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Paranoia is a clinical and cultural phenomenon of the 21 st century. From a Jungian lens, paranoia is thought of in two fundamental ways: as a disorder of meaning rooted in the Self, and the insanity of literalism where metaphor is absent. Paranoia, in our current 'civilization in transition', takes the form of a 'tyranny of unification or the curse of the One' promulgated by waves of fear, panic, horror and exclusion towards everything that differs from the supposedly instituted order. As a single fundamentalist truth, paranoia takes root in the public field of politics where self-exhibitionism feeds the delusional paranoid logic that degrades both the personal and collective fabrics. Jungian psychology offers an antidote to paranoia by cultivating and respecting democratic spaces both analytically and in the collective., (© 2022 The Society of Analytical Psychology.)

Objective: To identify the variables and the axiological argumentations that configure the perception of abortion as a crime, in a sample of a city in southern Chile during the debate of law 21.030., Method: The design is quantitative, observational correlation cross-sectional followed by a qualitative approach. The quantitative sample of 289 members of the community of Temuco (Chile) answered a questionnaire about social categories, and their perception of the seriousness of 15 behaviours defined in Chile as crimes. For the qualitative phase, we carried out 12 semi-standardized interviews in the same community, subject to content analysis, incorporating some elements of grounded theory from the constructivist perspective., Results: Regardless of sex, more than half of the study sample considers abortion to be between a serious and an extremely serious crime, despite its current decriminalization. Religious people, no matter what kind of religion, political conservatives and people of a lower educational level, perceive abortion as a serious crime. Frequency of participation in religious events has a mediating effect. The qualitative results establish t religious teaching as a very important argument to reject abortion, and that the perception of the severity of abortion as a crime is multidimensional., Conclusion: Religion and a conservative political vision affect the traditional constructions of gender and motherhood, and therefore, there is a marked tendency to reject abortion. These results emphasize the need to pay special attention to the acceptance of Law 21.030 on the voluntary termination of pregnancy in regions. This is important for effective application of the Law., (Copyright © 2018 SESPAS. Publicado por Elsevier España, S.L.U. All rights reserved.)

The paper consists of the opening chapter of Andrew Samuels' book The Political Psyche, published in 1993, together with a retrospective introduction. In the chapter, the author discussed the possibilities and limitations of applying depth psychological thinking to social and political problematics. He situates the attempt to make such applications within a wider movement to refresh and reform Western political endeavours. He terms this wider project 'resacralization'. The author cautions against psychological reductionism and a simplistic approach to market-based capitalism, calling for a transformation of the latter to the degree possible. He links sociopolitical criticism and psychological writings on numinous experience, thereby connecting the worlds of politics and depth psychology without losing their separate and unique qualities., (© 2019, The Society of Analytical Psychology.)

There has been longstanding international fascination with the British National Health Service since it was established in 1948. The British population itself has offered enduring support for the principles and institutions of public provision. However, coverage of the NHS has typically been uneven in academic and policy debates. There is limited understanding of some darker corners of NHS provision resulting in a partial picture of public service provision. Public dentistry has been a Cinderella service in broader debates about the NHS and a check‐up is overdue. We offer a long‐term view of dentistry that assesses the current state of dental health policy, including its gradual decay. We examine the purpose of dentistry and the challenge of injecting fundamental National Health Service values (weighted capitation and a focus on need) into services and which necessitates redistribution and tackling shibboleths of NHS provision. Alongside political values and public attitudes, we examine the interests of professional stakeholders and how the combination of values, attitudes, and interests does not currently cohere into a sustainable policy. We explore how dentistry might recover purpose and respond to need. Discussion is prescient considering an acknowledged crisis in British dental care, including widespread public and media coverage, and with 2024 being a general election year with NHS provision a familiar battleground. Key Points: Dentistry remains an overlooked and neglected corner in academic understanding and analysis of contemporary British healthcare and the NHS.Our succinct analysis of dentistry assesses the current state of dental health policy. It examines the purpose of dentistry and the challenge of injecting fundamental NHS values into services.It asks how dentistry might recover purpose and respond to need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the outbursts of a white passenger on a London tram, antagonizing