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The purpose of this study is to examine the residents' participation in the public operations for the rehabilitation of the built heritage carried out in the old town of Constantine. Constantine has undergone several intervention operations on its built heritage. However, few of them have been completed. This brings us to ask about the causes of these failures. Several hypotheses can be envisaged, including the predominance of private property, which represents 71% of the urban fabric, and the lack of effective participation of its residents. To confirm this, one case studies have been carried out: The pilot project for the rehabilitation of the street "Mellah Slimane" in 2005. The research followed a qualitative approach using several data collection instruments. The results of this work show several shortcomings in terms of the effectiveness of the participatory approach focusing on the residents during the studied operations. Understanding these limitations could help to rethink public action for heritage conservation in inhabited historic centres.

Infrastructures are technical-social assemblages infused in politics and power relations. They spur public action, prompting increased scholarly reference to the practices of infrastructural publics. This article explores the normative and conceptual meanings of infrastructures, publics, and infrastructural publics. It distills from political theory traditions of Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas, and Nancy Fraser a normative ideal of publics composed of the persons subject to a particular configuration of power relations that may significantly affect their autonomy. Autonomy can be seriously affected not only by existing or planned infrastructures, with their existing or anticipating users and workers and objectors, but also by the lack of an infra-structure or by the terms of infrastructural exclusions, rationings, channelings, and fiscal impositions. Legal-institutional mechanisms provide some of the means for infrastructural publics to act and be heard, and for conflicts between or within different publics to be addressed, operationalizing legal ideas of publicness. These mechanisms are often underprovided or misaligned with infrastructure. One reason is the murkiness and insecurity of relations of infrastructural publics to legal publics constituted or framed as such by institutions and instruments of law and governance. We argue that thoughtful integration of infrastructural and legal scaling and design, accompanied by a normative aspiration to publicness, may have beneficial effects.

espanolPartiendo de experiencias de participacion de actores de la sociedad civil, nos proponemos a desarrollar un diagnostico de la relacion sociedad- Estado en politicas de adaptacion al cambio climatico en Acapulco, Guerrero. La informacion fue recabada mediante entrevistas en profundidad semiestructuradas. La investigacion se codifico y categorizo identificando uno o mas pasajes de texto con un tema y relacionandolo con un codigo. Encontramos una fragmentacion de agendas y mecanismos de accion publica de los actores civiles en un entorno politico caracterizado por un autoritarismo subnacional que impide la construccion de agendas politicas disidentes, y una falta de conocimiento especializado sobre el problema del cambio climatico por parte de los activistas locales. Para que la informacion de la ciencia climatica sea asimilada, debe comunicarse activamente con el lenguaje apropiado, buscando mecanismos participativos que generen produccion de datos confiables y transparentes, y que fortalezcan la emergencia de una agenda ambientalista comun EnglishBased on experiences of participation by civil society actors, we propose to develop a diagnosis of the relationship between society and the State in policies of adaptation to climate change in Acapulco, Guerrero. The information was collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews. The information was coded and categorized by identifying one or more text passages with a theme and relating it to a code. We found a fragmentation of agendas and mechanisms for public action by civil actors in a political environment characterized by a sub-national authoritarianism that prevents the construction of dissident political agendas, and a lack of specialized knowledge about the problem of climate change by local activists. For climate science information to be assimilated, it must actively communicate in the appropriate language, seeking participatory mechanisms that generate reliable and transparent data production, and that strengthen the emergence of a common environmentalist agenda

The article examines the ways and methods of digital mobilization of citizens for protest marches in the cities of the Russian Federation (for example, the city of Pskov) on January 23 and 31, 2021. The research issue is the need to understand the system of digital mobilization — from campaigning to the transition to collective, public action.As part of the study, an expert interview was conducted among the organizers of rallies, the regional establishment, party workers, and trade union activists. The monitoring of protest groups in social networks (VKontakte, Telegram, Instagram) was also carried out for the tonality of information and the mechanisms for mobilizing citizens presented. They also used the method of observing the process of transition from digital mobilization to collective action and directly following the protest processions themselves.During the analysis, the author concludes that social media is a key channel of communication and consolidation of protest activity, with the social networks VKontakte and Telegram playing the main role in Russian political practice. In this connection, conclusions are drawn about the possibility of political management of protests using an information strategy aimed at stopping negative information labels and media occasions on VKontakte and Telegram, as well as developing an alternative protest agenda.

