might a younger generation and/or transgender poet, such as myself, who did not experience first-hand the atrocities of military rule and learned them only through dominant narratives, might create and/or open capacious spaces for empathic opacity, new understandings, and possible coalitions and resistances within a historical moment concurrent with a present and/or imagined dystopia—expressed as a suit of three poems: To write another eye; Now is no longer the time for poets; Requisite condemnation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The seminal contributions of the esteemed Italian Marxist scholar, Domenico Losurdo, have significantly enriched the theoretical and methodological landscape surrounding the study and practical application of historical-dialectical materialism. This article elucidates Losurdo's principal perspectives on the intricate challenges inherent in the construction of socialist societies. In stark departure from prevalent Western Marxist paradigms, Losurdo's analyses of revolutionary historical praxes are imbued with a rigorous self-critical lens, eschewing adherence to revisionist or liquidationist doctrines that characterized the prevalent trend of anti-communist pseudo-Marxism fashionable within some academic circles. This discourse systematically unpacks the salient themes of this intellectual inquiry, meticulously assessing Losurdo's oeuvre as a distinctive and invaluable contribution to the nuanced exploration of the complexities and prospects entailed in the development of authentic socialist experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Letras (Lima) is the property of Letras, Facultad de Letras y Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Nacional Mayor De San Marcos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anos 90 is the property of Anos 90 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The concept of 'revisionism' has caught the attention of international relations scholars amid intensifying rivalry between the United States and China. It is a trademark of rising powers, and China was likewise expected to become a revisionist power, intent on changing the status quo. However, history tells us that not all rising powers necessarily become revolutionary states, seeking to overturn the prevailing order and replace it with another through hegemonic wars. This paper presents a novel understanding of revisionism by distinguishing between strategic 'contestation' and 'challenge'. In the context of declining unipolarity, a dissatisfied rising power will contest the rules and principles of issue-specific regimes and demand legitimate adjustments that better reflect the new distribution of power. A challenge emerges when demands are rejected, and a contestation leads to 'deconcentration' and 'delegitimation' of the established order. The establishment of the AIIB can be examined as an example of contested multilateralism that falls short of a challenge. This paper concludes that China is 'contesting', not 'challenging' the liberal international order and suggests a set of countermeasures that the U.S. can think of: selective accommodation, reinforcement of alliances and partnerships, and overcoming domestic challenges such as populism that undermine the liberal values, constitutive of the liberal international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I challenge the dominant Western discourse on China's rise. This discourse tends to reflect political construction rather than thoughtful scholarship. It is poorly informed by historical evidence and usually evades comparison of China's conduct with that of other countries, such as the United States, now or in the past. It is also characterized by strong tendencies of groupthink and revisionist scholarship to adjust to prevailing official policies and popular sentiments instead of scrutinizing their validity. This discourse is not only wrong but also dangerous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lenin said, 'We do not regard Marx's theory as something completed and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life'. Marx himself believed in the principle of 'ruthless criticism' of everything existing. Critiquing and revising certain ideas to strengthen an approach to society is a constructive act. But the legitimate act of revision becomes revision-ism, when the fundamental tenets of Marxism are revised in order to attack – negate – its very explanatory or scientific foundation and to justify political reformism. Indeed, since Lenin's time, scientific socialism has been under attack from not only the ruling class and its ideologues, but also those who associate themselves with Marxism itself, including in academia. The latter are revisionist Marxists. For them, Marxism has some usefulness. But they deny the superiority of Marxism as a way of critically and scientifically interpreting the world and transforming that world in the interest of the exploited and oppressed masses in a revolutionary socialist manner. This denial of Marxism's superiority takes the form of the denial of Marxism's central concepts: class and capitalism. The article discusses, and critiques, various forms of revisionist Marxism (e.g. Analytical Marxism, Polanyian Marxism, Post-Modernist Marxism, and Geographical Marxism). Revisionism does respond to some recent developments in the world (e.g. the defeat of class-based movements; the complexity of class structure), but it seeks to explain these not on the basis of Marxist foundations but on the basis of scientifically inadequate ideas and in a manner that is politically reformist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS PAPER EXPLORES HOW