others through swearing, nationalist, racist and anti-immigrant talk and the responses of carriage members to her confrontational talk. Our analysis uses a video recording of the event made by a passenger that circulated widely on social and news media. We document multiple forms of response, including the video-witnessing itself. We describe how the trouble-making passenger antagonizes other passengers in order to produce opponents. In addition, we track how members of the carriage, in responding, show their right to respond, seek to avoid the terms of the confrontation and, once constituted as political opponents, their opposition to the politics being expressed. In examining the responses to the trouble-making and the politics being contested between the persons involved and, in tracking how public transport is attempted to be transformed into an ad hoc agora, we contribute to Barnett's work on convening public space, ordinary action, and politics in human geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic evaluations of the relationship between religion, secularization, and far-right collective actors have grown increasingly complicated. New religious immigrants, seen as invaders importing contradictory values imposed on the populous by EU elites, may threaten Christian and irreligious Europeans. Europe has been secularizing for decades, concurrent with a resurgence in far-right collective action, but this far-right resurgence has also accompanied an increase in religious discourse in politics. In this study, I investigate the relationship between religion, secularization, and far-right collective action utilizing three case studies. I find, with some caveats, that in Hungary, Fidesz motivates Christian voters with religious nationalist appeals, while assertive secularization motivates irreligious voters in the Netherlands. Italy is more complex, where far-right collective actors are less able to monopolize social issues. These findings speak to the critical role religious values and institutions play in shaping voter preferences and present competing options for secularist politics moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our objective is to pay tribute to the invaluable figure of the master Carlos Walter Porto-Gonçalves, who taught us to look at and get involved in reality from the critical thinking and the heart. It also shows a weaving of threads of experiences shared in Chiapas, Mexico with women's collectives. It also honors the thirty years of experience of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), whose territorial and organizational expressions have provided and continue to provide valuable learning and unlearning to those of us who continue to organize for worlds of life without exploitation, contempt, dispossession and violence. From a participatory and committed advocacy methodology, they seek to open questions and imaginaries to rethink politics beyond the established canons, inspired by these experiences. The results invite to collectively test and learn new practices rooted in Mother Earth, rooted in the territories, guided by rebellious dignity and with a community vocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last three months of 1943, a technical committee composed of leaders of the Chilean Teachers' Union (UPCH) together with writers and artists created the Silabario Democrático, which was finally put into circulation in 1944. The aim of this paper is to approach the contents of the Silabario first by succinctly reconstructing its context of production and then developing a general reading of its contents, divided into its four sections. We argue that although the text proposes as an immediate task to contribute to the eradication of illiteracy, it also had as a tacit objective to promote the identification of the reader/student with a class (the working class) and with a national identity (being Chilean) both united by their own interpretation of national history where the governments of the Popular Front were considered as the peak of democratic possibilities. Methodologically, the Silabario Democrático was used as raw material to carry out a content analysis, for the contextual reconstruction, documents of UPCH conventions were used, as well as newspapers of national circulation such as El Siglo, La Nación and the UPCH newspaper, Unidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares the disasters between 1802 and 1812 in South America, differentiating the use of political and religious discourse between those of biological origin, such as smallpox, and geological origin, such as an earthquake. The knowledge that circulated at that time about the possible causes of these phenomena ranged from more scientific explanations in the context of the Enlightenment movement to more traditional opinions rooted in a providential thought inherited from the Ancien Régime. To answer these research questions, official documents, letters, newspapers of the time, and files from the General Archive of the Indies, the National Historical Archive of Spain, and a specialized bibliography were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Diálogos Pedagógicos is the property of Universidad Catolica de Cordoba and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Anchored in notes elaborated in a multispecies ethnography, this text formulates a reading of biological science laboratories as situating practices of human and non-human actors. For this, the authors bring up plants from/in the caatinga, laboratory equipment, chemical reagents