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Resume: L'historien francais Philippe Aries utilise les concepts de mort apprivoisee et de mort inversee pour dresser un portrait des changements d'attitudes envers la mort en Occident. Dans la mesure [...]

What made the conscription crisis of 1917 so dangerous for the fledgling nation were the shrill denunciations of Quebec emanating from English Canada that stoked the passions of an already enflamed populace in Quebec. Yet, there were voices of moderation in English Canada, namely various Protestant denominational newspapers that counseled understanding from their readers. The responses manifested in the press indicated the realization that the new nation could not survive harsh anti-Catholic rhetoric. The conscription crisis made it clear--to repeat the vitriol of the past was to threaten Canada's future. The same nation-building role that prompted the churches to evangelize Catholics and to win the race to the West motivated the denominational press to condemn anti-French rhetoric and to encourage an understanding of French-Canadian history, culture and religion. Consequently, and ironically, the Protestant denominational press, a formidable tool to Protestantize Canada, became--at least for a few brief months--a proponent of conciliation. Ce qui avait rendu si dangereuse la crise d'enrolement de 1917 pour la toute jeune nation etait des denonciations persistantes contre le Quebec qui se detachait du Canada anglais; elles nourrissaient en meme temps les passions d'une population deja echauffee au Quebec. Cependant, des voix s'etaient levees du cote du Canada anglais pour proner la moderation, notamment celles de plusieurs journaux confessionnels protestants qui recommandaient a leurs lecteurs la bonne comprehension. Des reactions relevees dans la presse indiquaient que la jeune nation ne pouvait survivre a un rude discours anticatholique. La crise d'enrolement avait ainsi mis en evidence le fait que poursuivre le discours haineux du passe menacait l'avenir du Canada. Le meme role de batisseur de la nation qui motivait les Eglises a evangeliser les catholiques et a gagner la ruee vers l'Ouest avait conduit la presse confessionnelle a condamner le discours anti-francais et a encourager la comprehension de l'histoire du Canada francais, sa culture et sa religion. Par consequent, et par ironie, la presse confessionnelle protestante, l'outil par excellence pour convertir le Canada au protestantisme, etait ainsi devenue--au moins pour quelques mois--le chantre de la reconciliation., Canadians in 1917 recognized that the war against the Central Powers had not been going well. The previous year's carnage in the battles of Verdun and the Somme on the [...]

Introduction One of the most enshrined notions in Canadian foreign policy is that French-speaking Quebecois have a different attitude toward many issues than other Canadians, resulting in a national division [...]

Introduction In his book Banal Nationalism, Michael Billig demonstrates that nationalism is by no means a 'peripheral phenomenon, present in ethnic separatist movements but removed from common nation states.' (1) [...]

This essay examines the rivalry that has intensified in the 1990s among Canada's three principal film-making provinces: Quebec, Ontario and British Columbia. This rivalry is a product of British Columbia's emergence as an audiovisual production centre, 'location-neutral' federal finding policiesto support indigenous film, and television production, and competition to attract foreign service production. This essay posits Quebec, Ontario and British Columbia less as brances of a national film industry, than as competing jurisdictions in a political-economic struggle for jobs and capital investment. The essay proceeds by tracing film policy initiatives by the government of British Columbia throughout the 1990s, which were intended both to diversify an economy heavily dependent on resource extraction and increase British Columbia's share of federal cultural funding. Particular attention is paid to how the policy discourse in British Columbia casts audiovisual production, perceives federal funding instruments and responds to policy initiatives in Quebec and Ontario. The essay concludes by assessing both positive and negative implications of this rivalry for film-making in Canada. While it has permitted regions outside central Canada to participate in film and television production, it has at the same time inhibited collaboration among the provinces, reinforced an industrial perception of cinema and created a dependence on foreign service production.

In this text, the author explores the difficulties of integrating diversity into the pan-Canadian women's movement. She outlines how hard it was for Canadian feminists to understand the 'differend' (unassimilable difference) between themselves and nationalist Quebecoises. Gradually English-Canadian feminists learned that their claim to represent Canadian women was illegitimate because feminist Quebecoises intended to represent themselves. She concludes that it has become normal for the Quebec and English-Canadian movements to disagree on issues, although this disagreement does not preclude ad hoc coalitions. Moreover, women's movements in Canada and Quebec are now jealous of their autonomy and are fragmented, precluding the emergence of a political perspective based on 'unity-in-difference.'

Josee Desbiens, Au service du couple et de la famille-Albert Lapointe-Les foyers Notre- Dame-Le mouvement Couple et famille, Montreal, Fides, 1998, 243 p. Ce volume retrace l'histoire des Foyers Notre-Dame, [...]

The ethnic relations governing Jews and Francophone citizens are not only seen in Quebec's political atmosphere but also in its theater industry. One of the theaters that has undergone considerable development is the Yiddish Theater, which depicts both English and American influences.

Quebec's rejection of the federal policy of multiculturalism is based on the province's belief that Canada would merely combine ethnic groups without regard for their history and identity. Quebec supports multiculturalism, but would like cultural communities to be able to retain their separate identities.

Many Quebecois in the early 1950s were ashamed of their french heritage. Through the efforts of artists, however, Quebecois began to appreciate and take pride in the ethnicity.

Tuons saint Jean-Baptiste! Brulons le carton-pate des traditions avec lequel on a voulu mythifier notre esclavage. Apprenons l'orgueil d'etre hommes. Affirmons fortement notre independance. Et ecrasons de notre liberte robuste [...]

Town councilors say they were just trying to let immigrants know what to expect if they move to the Quebec village of Herouxville: Stoning of women won't be tolerated while [...]

Quebec's existing territory does not have enough historical unity to support the assertion that the province is the homeland of a unified sovereign people. The promotion of Quebecois nationalism on the basis of 'ethnic purity' also no longer holds true, as emphasis is now on territorial dimension.