REVISIONIST AUTOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS USE GLOBAL BROADCASTING NEWS CHANNELS TO COUNTER THE SO-CALLED WESTERN HEGEMONY NARRATIVE. IT FOCUSES ON HOW AND WHY THE SPANISH-SPEAKING WORLD WAS TARGETED BY INTERNATIONAL BROADCASTERS FOUNDED BY AUTOCRATIC AND REVISIONIST GOVERNMENTS AND HOW THE WAR WAGED BY THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AGAINST UKRAINE IS PRESENTED IN THREE SO-CALLED 'ANTI-HEGEMONY' MEDIA NETWORKS: CHINA GLOBAL TELEVISION NETWORK EN ESPAÑOL (CGTN), TELESUR AND HISPAN TV. BY USING QUALITATIVE RESEARCH METHODS SUCH AS CONTENT ANALYSIS AND CHRONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF NEWS COVERING THE RUSSIAN INVASION OF UKRAINE PRESENTED BY TELESUR, HISPAN TV AND CGTN IN SPANISH SINCE 24 FEBRUARY 2022, THIS PAPER ARGUES THAT ALL THREE MEDIA CHANNELS PROMOTE IN DIFFERENT SHADES A KREMLIN-BASED NARRATIVE. THE ARTICLE FURTHER DEBATES THE PROFOUND FOREIGN POLICY IMPLICATIONS OF THIS TACIT MEDIA ALLIANCE AND SUPPORTS THE CONCLUSION THAT THE CURRENT WAR WAGED BY RUSSIA IN UKRAINE IS USED IN DIFFERENT WAYS BY REVISIONIST AND ASSERTIVE GOVERNMENTS TO PROMOTE THEIR OWN REVISIONIST AGENDAS BOTH DOMESTICALLY AND ABROAD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comments by Lawson and Legrenzi to our RISP/IPSR article 'Tracing the modes of China's revisionism in the Indo-Pacific: a comparison with pre-1941 Shōwa Japan' contribute to moving the debate on revisionism in international politics a step forward. Their notes on the several issues affecting the International Relations understanding of the phenomenon are on the same page as ours and we appear to share similar doubts and a like-minded curiosity on the subject. While grasping some key topics and shedding light on crucial shortcomings in the literature on international change, power transitions and international order, however, their observations do not come unproblematic. In this reply to their timely remarks, we highlight the perks of their argument but also stress how this falls through in providing a complete framework to understand revisionism in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present work constitutes a critical reflection and an approach to the notion of contemporary art, understanding it as an epochal landscape. The analysis is made by approaching some of the notions that are characteristic of it, such as: the readymade, pastiche, kitsch, techne, anything goes and revisionism, among others. These notions are part of a limbotic landscape that smells of stagnation, a sort of loop from which there is no definite way out, hence its anguish and its longing for a threshold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People construct cultural memory from how they make sense of past experiences through texts, oral tradition, artifacts, or symbols that are passed down from generation to generation. Cultural memory crystallizes people's shared experiences and gives generations a sense of collective identity. But in the Philippines, a spirit of indifference has permeated the current generation, so the long-standing trauma of martial law from Marcos' excesses seems to have become "more tolerable." Democracy advocates were on the defensive as Marcos and his band of supporters reconstructed cultural memories of the martial law era into legitimate ones. This paper argues for the need to create a counter-memory to correct the historical distortions that permeate Philippine society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Endoxa is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

J. Mark Ramseyer's publications on the topics of wartime "comfort women" and Japan's minorities have become the focus of intense controversy. His article on "comfort women" in the International Review of Law and Economics gained global scrutiny following its coverage in Japan's right-wing newspaper, Sankei Shimbun, and its English-language publication, Japan Forward. Ramseyer claims that "comfort women" willingly entered into sex-work contracts, denying responsibility by Japan's military and government for the "comfort station" system. He also insists that naming this system "sexual slavery" is "pure fiction" -- a stance shared by Japanese history denialists in Japan. Since the controversy over his publications, Ramseyer has been working closely with Japan's right-wing faction, appearing in their symposiums and media. The controversy over Ramseyer must be understood in the larger political context of widespread historical revisionism in Japan. In this chapter, I will situate Ramseyer's writings and actions in the context of the so-called "history wars" by the Japanese right-wing and the Japanese government. In particular, I will discuss the Ramseyer controversy in the context of the "strategic communication" policy by the Japanese government, and the right-wing efforts to disseminate revisionist claims in English to academics and politicians abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and how do weak states challenge the status quo? This article builds on analyses of hierarchy in International Relations to develop a more comprehensive and inclusive understanding of the concept of revisionism. We argue that while weak actors cannot generally directly challenge their position in a stratified hierarchy, they may be able to undermine or subvert the discourses that constitute these hierarchies. This approach is likely to be attractive and feasible under two conditions: when other approaches to reform have been frustrated, and when social and political resources are available to facilitate such subversive challenges. We illustrate this argument by analyzing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons as a subversive revisionist project. Small states—frustrated by their inability to negotiate meaningful reform through the status quo framework—partnered with civil society and drew upon discursive resources developed during prior subversive revisionist projects in an effort to stigmatize nuclear weapons and subvert the discourses constituting the advantaged positions of those possessing them. While the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is unlikely to directly persuade nuclear weapon states to abandon their arsenals, it could have unpredictable consequences across a related range of hierarchic fields that constitute the status quo order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hallie Rubenhold's The Five: The Untold Lives of the Women Killed By Jack the Ripper has drawn the criticism of the community of amateur sleuths dubbed 'Ripperologists' for its revisionist perspective, which claims that the canonical five victims of Jack the Ripper were not all sex workers. Rubenhold's victim-centred approach has opened a new front in the history wars, as Ripperologists accuse her of historical denialism in pursuit of a feminist agenda. This article assesses Rubenhold's methods, and her contribution to historical criminology, as well as considering why dominant historical narratives of crime prove so resistant to reinterpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Points of connection between John Banville and Angela Carter are rarely noted. This article argues for a fuller appreciation of their interinfluence upon one another as it uses their circus novels Birchwood (1973) and Nights at the Circus (1984) to explore the relationship between revisionism and nostalgia in both historiography and literature. It asks why Banville and Carter both imagine the circus as a vehicle for their revisionary work and examines how these authors manage what Carter terms 'the pseudo-memory of nostalgia'. In doing so, this article tests the extent to which nostalgia and revision might be understood as opposing or even antithetical concepts and explores the high stakes of keeping lived experience at arm's length. Birchwood and Nights at the Circus are read here in context. Instructive comparisons are drawn with journalism and letters written by Banville and Carter in the 1970s and 1980s, and relevant works of historiography from a similar period. This article also incorporates material from an interview with John Banville which reveals his self-consciously fraught relationship with Birchwood's themes and content. More broadly, it is a notable attempt to indicate and assess the significance of Irish literature and culture in Carter's writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional view of Just War thinking holds that militaries operate under "special" moral rules in war. Conventional Just War thinking establishes a principled approach to such moral exceptionalism in order to prevent arbitrary or capricious uses of military force. It relies on the notion that soldiers are instruments of the state, which is a view that has been critiqued by the Revisionist movement. The Revisionist critique rightly puts greater emphasis on the moral agency of individual soldiers: they are not mere instruments of the state. Although Revisionism has something particularly important to contribute when applied to cases that are short-of-war, where an individual agent's moral culpability plays a greater role, soldiers fighting wars are not wholly autonomous moral agents. An Institutionalist approach that responds to Revisionist criticisms is a plausible alternative to the conventional Just War account for grounding the moral exceptionalism of war. For the Institutionalist, soldiers are moral agents with state-imposed obligations whose fundamental responsibility is the performance of the proper moral ends of the military institution they serve. If this is true, then soldiers have a moral obligation to be attentive to the moral corruption of the military institution of which they are a part. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we critically examine Vargas's revisionistic theory about free will. Contrary to his claim that there is no empirical evidence for libertarian freedom of the will, we expose empirical results from Schultze-Kraft et al. experiment. We interpret these findings by invoking non-causal and agent-causal libertarianism. According to this, we conclude that Vargas's revisionistic theory that recommends that those who hold libertarianistic commonsense view should revise it towards compatibilism is not warranted and that those who hold libertarianistic commonsense view should retain it; moreover, those who hold compatibilistic or deterministic commonsense views on free will should revise them towards libertarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the decision of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the LCP on 1958 June 27 the rector of Vilnius University, Juozas Bulavas, was removed from his position. He was accused of not implementing the party’s resolutions, ignoring the university’s party organization, emphasizing the national specifics of Lithuania, and promoting non-communist Lithuanian cadres. In a public meeting, at the university, during the transfer of duties to the new rector, Bulavas did not repent and did not admit his mistakes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yitzhak Benbaji argues that those combatants who have agreed to blindly obey their superiors and who are ordered to fight in unjust wars are released from their duty to deliberate about the merits of the acts that they are ordered to perform. This is because their agreements result