Selon une socio-ethnographie de l’action publique en train de se faire, l’article questionne les conditions de deploiement d’une politique de participation mise en œuvre par une Agence regionale de sante (ARS) pour elaborer son nouveau PRAPS et les procedures de cadrage choisies pour gouverner la mise en participation de sa construction, son instrumentation et ses logiques d’usages. A partir d’une analyse documentaire et d’observations participantes menees au sein des dispositifs participatifs, consideres comme instruments de legitimation et de conduite de l’action publique, nous montrons qu’ils sont, d’une part, fortement cadres par des procedures et des regles du jeu formelles elabores par l’ARS en amont et au cours des etapes de construction du PRAPS ; d’autre part, en tant qu’instruments contractuel et incitatif, ils servent des logiques d’usages contrastees des participants susceptibles de contraindre et d’inflechir les facons de faire une ingenierie methodologique et collective relativement innovante pour une telle institution.Code JEL : I18

The article enumerates the different sources wherefrom there was nourished Álvaro Alsogaray's economic and political thought, whose public action in Argentina developed during the whole second half of the 20th century. Alsogaray had an unusual profile next to his fellow citizen, since not only he was a specialist of the liberal ideas but in addition he tried to put them in practice in the field of the public action. He performed, along his life, in diverse activities: captain in the Armed Forces, businessman, politician, government minister, ambassador, legislator and economic consultant, among the most important tasks. In a context where the liberal ideas were rejected for the most part by the population and the political, union and managerial leadership of the country, Alsogaray was recognized for supporting along his life the same line of thought. Key words: Modern liberalism; Social Market Economy; Austrian School; Ordoliberalism; Inflation; Rueff; Hayek. JEL Classification: B; B2; B3. Resumen: El artículo enumera las distintas fuentes de donde se nutrió el pensamiento económico y político de Álvaro Alsogaray, cuya actuación pública en Argentina se desarrolló durante toda la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Alsogaray tuvo un perfil poco usual para su país, ya que no sólo fue un estudioso de las ideas liberales sino que además las intentó llevar a la práctica en el campo de la acción pública. Desempeñó, a lo largo de su vida, diversas actividades: militar, empresario, político, ministro, embajador, legislador y consultor económico, entre las más importantes. En un contexto donde las ideas liberales eran mayoritariamente rechazadas por la población y la dirección política, sindical y empresarial del país, Alsogaray fue reconocido por mantener a lo largo de su vida una misma línea de pensamiento. Palabras clave: Liberalismo moderno; Economía Social de Mercado; Escuela Austriaca; Ordoliberalismo; Inflación; Rueff; Hayek. Clasificación JEL: B; B2; B3.

espanolLa literatura sobre nudges y su evaluacion es extensa, y destaca la diversidad de sesgos de comportamiento y posibles intervenciones. Los nudges buscan modificar la arquitectura de las decisiones individuales, intentando cambiar el comportamiento de las personas en una direccion concreta y a un bajo coste. Su impacto debe tener en cuenta el coste-efectividad del dinero invertido, en comparacion a otras intervenciones publicas mas tradicionales que persiguen el mismo objetivo. El uso de experimentos en su evaluacion ha convertido a los nudges en una importante herramienta de la politica basada en la evidencia, mejorando asi el diseno y efectividad de la accion publica. En este articulo buscamos revisar el conocimiento actual en torno al diseno y evaluacion de los nudges, y su importancia para el desarrollo de politicas basadas en evidencia. EnglishThe literature on nudges and their evaluation is extensive, and it highlights the diversity of behavioural biases and possible interventions. Nudges seek to modify the architecture of individual decisions. They Numero monografico – Los nudges y el diseno conductual de politicas publicas change people’s behavior in a specific direction and at a low cost. Its impact must take into account the cost-effectiveness of the money invested, compared to other traditional public interventions that pursue the same objective. The use of experiments in its evaluation has made nudges an important tool of evidence-based policy, thus improving the design and effectiveness of public action. In this article we seek to review the current knowledge regarding the design and evaluation of nudges, and its importance for the development of evidence-based policies