and biologists as entities that act collectively to produce slides with plant pieces that circulate in physical spaces and in texts, becoming entities capable of, although distant from their referents (the plants of the caatinga), informing the transformations (and impacts) of the environments in which they inhabit. It is argued that the actors, human or not, involved in multispecies plots of biological science laboratories, respond from their own agendas that, when tuned, bring outresearch, laboratories and other territories in a constant work of mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research we analyze the struggles and interactions of the government and the Bolivian universities around how engineers and cadres technicians should be trained, and be technical requirements required by the planned modernization, or developmentalism, of the country between 1960 and 1964. We inquire about his visions inherent to developmentalism, the formation of squares techniques as means of that, and their political strategies and available resources seeking impose them. We reveal the influences of these issues on the effective training of cadres technicians; the institutional reconfiguration of higher education in Bolivia, especially its facets subsequent to the creation of the Bolivian Technological Institute (ITB); and the its facets subsequent to the creation of the Bolivian Technological Institute (ITB); and the rearrangements and consequences of political struggles seeking to intervene in modernization planning of the country and its consequences. We retrieved primary data from the following sources: rectorate files and the institutional memories of the Universidad Mayor de San Simón (UMSS), documents newspapers, political newspapers (weeklies, proclamations, pamphlets, union resolutions and assembly meetings, among others), writers of university congresses and rectors' conferences; as well as: laws, supreme decrees, official speeches and essay production. And secondary data from recognized books and articles concerning the object studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article presents an overview of local radio based on its connections with politics in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, located in the Midwest of Brazil. Methodologically, the investigation is grounded in the cartography method, which allowed for the identification, through the inventory of sound broadcasting in Mato Grosso do Sul, of politicians who currently or previously held radio concessions, either in the present or in the recent past. It was also possible to identify political communicators with state-level representation who use radio waves to achieve success at the polls. The link between radio and politics, from the economic perspective ensured through state advertising, was measured by a structured questionnaire applied to the directors of 16 stations located in the main cities of Mato Grosso do Sul. The data demonstrate that the relationship between radio and politics is intertwined with issues of ownership, economic dependence in terms of sustainability through state advertising, and programming led by political agents who use this strategy to build loyalty among potential voters in elections held biennially in the local region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes sources linked to Operation Condor found in the Archivo del Terror in Paraguay. The political situation of the Guarani country in the second half of the 20th century was marked by the dictatorship of General Alfredo Stroessner (1954-1989), with a base supported by State institutions, the war apparatus of the military and political parties that supported him, such as the Partido Colorado. The analysis focuses on documents from the dictatorial power itself found at the end of 1992 near Asunción. The collection is made up of thousands of documents of different types, such as letters, memos, letters, invitations, orders, reports, various controls, among others. The results of the article come from a qualitative analysis of the sources, seeking to uncover hidden facts in the contemporary history of Paraguay that show the violence that exists in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, traditional and digital-native media brands have competed with a diverse array of actors, challenging their journalistic leadership, authority, and public legitimacy. Simultaneously, the current media system, both hybrid and disruptive, offers these brands various opportunities to reclaim their centrality as reference media and provide safeguards against disinformation threats. This context is of particular interest for investigating the presence and conversational leadership of these reference media on X (Twitter), through an empirical approach combining qualitative and quantitative methods supported by Social Network Analysis (SNA). This article, therefore, examines the activity metrics, thematic agenda, engagement capacity, and follower dynamics exhibited over one year by twenty-two Spanish media outlets on the mentioned social network. The results provide the first scientific evidence of the extent to which these reference media brands capitalize on the digital public debate on current events. The conclusions distinguish the conversational weight or leadership of these media in the political agenda and topics related to entertainment at both the national and global levels. Thus, the article contributes to highlighting and understanding the strategies and leadership of major media brands on social networks