in the combatants' permissible lack of a necessary capacity for moral responsibility. Thus, the combatants are not morally responsible for their wrongful acts—their moral responsibility is "transferred" to their superiors. We argue, first, that Benbaji's own reasoning suggests that the agreements entered into between the combatants and their superiors are not binding and, second, that even if such agreements are binding, those combatants who obey their orders to fight are nevertheless morally responsible for their wrongful acts. Thus, Benbaji has failed to show that the combatants are permitted to act as ordered. By critically examining Benbaji's view, then, we defend the revisionist position that just and unjust combatants are morally unequal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Histórica: Historia Moderna is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I reflect on the Warsaw school of the history of ideas (WSHI), a loose collective of people that formed after the birth of the communist system in Poland. First, I analyse the biographical factors that determined the political and intellectual choices of the WSHI members. Next, I attempt to show the nature of their public attitudes, which can be seen as part of the habitus of post-war Marxist intellectuals in Poland. My aim is to investigate how it happened that the WSHI, which was an element of Polish state at the beginning, became, in the 1960s, one of the primary points of contestation in Poland and an indicator of the collapse of the project of institutionalising Marxism-Leninism in Polish universities. I assume that the transformation did not entail a simple transmission from the nineteenth century to post-war revisionism but instead implied a series of breaks with, and migrations of, ideological models. Therefore, this analysis does not trace the line that separated the Polish leftist tradition from post-war communism, but rather describes their relationship, showing how the ethos of the socially engaged intelligentsia in Poland fitted into scholarly post-war biographies. My hypothesis is the following: in the case of the WSHI, the element of connection was a feature that Andrzej Mencwel refers to as "culturalism"—an ethical attitude inherited from earlier generations of leftist humanists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review of Seamus Deane's posthumously published volume of essays, Small World: Ireland, 1798–2018, is also a preliminary effort to assess the career and intellectual importance of a major Irish scholar, critic, and public intellectual. While the essays gathered in Small World focus on Deane's lifelong contributions, critical and polemical, to the analysis of Irish culture and the Troubles (1969–98), they reveal Deane to have been a thoroughly cosmopolitan intellectual whose work on Ireland and colonialism is of global import. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The achievement of Greater Romania was the beginning of a complex process of unification of territories very different from each other in many respects (administrative, political, legal, etc.). This process took place in an unfavorable geopolitical and economic context, dominated by the consequences of the war and of the Treaty of Trianon. Transylvania’s position was particularly difficult, as a territory claimed by both Romanians and Hungarians. Throughout the interwar period, the Romanian elite had to defend the Romanian rights over Transylvania in response to Hungarian revisionist efforts. The recourse to history provided most of these arguments. This article examines how history was used as a tool both to counteract revisionist attacks and to strengthen the sense of belonging to the Romanian nation. The main source was the Romanian historical journals of the interwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventionally, the origins of International Political Economy (IPE) are set in the early 1970s. Supposedly, economics was neglected by internationalists before that time. The purpose of this article is to show that this was not the case, but that what IPE experimented during those years was its reactivation since it was a field of study present since the early 20th century. Through a revisionist historiographical study of Hobson's writings on imperialism, the article hopes to contribute to a more thorough understanding of the sub-disciplinary history of IPE at the same time that it seeks to lay the foundations for future research on other early 20th century internationalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Crown of Aragon, made up of a sum of territories, internally cohesive and institutionally autonomous under a single sovereign and later diluted within different nation-states, has bequeathed a fragmented and dispersed memory. On this basis, the unusual entry of the armed forces into a museum in Catalonia in 2017 under court order, to seize works of art claimed by the neighbouring region of Aragon, encourages an analysis of how the material patrimony and revisionism and distortion of the history of the medieval past of the Crown of Aragon are used, in the 21st century, by the regional authorities to seek cohesion within the region by provoking clashes with the neighbouring one, so breaking bonds of institutional, social and economic collaboration maintained since the 12th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Imafronte. Revista de Historia del Arte is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Opera Slavica is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trans/Form/Ação is the property of Trans/Form/Acao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Revisionism about moral