This paper examines the implications for regional policy of new research on the role played by a failure in the ‘capacity to aspire’ [Appadurai, A. (2004), ‘The capacity to aspire’, in Rao, V. and Walton, M. (eds), Culture and Public Action, Washington, DC: World Bank.] in perpetuating disadvantage traps. After a brief review of the magnitude of the challenge that regional policy needs to confront, it provides a summary of the theoretical and empirical literature on poverty and aspirations failure (and the associated loss of agency, beliefs and self-efficacy). The key implication for the design of an inclusive regional policy is that it needs to address simultaneously the sources of external constraints (such as the availability of resources or adequate infrastructure) and mitigate the aspirations failure inherently linked to persistent disadvantage.

Peter Kevin Spink’s book is an elegantly written critique of the tendency, in academia and society at large, to take a government-centric approach to public policy. In particular, Spink argues, we focus too much on the impact that languages and social constructions have on government decisions and not enough on their wider impact. As a result, we only see part of the picture. Evidencing his key arguments through a series of historical sketches and quotations spanning both several centuries an...

La gobernanza refleja la transformación de las relaciones entre el Gobierno y la sociedad a partir de la emergencia de un papel más activo de la sociedad civil en la acción pública al desligarla de la tradicional dependencia gubernamental. Empero, si bien la Gobernanza como concepción ha sido empleada de manera vigorosa en las estrategias discursivas de las doctrinas de la Nueva Gestión Pública (NGP) en conjunción con discursos de innovación como finalidad justificante, en la actualidad también es posible rastrear discursos que pueden agruparse en un marco denominado Pos- Nueva Gestión Pública (P-NGP) que propone nuevas concepciones acerca de la gobernanza y la innovación; concepciones que articulan un giro en las maneras de concebir y comprender las formas organizacionales, la gestión pública y al Estado mismo en su interacción con la sociedad. Este trabajo analiza los cambios en el concepto de gobernanza desde la P-NGP, lo que implica tomar como punto de partida las descripciones de la gobernanza a partir de ámbitos discursivos NGP, para luego contrastar dichas descripciones con referencias a la P-NGP. Lo anterior lleva implícita una reflexión en torno a la recomposición de las dinámicas de acción pública que, desde el enfoque de la gobernanza con base en referentes discusivos P-NGP, plantean nuevas lógicas para la implementación de políticas desde la innovación pública, como es el caso de las formas organizacionales público/ privadas emergentes tipo crowdsourcing. Governance reflects the transformation of relations between government and society, starting with the emergence of a more active role for civil society in public action by detaching it from traditional dependency from government. However, although governance as a concept has been used vigorously in the discursive strategies of the doctrines of New Public Management (NPM) in conjunction with discourses of innovation as a justifying purpose; it is also possible to trace discourses that can be grouped in a framework called Post-New Public Management (P-NGP) which proposes new conceptions about governance and innovation; Conceptions that articulate a shift in the ways of conceiving and understanding organizational forms, public management and the State itself in its interaction with society. This paper analyzes the changes in the concept of governance brought by THE P-NGP, which implies taking as a starting point the governance descriptions of NPM discursive areas, and then contrasting these descriptions with references to the P-NGP. This implies a reflection on the reconstruction of the dynamics of public action that, from the approach of governance based on P-NGP discussion referents, propose new logics for the implementation of policies from public innovation, such as the emerging case of public and private organizational forms like crowdsourcing.