regarding the main topics of public interest and their ability to mediate and influence hyperconnected sources and audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general objective of this article is to summarize the trajectory of the Argentine right throughout the 21st century. Specifically, the text seeks to characterize the rise of the most radicalized right-wing expressions, as well as to identify the socialization process between liberal conservative republicans and reactionary nationalists. The text proposes an interpretative line that divides the period into four sub-stages, prioritizing an approach that combines three disciplinary areas: history, political ideas and communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the role of the people in Polybius’s political thought, as presented in Book VI of his Histories. We argue the hypothesis that, according to the Greek author, there is no politics without the people, a conception that remains embodied both in the Polybian cycle of singular regimes and in the proposed model of the Roman mixed constitution. The emergence of what distinguishes what is properly human coincides with the emergence of the conditions of possibility of politics. With these two processes, the multitude transforms into the people. To support these ideas, we must engage with three prevalent readings in the field of critical examination, whose developments go in the opposite direction to the one we propose here: that, due to its aristocratic trait, Polybius assigned a secondary place to the people in his political theory; that anacyclosis holds an exclusive relationship of contrast with the Roman composite regime; and that the theory of the Greek author should be analyzed exclusively in light of historical truth. We present divergent interpretations of these in order to assume the necessary intermediary hypotheses for the grounding of the central argument of the work. The structure of the text involves five parts, in this order: introduction with preliminary presentation of the central hypothesis and the questions that problematize it; theoretical centrality and structure of Book VI; analysis of the cycle of singular regimes; examination of the Roman mixed constitution with emphasis on the role of the people; and response to the questions raised with a view to a grounded reaffirmation of the main hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research work seeks to examine the reception of Foucaultian work in two Paraguayan thinkers, Benjamin Arditi and Gilberto Giménez. For this purpose, an analysis of the socio-cultural and historical issues that motivated the approach to the French thinker, as well as the uses of certain categories for a reflective expansion in the disciplines of both authors, based on texts published in the last part of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1960s, Foucault conducted his historical-philosophical research under the methodological name of archaeology, using this term to refer to the study of the historical conditions of possibility that allowed for the emergence of various knowledges and institutions. In his book The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences, published in 1966, Foucault focused his descriptive work on the different epochs of thought around the concepts of episteme and historical a priori, both of which were abandoned at least in the Foucauldian vocabulary of the following decade when Foucault began to describe his intellectual work as genealogy. In the intellectual field in Argentina, the reception and circulation of Foucault's work varied greatly from the 1950s to the present day. In recent years, archaeological categories have been used to think about both intellectual history and the diagnosis of contemporary society. In this paper, we will present two updates of Foucault's episteme to think about the tensions between knowledge and politics: the era of "The Forms" by Elías Palti and the postmodern episteme by Pablo Manolo Rodríguez, showing how both expressions reformulate the conceptual apparatus used by Foucault to think about an archaeology of the political in the case of the former, and the historical emergence of cybernetics by analyzing the epistemic changes made in the last fifty years in the case of the latter author. For this task, we will show what is retained from the Foucauldian gesture but also to what extent Argentine authors distance themselves from the thinker from Poitiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American marxism, understood as a category, phenomena and process hasn’t been studied broadly, despite how fruitful the Marxist tradition has been in our region. It is proposed in the next pages a series of theoretical-methodological approaches and coordinates to push out into its analysis, respecting the analytical plurality and heterogeneity that characterizes it, describing its enunciation origins and development and outlining the essential ingredients that separate it from other approaches giving its specificity within Latin American critical social thought. The purpose of the article is to provide the researcher a basic framework to dive into deeper inquiries that concern the different topics circumscribed to the marxisms in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Those who desire (Elena López Riera, 2018) and Rapa das bestas (Jaione Camborda, 2017) emerge as two distinctive endeavors within the contemporary Spanish cinematic landscape. Rather than overtly showcasing their feminist stance by directly denouncing female