responsibility is the view that there is a difference between descriptive account – as we think- and prescriptive account - as we ought to think- about moral responsibility. It is a Revisionist view to believe that (1) the folk intuitions of moral responsibility are incompatibilist, (2) the incompatibilist conception of moral responsibility is incorrect, and (3) the folk intuition of moral responsibility must be reconsidered. Vargas calls the revised concept of responsibility "the responsibility system" and believes that this new concept has all the functions of the previous concept; In other words, it can provide a new justification for individual and social activities that we have formed based on the traditional concept of responsibility - such as blaming, praising, punishing, etc. But it seems that because the model of justification in "the responsibility system" is forward-looking, it is not able to justify retributive justice. At the same time, Vargas must be able to defend the revised concept of responsibility against the "four-case manipulation" argument. This defense is shown to be unsuccessful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association / Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva is the property of Croatian Political Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is a critical discussion of Ernest Sosa's recent analysis of reflective knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Análisis Filosófico is the property of Sociedad Argentina de Analisis Filosofico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text brings together replies to three commentaries on my Description of Situations: An Essay in Contextualist Epistemology (Springer, 2018) written by Modesto Gómez-Alonso, Anna Boncompagni and Marcin Lewiński. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the origins and developments of Historiographical Revisionist thinking concerning the Paraguayan War, highlighting the work of Argentine politician and writer Juan Bautista Alberdi as a key player in the genesis of this movement. Without devaluing the role of historical revisionists such as Juan O'Leary and Cecilio Baéz, we argue that, in the writings of Alberdi, we find the most well-defined genesis of a revisionist movement that would take on various argumentative political colors throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. We conclude that, by interpreting the Paraguayan War as a continuation of Argentina's intestine wars, Alberdi inaugurated an interpretive model that has been explored to the point of exhaustion, defining Paraguay as the victim of excessive aggression and a stronghold of the American cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Fluminensia is the property of Fluminensia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

100 years after their conclusion, the Paris Peace Treaties of 1919-1920 are both an important event in history and a founding moment of modern international law. Ending World War I, they have legally established the new state-political realities resulting from the application of the principle of nationalities and the exercising of the right to self-determination by the peoples oppressed by the great European empires, which have led to the emergence of new states or to the consolidation of other existing ones. The new European and international order was founded primarily on the law, the organization of peace and the maintenance of the status quo being entrusted, according to the Covenant, to the League of Nations, the first international institution with universal vocation. New principles of international law have been prefigured, the national state has become the main topic of international life, the subregional collective security organizations (Little Entante, Balkan Pact) have played an important role in the international balance. The legal inheritance of the time 1919-1920 was expressed after the World War II through the Charter that laid the foundations of contemporary international law and the U.N.O. (1945). The Treaty of Versailles with Germany (1919), as well as that of Trianon with Hungary (4 June 1920) are the treaties whose territorial clauses have historically withstood being taken over by the Peace Treaties of 1947 and enshrined by subsequent relevant international acts. The Treaty of Trianon, by its territorial effects, has become the subject of a sustained and permanent action of revisionism by Hungary and anti-revisionism, as a reaction from the other states whose borders have been established thereby. The Euro-Atlantic integration has opened new perspectives for solving the territorial misunderstandings thus generated, despite the persistence of some aspects of neo-revisionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Análisis Filosófico is the property of Sociedad Argentina de Analisis Filosofico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While many commentators have highlighted the limitations of Irish revisionist historiography, this article offers the first comprehensive and explicitly anti-imperialist critique, locating revisionism within a wider liberal attack on revolution and popular agency. An analysis of Irish revisionism across three key areas follows. The argument first challenges revisionist claims to write value-free history, before charting its evolution in the specific social and political context of Ireland in the 1960s and 1970s, finding in the new turn an idiosyncratic Irish manifestation of a wider liberal defence of power. Finally, the article challenges revisionism on its own empirical terrain, working methodically through the revisionist canon to illustrate persistent and deeply problematic bias. It