Resumo: A imigração humana é um processo mundial e histórico e que vem se intensificando nos últimos anos, especialmente com o fenômeno global dos refugiados. Inserindo-se nessa temática mais ampla, este artigo busca discutir como a ação pública diante da imigração vem ocorrendo no âmbito das cidades brasileiras, a partir de um estudo conduzido na cidade de Florianópolis. Tendo por fundamento a sociologia contemporânea dos problemas públicos, de base pragmatista, busca-se compreender como se configura a arena pública que se mobiliza em torno desse problema público no quadro do Ecossistema de Inovação Social da cidade. Como resultado, foi possível, a partir da consideração da historicidade do problema público (escala macro), cartografar as iniciativas de inovação social que atuam junto aos imigrantes/refugiados na cidade (escala meso) e observar as atividades de duas iniciativas que atuam nessa arena pública, buscando levantar seus alcances e limites em termos de influência na ação pública da cidade. Abstract: Human immigration is a worldwide and historic process that has been intensifying in recent years, especially with the global phenomenon of refugees. As part of this broader theme, this article seeks to discuss how public action in the face of immigration has been taking place in the context of Brazilian cities, based on a study conducted in the city of Florianópolis. Based on the contemporary sociology of public problems, with a pragmatic basis, we seek to understand how the public arena that is mobilized around this public problem is configured within the framework of the city’s Social Innovation Ecosystem. As a result, it was possible, based on the historicity of the public problem (macroscale), to map the social innovation initiatives that work with immigrants/refugees in the city (mesoscale) and observe the activities of two initiatives that operate in this public arena, seeking to raise its reach and limits in terms of influence on public action in the city. Resumen: La inmigración humana es un proceso mundial e histórico que se ha intensificado en los últimos años, especialmente con el fenómeno global de los refugiados. Como parte de ese tema más amplio, este artículo busca discutir cómo la acción pública frente a la inmigración se ha llevado a cabo en el contexto de las ciudades brasileñas, según un estudio realizado en la ciudad de Florianópolis. Con base en la sociología contemporánea de los problemas públicos, con una base pragmática, buscamos comprender cómo se configura la arena pública que se moviliza en torno a este problema público en el marco del Ecosistema de Innovación Social de la ciudad. Como resultado, fue posible, basado en la historicidad del problema público (escala macro), mapear las iniciativas de innovación social que trabajan con inmigrantes/refugiados en la ciudad (escala meso) y observar las actividades de dos iniciativas que operan en esta arena pública, buscando elevar su alcance y límites en términos de influencia en la acción pública en la ciudad.

The overriding concerns of Amartya Sen’s writings are about how to promote public action towards achieving an equitable and just society, which particularly addresses the needs of the underprivileged. While his ideas are of great relevance for all developing countries, this is more so for India and Bangladesh—the two countries that provide the socio-economic settings for much of his empirical works. Sen has praised the remarkable progress in many social development indicators that Bangladesh has achieved compared to India, despite having a much lower per capita income and suffering from the same, or even much worse, institutional and policy failures. In fact, the contradictions of Bangladesh lie in its impressive socio-economic progress achieved under extremely poor institutions of economic and political governance. By drawing upon Sen’s writings on issues ranging from human development and social inequalities to the concepts of freedom and “public reasoning”, this essay aims at understanding the factors underlying Bangladesh’s achievements and the challenges that lie ahead.

El presente artículo desarrolla una propuesta teórico-metodológica que integra diversas estrategias del análisis del discurso con el fin de entender el proceso de la política pública en términos discursivos. Con base en dicho planteamiento, se analiza la producción de políticas de áreas verdes urbanas implementadas en la Ciudad de México durante el periodo 2006-2012. El caso analizado muestra cómo el acercamiento interdisciplinar e interescalar favorece la comprensión de los discursos urbanos y ambientales en su complejidad, evidenciando los mecanismos a partir de los cuales se construyen los conceptos, categorías y narrativas que dotan de legitimidad a la acción pública.