inequality, they do so tangentially, probing into a social practice seemingly distant from gender conflict (a pigeon competition and an ancient tradition of horse shearing). In this study, the meticulous formal work of the two short films is analyzed, drawing upon the destabilization strategies of the gaze utilized in the so-called sensory documentary, evoking an audience experience that transcends purely intellectual engagement to also involve them emotionally and viscerally. It is through the estrangement operated on both the expressive and content levels that these two examples allow for the activation of a political reading of the androcentrism that pervades social spaces without having to explicitly articulate it. Though uncommon, the intertwining of the phenomenological and the semiotic proposed here sketches out new and hopeful paths of feminist positioning within the audiovisual landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstract Hostilianus ‘Augustus’: the prompt dedication of the city of Keramos in Caria An inscription from Keramos in Caria was placed in honour of Hostilianus during the archontate of the archiater Marcus Aurelius Valens Polites. The document – which has aroused a fair amount of interest among historians of ancient medicine, while in the sphere of ancient history studies it has curiously gone almost unnoticed – deserves particular attention, also considering the relative paucity of data we possess on this emperor and the uncertainty, still present today, regarding some crucial aspects of his albeit ephemeral reign. Inserted within the complex and variegated chronological framework of the events of the wars of the 3rd century A.D., the epigraph is actually located in a very important ‘interstitial’ space and allows us to formulate some reflections on the logic of succession to power and on dynastic and ‘paradynastic’ strategies, since both Herennius Etruscus as well as Gallus and Volusianus are absent from Keramos’ text, while Hostilianus is defined Augustus and ‘son’ of the not-yet divus Augustus Decius.

Based on a reading of Carl Schmitt proposed by Jacques Derrida, this article examines the modern conceptual architecture that organizes the notions of « power », « State », « politics » and « law » into a system. In his Politics of Friendship, Derrida develops the thesis that an important Western intellectual tradition, whose apex is the work of Schmitt, tried to isolate the meaning of politics through a teleology of enmity. He demonstrates, then, that this teleology is permeated by insurmountable contradictions, and the project of a phenomenology of the political is doomed to failure. We will add another layer to this critique. By reading the texts that revolve around Schmitt's magnum opus The nomos of the Earth, we explore the modern division between two levels of violence. The first, organised by European public law, is the one that has seen the political realm centred on the State and its people. The second, marked by unlimited violence, is the one whose aim is the complete appropriation of the lands and bodies discovered in the New World. We argue that the meaning of politics depended not only on a contradictory teleology, but also on a discharge of annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective: The study aims to identify the effects of the University Reform during the 1978-1982 management of the University of São Paulo at Ribeirão Preto School of Nursing (EERP-USP). Methodology: Study in the field of History, in the area of History of Nursing, taking the Micro-History approach. To reach its objective, the study used Thematic Oral History. Results: The advances identified in management were related to human resources, physical infrastructure, consolidation of postgraduate courses, regulations and training of health professionals. As effects of the University Reform, it was observed the requirement, at the University of São Paulo, of the category of full professor for the exercise of direction, a fact that led to sixteen years of direction by non-nurse professors, adherence to the unification of the vestibular, the consolidation of graduate studies and curricular changes. Final Remarks: The study focused on the work of the two leaders at the time, but it is inferred that other people may have exercised leadership in the realization of the advances recorded in the minutes of the faculty board. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on research carried out on the relationship between politics and emotions in the Catalan pro-independence movement. It proposes to situate emotions as an essential field of study in relation to contemporary politics and delve into the emotional valence of politics and the political valence of emotions to identify which emotions are most frequently activated in this movement. Emotions are not seen as negative or positive, or more or less political, but as ambivalent, politically productive, and as a complex assemblage. Research shows how emotions do not appear in isolation but in relation; their relationships change depending on the militancy, the political moment, the personal moment and age. Gender has little effect on the activation and configuration of emotions, according to the data. In relation to the Catalan independence process, the most relevant emotions according to the informants are fear and, far behind, anger, pride, shame, happiness and illusion. Among the multiple existing possibilities, a rather limited repertoire of emotions is mobilized, the maximum activation of which occurs in