concludes that revisionism represents an ideological project, which provided an elite counter narrative of Irish history. This produced an overtly ideological reading of Irish history, founded on a refusal to acknowledge the colonial nature of the island's past – a hegemonic position with potentially adverse consequences for the island's future as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Furley has suggested that we think of Callicles' immoralism as attacking a thick concept. I take up this suggestion and apply it to the argument of Plato's Gorgias more generally. I show that the discussion between Socrates, Gorgias and Polus, which prepares the ground for Callicles, is precisely addressing the thickness of the concept of justice: it reveals that this concept is both descriptive and evaluative and that formulating a revisionist position about justice is therefore extremely difficult. Callicles' strategy is best read as a response to this difficulty, which sets the stage for Socrates' revisionist account of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to develop a new typology of revisionism based on the nature of the aims (territorial/normative/hierarchy of prestige), the means employed (peaceful/violent), and the level of action (regional/global). This will then be used to explain the escalation of Russia's foreign policy from regional to global claims with reference to its military interventions in Georgia, Ukraine, and Syria and to identify the type of revisionism involved in each of the three Russian military interventions undertaken both inside (Georgia and Ukraine) and outside (Syria) the post-soviet space. The paper is divided into three parts. The first examines the concept of revisionism and suggests a new classification of six types in relation to the means, nature, and level of the claims put forward by revisionist powers. The second discusses the interventions carried out by Russia within its regional area (in Georgia and Ukraine). The third analyses the intervention in Syria and highlights the escalation of Russian claims from the regional to the global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims to provide a revisionist approach to the early American novel by considering the relation between English models and American imitations, on the one hand, and transatlantic cultural exchanges, on the other, which have contributed to the rise of an autonomous literature whose development was inextricably linked to the founding of the nation. Although the early American novel was a generic extension predicated on eighteenth-century English prototypes, I claim that it struggled to find its own voice in a republic in which novels, along with other fictional material, were deemed as public property and common knowledge, two major prerequisites of Republicanism understood as civic humanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will analyse the links between the revisionist historiography of the Mexican Revolution of 1910-20 and the revisionist literature on the Mexican murals produced in the period immediately afterwards, as well as the theoretical arguments that underpin both, before making a call for a "post-revisionist" reading of the art. I will then finish by making a post-revisionist iconographical analysis of Diego Rivera's History of Mexico mural produced between 1929-35 as a counterpoint to revisionist ones that instead read it as government propaganda pure and simple. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For more than a decade now, a debate has taken place between revisionists and traditionalists about some of the constitutive aspects and the nature of the just war theory. This article argues that revisionism has not been able to provide a practical alternative to the traditional just war theory and that we can satisfy some of the main practical aims of revisionism even within the traditional just war theory framework. The article then briefy introduces the feminist critique of the just war tradition recently presented by Rosemary Kellison and argues that Kellison's approach promises a more appropriate practical reform programme for the just war debate. Moreover, the practical perspective of Kellison's account is able to contain some of the aims of revisionism without containing its shortcomings such as its counterintuitive conclusions or defecting too far from the traditional just war theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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No Irish man of letters is able to escape crisis in Irish history. As a country beset by colonisation, famines, social and political unrest, and bloody sectarian conflict, Ireland remains a gothic place, haunted by dark memories and traumatic experiences. Contemporary Irish Revisionist historians and men of letters believe that the Irish nationalists were responsible for prolonging the violence in their country during the twentieth century, in part by using history to serve their political agenda of an independent nation. As a result, new attempts to approach Irish history from a different perspective have been made by the so-called "Revisionists," who try to deconstruct traditional representations of this history in literature and historical records, especially in post-independence times. Instead of mythologising Irish history, Revisionists present it in the form of an unavoidable nightmarish cycle to help readers see this reality and recover from the trauma of the past. John Banville's "Birchwood" will be analysed from this viewpoint since it was written during turbulent times when Ireland witnessed sectarian conflict in the north. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]