Resumo Este artigo propõe um enfoque analítico e um caminho metodológico para compreender os processos de aprendizagem coletiva, co-construção e difusão de conhecimento nos ecossistemas de inovação social colocados em prática, por meio de laboratórios vivos de inovação social. Para tanto, promove um diálogo entre o debate sobre os living labs e os autores pragmatistas dos campos da sociologia dos problemas públicos e da ação pública que resgatam a noção de “investigação pública” desenvolvida por John Dewey. Como contribuições, o texto propõe uma abordagem teórica para o estudo dos processos de experimentação democrática coproduzidos nas arenas públicas da cidade e discute os desafios da sua aplicação, apresentando o caminho metodológico adotado na pesquisa empírica que está sendo realizada na arena pública de garantia dos direitos da criança e do adolescente em Florianópolis, Brasil. As conclusões lançam pistas para avançar na compreensão dos laboratórios vivos de inovação social e sua contribuição, enquanto espaços de fortalecimento da ação pública local, para a aprendizagem democrática e invenção de novas respostas aos problemas públicos nas cidades.

espanolResulta imprescindible reubicar a las Administraciones publicas en el escenario de cambios y decrecimiento economico que caracterizan a la sociedad actual y redefinir la accion publica local mediante el fortalecimiento de la capacidad institucional y de la capacidad de autogobierno de la autonomia local. Estas capacidades son necesarias para adaptar dicha accion a los nuevos modelos de gestion publica urbana promovidos por la Union Europea en torno al cada vez mas consolidado modelo de desarrollo sostenible e integrado. Este trabajo pone en valor el componente politico de la autonomia local para reivindicar un nuevo modelo de accion local, adaptada a las dimensiones sustantiva y metodologica de la sostenibilidad. EnglishIt is essential to relocate public administrations in the scene of change, and economic decline that characterize contemporary society and redefine the local public action through the strengthening of institutional and self-government capacity. This capacity is necessary to adapt this action to the new urban public management models promoted by the European Union around the increasingly consolidated model of integrated and sustainable development. This paper highlights the political component of local autonomy to claim a new model of local action, adapted to the substantive and methodological dimensions of sustainability.

Facing the unprecedented situation of the COVID-19 pandemic, public officials at the municipality-level have no clear benchmarks or tested policies. In this situation, decision-making becomes a controversial process. This article provides insights for public agents in the Brazilian municipalities to deal with the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. We analyzed the actions taken by city halls of the 52 Brazilian municipalities at least thirty days since the first confirmed case of COVID-19. We used a fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to identify the combinations of contextual factors and public actions that reduced COVID-19 transmission during the critical initial stage. The empirical results show three main paths to guide policy-making: (1) a plural collaboration path involving public and private sectors, operating in a fragile health system; (2) a public action path providing aid programs through intense collaboration inside public bureaucracy; and (3) a resource-based path relying on a well-structured health system.

Modern Russian legislation is focused on the effective protection of human rights. In this area, special attention is paid to the institution of the family and the rights of minors. The article presents an analysis of the responsibility for involving minors in the commission of antisocial actions. Based on the study, the author notes that Russian law does not reflect all the nuances of the crime in question. In this regard, proposals have been formulated to improve the current criminal law by supplementing with qualifying features.

The article is based on the materials studied by the author in Taras Shevchenko Library Archives of the Union of Ukrainians in Great Britain. It focuses on well-planned and organized actions of Ukrainians of the Western diaspora related to their longterm efforts to launch the Ukrainian edition under “Voice of America” radio station and exercise the rights of Ukrainians for receiving truthful information about the situation in the world and in sub-Soviet Ukraine in their native language. The prerequisites, forms, and methods of conducting the public action “The Ukrainian Radio Movement”, which began in Ulm, Germany, under the leadership of the well-known publicist Ivan Bahrianyi, and spread to Ukrainian centers in the United Kingdom, France, USA, and Canada, are analyzed. The article is based on the rare prints of newspapers “Ukrainski Visti” (Ulm) and “Ukrainska Dumka” (London), the evolution of this initiative traced down to its positive outcome. The information about the first “Voice of America” broadcast in Ukrainian, published in “The New York Herald Tribune” (November 23, 1949), is translated into Ukrainian. A review of the protests of the “Russian World” adherents against Ukrainian-language broadcasts of the global radio, published on the pages of the Russian emigration body in Paris, “Russkaya Mysl” , is conducted. Separately, the article dwells on the establishment of public control over the content of radio programs by the members of representative organizations of the Ukrainian diaspora. The necessity of such an initiative was caused by the fact that at the initial stage, the content produced by the Ukrainian editorial staff was untruthful in terms of the Ukrainian history.