relation to specific moments identified as key moments by the informants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2023 was a very particular and significant year in Peru. It was the year of Dina Boluarte's government, who, as vice president, succeeded the ousted Pedro Castillo at the end of 2022 to complete the 2021-2026 presidential term. Remarkably, given the experience of Castillo's government, the circumstances of his impeachment by Congress, and the characteristics of Peruvian political dynamics post-2016, the expected scenario was the continuation of a dynamic of polarization and political and social confrontation. Unexpectedly, we witnessed the formation at the heights of institutional politics of a majority that crosses right-wing and left-wing groups, centered around conservative and populist values opposed to various institutional reform initiatives implemented in recent years, accompanied by relative citizen demobilization. Although this seriously delegitimized the government and Congress, the absence of viable short-term alternatives generated relative stability. The problematic aspect is that Peru's fragile democracy seems to be captured "from below" by various local leaders and particularistic interests, a consequence of the extreme weakness of political parties, constituting a peculiar and dangerous path of democratic deterioration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to trace the process of institutionalization of Oral History in Brazil, which was formalized in 1994 with the creation of the Brazilian Association of Oral History (ABHO), emphasizing its relations with the International Oral History Association (IOHA). The intention is to examine the impact of this new entity on the expansion and diversification of this research field and demonstrate how Brazilian researchers have significantly influenced the international oral history movement. To illustrate this point, the article anlyzes Brazilian participation in IOHA conferences over its 27 years of existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to show how local political culture can influence what makes the news, i.e. how it becomes a newsworthiness factor. A highlight on a news website can become news without any attribute (intrinsic factor), but only because of the power of the elite (extrinsic factor). We analyze the elite power factor in northeastern Brazilian state news in the pre-election period of the 2020 municipal elections. We examine eight regional websites from the two richest and two poorest regions of Bahia. We want to show how a highlight can become news without any intrinsic factor to the fact, but only by elite power as an extrinsic factor. As an alternative to traditional classifications, we suggested an analysis of news values with separation between intrinsic and extrinsic and then the study of the focus-event. We conclude that one in every ten highlights of the eight websites in the countryside of Bahia during the 2020 pre-election period has elite power as the only newsworthiness criterion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This third article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the intricate interplay between secularism, religious sentiment, and authoritarian politics in postindependence Bangladesh. Despite being founded on secular principles in 1971, the notion of Bangladesh as a strictly secular state is challenged. This article contends that while secularism was enshrined as a foundational state principle, its imposition occurred top‐down, diverging from prevailing societal ethos. The immediacy of the public backlash following its inclusion compelled ruling elites to adopt religion‐sensitive policies. I assert that the widespread religiosity among the populace steered subsequent political decisions. Notably, the shift from secularism to state‐sponsored Islam, the elevation of Islamic figures to cabinet roles, the recognition of Qawmi madrassa credentials, and the proliferation of Islamic rhetoric ensued. Analyzing a blend of archival data and field interviews, the article argues that the current authoritarian regime, emerging from an unconsolidated democratic framework, strategically exploits Islam as a political tool for legitimacy. By tapping into the prevailing Islamic sentiment, the regime aims to solidify its hold on power and navigate the complex political landscape of contemporary Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to add to the debate on the negative externalities of tourism-related megaprojects. It examines the policy adoption and implementation of two contentious airport projects in two tourist-heavy regions, Heraklion (Kastelli), Greece, and Cusco (Chinchero), Peru. In the context of destination competitiveness and commitment to neoliberal economic growth, national and regional governments in both countries became attracted by the idea of regional economic development and further increasing the number of international tourists and tourism investments. Deciding whether building a new airport serves the public interest or not is a complex policy problem with technical uncertainties and conflicting interests, which entails both a technical and political process of expressing and pairing policy actors' goals and means. The aim of the paper is to identify similarities and differences between the tactics adopted and arguments used for and against the two airport development projects by the respective advocacy coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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