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This article examines a series of chronicles in Spanish written in the second half of the sixteenth and the early seventeenth centuries by focusing on the untranslatability of the Quechua term w'aka. I explore a corpus of texts that present different interpretations of the word, which is transcribed as huaca or guaca in Spanish sources. The article examines the untranslatability of the word in the writings of Bartolomé de Las Casas, José de Acosta, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, and the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. Moreover, the article provides an interpretation about how the practice of untranslatability from indigenous languages to Spanish reveals mechanisms of cultural domination. After examining how writers incorporated the term huaca into their chronicles, I argue that the untranslatability of the native word reflects specific dynamics of appropriation that writers grappled with as they negotiated the terms of Spanish cultural domination in Peru. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present work we will approach the analysis of a phenomenon of variation of Spanish in contact with Quechua from the theoretical perspective of Contact Linguistics. We will analyze the innovative functions of the marker ya también in an oral corpus compiled in the province of Cuzco, Peru. In the corpus, ya también is used as a marker that possess the inclusion and ordering values of the adverb también, as well as the update of a change or new information and emphasis that have been indicated for the adverb ya in Spanish (Delbecque 2006; Deloor 2011; Garrido 1993; Girón Alconchel 2011). On the other hand, it has developed innovative values as a discursive marker since it behaves as a focuser to address the interlocutor's attention to certain new or added information in the conversation, or in the narration of events that contrasts with previous information. We postulate that the observed phenomenon is a contact induced change with the Quechua language that has emerged from the exploitation of the linguistic resources available to the bilingual speaker, especially in those areas in which he perceives similarities in both languages, creating thus innovative communication strategies that allow a more effective interaction (Jarvis & Pavlenko 2008; Palacios 2013; Palacios & Pfänder 2014). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that Intercultural Bilingual Education (IBE) in Peru has turned into a depoliticized endeavor, fed by a modernist national frame and a positivist/modernist linguistics (García et al., 2017). Situating my discussion amid the context of discourses of IBE, I will focus on Quechuaspeaking urban youth activists and the way they challenge three key issues that have been historically entrenched in the discourse of IBE and language diversity in general: the restriction of Quechua speakers to "mother tongue" speakers, the dichotomy between local and global identities, and the defensive stance towards neoliberalism and the market economy. In a context of tensions and challenges for multilingualism and of new circumstances for minoritized languages and their speakers (Pietikainen et al., 2016), these young people are questioning the depoliticized, limiting, and fictitious views of Quechua and Quechuaness from the IBE discourse. Put it differently: they are disinventing Quechua as IBE conceives it and reinventing it within a much more inclusive and politicized project, in a way that should interest educators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the government of Rafael Correa in Ecuador (2007-2017), the program Citizen Link functioned as one of the main government communication devices. At the end of this program, José Maldonado, a native of Peguche, read a summary of these in Kichwa. During this summary, and in general in the program, Correa and Maldonado exchanged comments and jokes, often focused on a dispute about the competence in the Kichwa language. The objective of this work, which will be based in some categories of discourse analysis and focus on the Links made in the indigenous community of Zumbahua, will be to demonstrate that the Ecuadorian president uses several polyphonic strategies to reinforce an ethos of competition in relation to the Kichwa language and the indigenous worldview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the standardization of Ecuadorian Quichua (Kichwa) and on the effects of this process on one of the minority varieties of the language: Tena Kichwa, or Alto1 Napo Kichwa, spoken in the Amazonian province of Napo. The analysis presented here is based on data and observations collected during one year of fieldwork in the Napo province. The article showcases how the standardization of Ecuadorian Kichwa debilitates the local dialects, rather than strengthening them. The interruption of intergenerational transmission of Tena Kichwa is accelerated not only by the growing dominance of Spanish and processes of urbanization and socio-political change, but also by the standardization of Kichwa. Because of the latter, different variants of Kichwa are used in the school system and by the authorities on the one hand, and in the everyday life of the community on the other. This dichotomy accelerates the process of Tena Kichwa falling into disuse. Moreover, the language policies implemented by the local and state authorities do not respond to the needs of the local population, and contribute to the increasing marginalization of the local dialects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Peru Kilku Warak'a is often regarded as one of the greatest Quechuan poets. He represents the indigenous movement in the Peruvian literature of 20th century. Bearing in mind the specifics of Quechua language the following article analyzes how traditional Quechuan folklore changed with coming into modern age and transformed into literature based tradition. There are several differences between Quechuan oral culture that was practiced for centuries by anonymous authors and written literature tradition that was codified in form of scripture that was unfamiliar and atypical for both Quechua language and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article a transcription is presented of what we argue to be the earliest known manuscript of Ecuadorian Quechua or Quichua. This is preceded by a historical study of the author and the circumstances of creation of the manuscript, as well as a brief appreciation of its significance for the study of the history of this Quechua variety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on data from an ethnographic study in a Quechua rural community in the Peruvian Andes, this article examines hybrid literacy practices among bilingual rural speakers in the context of the household and the community. I