The image and perception of a city are intrinsically tied to its cleanliness. Everywhere in the world, working-class neighbourhoods with rubbish piling up in the streets are subject to stigma and devaluation. This is the case in Cureghem, a multi-ethnic district of Brussels, Belgium, where the lack of cleanliness and maintenance of the public space are among the main concerns and complaints expressed by inhabitants. This paper examines the rubbish collection service in Brussels, focusing in particular on a shopping street in Cureghem with an abundance of ethnic restaurants, bars and greengrocers, where rubbish accumulation is largely attributed to the vibrant commercial activity. Based on fieldwork, interviews and workshops with local stakeholders conducted in the framework of a transdisciplinary research project, it aims to shed light on the rubbish problem in Cureghem and the proposals which emerge in the search for a solution., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

En retraçant le processus de mise à l’agenda ayant conduit à l’appropriation du concept de Smart City par la Région bruxelloise en 2014, cet article interroge les choix de politiques publiques visant à faire de Bruxelles une « ville intelligente ». Tandis qu’un des objectifs théoriques de la Smart City consiste à vouloir décloisonner l’action publique en favorisant la réalisation de politiques transversales par le recours aux technologies, force est de constater que les politiques bruxelloises en la matière restent essentiellement cantonnées aux compétences de l’organisme technique régional. Cet article tente ainsi de comprendre pourquoi aucune politique transversale en matière de mobilité – secteur habituellement prioritaire pour ce type de projets – n’émerge dans le cadre de la Smart City bruxelloise, tandis qu’une politique sécuritaire s’impose comme son principal chantier. La centralisation de la vidéosurveillance régionale constitue l’unique politique du projet Smart City bruxellois parvenue à dépasser le cloisonnement institutionnel régional. Cet article démontre par conséquent comment, à Bruxelles, l’organisation politico-institutionnelle régionale influence les choix de politiques publiques. Door het proces van agendasetting dat leidde tot de toe-eigening van het concept Smart City door het Brussels Gewest in 2014 te traceren, onderzoekt dit artikel de beleidskeuzes om van Brussel een “slimme stad” te maken. Een van de theoretische doelstellingen van de Smart City bestaat erin om het overheidsoptreden te ontzuilen door met behulp van technologieën de uitvoering van een transversaal beleid te bevorderen. Toch moeten we vaststellen dat de Brusselse beleidsmaatregelen op dit vlak hoofdzakelijk beperkt blijven tot de bevoegdheden van de gewestelijke technische instelling. Dit artikel tracht te begrijpen waarom er geen transversaal beleid inzake mobiliteit – een sector die gewoonlijk prioritair is bij dergelijke projecten – wordt gevoerd in het kader van de Brusselse Smart City, maar een veiligheidsbeleid het voornaamste werkterrein blijkt te zijn. De centralisering van de gewestelijke videobewaking is de enige beleidslijn van het Brusselse Smart City-project, waarbij men erin slaagt om de gewestelijke institutionele verzuiling te doorbreken. Dit artikel toont dan ook aan hoe de gewestelijke politiek-institutionele organisatie de beleidskeuzes beïnvloedt in Brussel. This article reviews the agenda-setting process which led to the approval of the Smart City concept by the Brussels Region in 2014 and questions the public policy choices aimed at making Brussels a “Smart City”. While one of the theoretical objectives of the Smart City is to decompartmentalise public action by promoting the implementation of cross-cutting policies through the use of technology, it is clear that the policies of Brussels in this area remain essentially limited to the competences of the regional technical body. This article attempts to understand why a cross-cutting policy in the area of mobility – a sector which is normally a priority for this type of project – has not emerged in the framework of the Brussels Smart City, while a security policy has gained a foothold as its main focus. The centralisation of regional video surveillance is the only policy of the Brussels Smart City project which has managed to overcome regional institutional compartmentalisation. This article therefore demonstrates how the regional political and institutional organisation in Brussels influences public policy choices.

O lazer vem ganhando importância nas ultimas decadas, como problema social e como objeto de reivindicacao, a partir de sua consideracao como direito social ligado a qualidade de vida, porem, na maioria das vezes nao vem sendo acompanhada pela acao do poder publico com o estabelecimento de politicas setoriais. Mesmo diante da relevância social do lazer, normalmente observa-se a carencia de politicas publicas nesses setores. Assim como os direitos a saude, a educacao, ao saneamento basico, entre outros, garantidos em nossas leis, o acesso a pratica do esporte e do lazer tambem se configura parte integrante dessas necessidades. Partindo desse entendimento, o objetivo geral da pesquisa foi investigar a politica publica de esporte e lazer em Acailândia. Buscamos conhecer a infraestrutura direcionada a pratica esportiva e de lazer, verificando a atuacao do poder publico municipal nas acoes referentes as politicas de construcao, manutencao e preservacao desses ambientes e por fim analisando os projetos e programas de esporte e de lazer desenvolvidos nesses espacos. As politicas publicas municipais de Acailândia sobre o esporte e o lazer, ainda que de forma geral, estao previstas como direito social. Possui bons espacos publicos de esporte e lazer, contudo, torna-se necessaria a construcao de novos espacos, bem como conservar os ja existentes. Os programas e projetos ofertados pela Secretaria de Desporto e Juventude, em sua maioria, sao voltados para o carater competitivo, em nossa reflexao, carecem do entendimento mais amplo, contemplando as dimensoes esporte-educacao, esporte-rendimento e esporte-participacao.

espanolLa Direccion Publica es una de las areas de la gestion publica espanola menos evolucionada, siendo infructuosos o ineficaces los intentos emprendidos por profesionalizar dicha funcion. Esta deficiencia cobra mayor importancia si cabe en un momento como el actual presidido por la busqueda de la transparencia, la cercania al ciudadano y la mejora en la calidad de la accion publica. En este sentido, el caso espanol responde a un enfoque multicausal en el que este articulo se fijara en una sola de sus variantes, como es la condicionante de la normativa o la legislacion al respecto y su evolucion.Se pretende, en definitiva, arrojar luz sobre si la escasa, ambigua o poco coercitiva legislacion actual sobre direccion publica puede estar en el trasfondo de la falta de evolucion del modelo o al menos constituirse en concausa de dicha falta de evolucion. Se indagara especificamente, de forma complementaria, en el hecho de si ha habido o no un compendio legislativo al que pueda denominarse normativa comun. La metodologia empleada, fundamentalmente cualitativa, se ha basado fundamentalmente en el analisis historico-politico asi como en un analsis juridico de las normas principales en la material; cuidando en sobremanera las fuentes que proporcionaban esta informacion, todas ellas de alto nivel academico. EnglishThe Public Direction is one of de areas of the least evolved Public management in Spain, being fruitless or ineffective the attempts undertaken for profesionalizing this function. This deficiency receive major importance in a moment as the current one presided by the research of the transparency, the nearness to the citizen and the improvement in the quality of the public action. In this respect, the Spanish case answers to a multicasual approach in which this article will be fixed in alone one of his variants, since it is the determining one of the regulation or the legislation in the matter and his evolution. One tries to throw, definitively, light on if the scanty, ambiguous or slightly coercive current legislation on public direction can be in the background of the lack of evolution of the model or at least to be constituted in concausa of the above mentioned lack of evolution. It will be investigated specifically, of complementary form, in the fact of if it has had or not a legislative compendium to which it could be named a common regulation. The used, fundamentally qualitative methodology, it has been based fundamentally on the historical-political analysis as well as on a juridical analysis of the legislation; taking care in exceedingly the sources that there was providing this information, all of them high-level academician.

International audience; Based on a case study in Rennes, the article presents how a group of urban public actors re-uses methods and technology from citizen sciences to raise the urban air quality issue in the public debate. The project gives a group of inhabitants the opportunity to follow air quality training and proceed PM2.5µm measurements. The authors question the impact of the ongoing hybridisation between citizen science and urban public action on participants' commitment. The authors present how the use of PM2.5-sensors during 11 weeks led to a disengagement phenomenon, even if the authors observe a strong participation to workshops. These results come from an interdisciplinary methodology using observations, interviews, and data analyses.