examine the coexistence of two types of textual practices that operate side by side, at times integrated in the same activity. Hybrid literacies in this Andean community challenge narrow views of literacy, because they include diverse media of communication. [Peru, Quechua language, Indigenous education, literacy, communities] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Founded in 1990, The High Academy of the Quechua Language is a Peruvian organization committed to the preservation of the Quechua language. In Peru, the Academy is well known for the zeal of its members, who firmly believe that Quechua can and should be saved from extinction and that, on account of their own authority and expertise, they should take the lead in its revitalization. The purpose of this article is to examine these assumptions, their underlying ideologies, and the ways in which they have influenced the decisions and practices of the Academy. The analysis focuses on the organization's nationalistic bent, its linguistic ideologies, the construction of its expertise, and the tensions that exist both among its members and between them and other actors. It is argued that the Quechua Academy's stances and practices conspire against its own ability to make a lasting contribution to the revitalization of Quechua, obstruct the efforts of other agencies and experts who are also working to promote the language, and are infused with class values that alienate the Quechua-speaking people they claim to serve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Salasaca Quichua (ISO 639-3=qxl) is a Quechuan language, specifically of the branch referred to as Quechua A (Parker 1963), as Quechua IIB (Torero 1974), or the northern group (Landerman 1991); but see Landerman (1991) and Adelaar (2004) regarding doubts with respect to the classification of the different varieties. The variety described in this paper is spoken by approximately 12,000 people in Ecuador. The Salasaca ?parroquia? (Spanish usage in Ecuador of this word is for a non-religious administrative district), in Pelileo canton, in Tungurahua province, is divided into eighteen communities and Quichua is spoken in all of them. This variety is similar to that of others of the region and is included in the Stark & Muysken (1977) dictionary. Varieties of Quechua in this area do not have the more open allophones attested farther south (such as in Peru), and for that reason the Ecuadorian varieties are traditionally called ?Quichua? rather than ?Quechua?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Quichua of Ecuador, along with other indigenous peoples of Latin America, have been struggling to attain the right to use their ancestral language and their traditional ways of administering justice in an effort to gain greater autonomy in a variety of sociopolitical spheres of life. Based on interviews with 93 Ecuadorians — judges, magistrates, lawyers, justices of the peace, interpreters, translators, and local and national political leaders — the study finds an ideological splintering of views on this subject. Among the disparate Quichua communities and among State justice providers (largely comprising the hegemonic mestizo/blanco sector of society) there is a lack of agreement on how justice is to be carried out and what role the Quichua language should play in it. Despite the heterogeneity of views, however, there is tacit agreement on one de facto language policy, namely, the use of untrained, ad hoc interpreters in judicial settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eighteenth century has become known for its decreasing interest in and even its intentions to restrict the use of the Amerindian languages by the authorities in the Americas. However, overseas there was interest in indigenous languages, directed toward the multiplicity of human languages and their comparison more than toward the description of individual languages. Thus, in Russia, Catherine II founded an initiative to find universals in the world's languages. The Quechua vocabulary presented here was composed because of this and is one of only a few eighteenth-century manuscripts on Southern Peruvian Quechua which can be dated (1788); it is kept in the Archivo General de Indias, Seville. This paper presents a transcription of and a short analytic comment on this Quechua vocabulary, which is an important document because it gives us information about how an eighteenth-century Peruvian Quechuist saw the linguistic situation in the Andes and because through the lexical entries it offers phonological material which can help us gain more knowledge of a linguistically rather scarcely documented period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The Incas were Quechua-speaking people who settled down near Cuzco (Peru). They had an empire ranging from Ecuador to Chile, when Spanish conquerors seized their kingdom around 1532 AD. Nowadays, Quechua-speaking people inhabits Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru and Argentina; however, Quechua language was imposed by both Incas and Spaniards to many non-Quechua speaking communities. We have taken a sample of Quechuan Bolivian blood donors from La Paz (Titicaca Lake region) where Inca-Quechuas themselves believed that came from. This group was compared with 6892 individuals from 68 different world populations regarding HLA/DNA allele frequencies distribution. Genetic distances, dendrograms and correspondence analyses were carried out in order to establish relationships among populations. The main conclusions are: (1) DRB1 and -DQB1 haplotypes shared with Asians are found in Quechuas and are not observed in other (Mesoamerican) Amerindians. (2) Aymara-speaking people from the same Titicaca Lake (La Paz) area shows close genetic distances with Quechuas in one dimension results (genetic distances); however, their HLA gene frequency distribution differs according to Neighbor–Joining (NJ) trees and correspondence analysis (multidimensional and more reliable analyses). Also, the common high frequency Asian and Athabascan HLA-DRB1*0901 allele is found in Quechuas in a significant frequency. Quechuas are clearly included within the Amerindian group. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Analyzes the involvement of anacondas in the myths and narratives of the Quechua Indians in Amazonian Ecuador. Characterization of the anaconda in the Runa narratives; Synopses of myths featuring women seduced by anacondas.

In this paper the properties of Lowland Ecuadorian Quechua, a possibly pidginized variety from this Andean indigenous language family, are evaluated in the light of the semantic-transparency hypothesis. It is argued that the typological perspective created by looking at a wider range of languages brings some of the basic ideas developed for creole languages into focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]