This article analyzes the conservative narratives underlying current changes in Brazilian rural development public policies. It first presents an overview of the recognition and institutionalization of family farming and the main policies created in support of this segment. Subsequently, it discusses how a conservative narrative started to question the ability of these policies to integrate family farmers into modern agricultural markets. Focusing on how this narrative tries to legitimate a new “referential” for public action, the article analyzes the discourse on newly occurring segregation between agricultural policies for productive farmers and social policies for unproductive ones. It demonstrates how this discourse excludes family farmers from the social pact that prevailed over the past three decades and depended on the state as an actor to mediate the contradictions in the unstable coexistence of agribusiness and family-farming logics. Finally, it analyzes how rural social movements are reacting to this process. Resumen Este artigo analisa as narrativas conservadoras que sustentam as atuais mudancas nas politicas publicas de desenvolvimento rural no Brasil. Em primeiro lugar, analisa o processo de reconhecimento e institucionalizacao da agricultura familiar e das principais politicas criadas para este segmento. Em seguida, discute como uma narrativa conservadora comecou a questionar a capacidade destas politicas de integrar os agricultores familiares aos modernos mercados agricolas. Discutindo como esta narrativa busca legitimar um novo referencial de acao publica, o artigo critica uma nova segregacao entre politicas agricolas para os agricultores “produtivos” e politicas sociais para os “improdutivos”. Os resultados demonstram como este discurso exclui os agricultores familiares do pacto social que prevaleceu nas ultimas tres decadas e que dependeu do Estado como ator para mediar as contradicoes da coexistencia instavel entre a logica do agronegocio e da agricultura familiar. Por fim, discute como os movimentos sociais rurais reagem a esse processo.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/40701 Resumo Neste trabalho pretendemos analisar a mobilizacao dos atores politicos da juventude negra no processo de tramitacao do Estatuto da Juventude, Lei n. 12.852, de agosto de 2013 destacando as narrativas construidas no âmbito dos movimentos de juventude negra e buscando compreender as demandas relativas a vida segura e investigar a incidencia da acao publica dos(as) jovens negros(as) na construcao deste marco legal. Palavras Chaves: Juventude; Racismo; Direitos. Abstract In this work we intend to analyze the mobilization of the political actors of the black youth in the process of processing the Statute of Youth, Law no. 12.852, of August of 2013, highlighting the narratives constructed within the scope of black youth movements and seeking to understand the demands related to safe life and to investigate the incidence of the black youths public action in the construction of this legal framework. Keywords: Youth; Racism; Rights.

Este escrito es de reflexión teórica en torno a la pregunta sobre la ética y lo público, especialmente, la relación entre la ética y el hombre público —servidor público— que es considerada en la acción pública y el bien común. En esa medida, la reflexión teórica central del presente escrito se centra en la ética de raíz weberiana en los conceptos de “responsabilidad” y “convicción”, su relación con la nueva gestión pública, que está orientada a la eficiencia, eficacia y los resultados, como modelo de gobierno del Estado colombiano, en el cual el hombre público desarrolla su accionar y en el que es posible dar cuenta de los principios y valores de la ética de la responsabilidad y la convicción. No es una reflexión solo sobre la racionalidad de los valores —los medios y los fines que han de conducir la acción de este hombre— mediados por la responsabilidad y la convicción de este hombre público, sino, precisamente, reivindicar su humanidad ante un lugar público que cada vez enfrenta y lo pone en duda.

This article analyses the rise and functioning of the professional gender-equality consulting market in France on the basis of 63 interviews, participant observation and document review. It first examines the socio-historical process of creating the market and highlights the role of public action. It then investigates the market structure and reveals a division between two ideal-typical segments, before presenting some overlaps and circulations between them. It finally discusses existing power relations within the market and ambivalent public regulation, arguing that weak state commitment and low social pressure hinder the potential for transformative change brought about by gender-equality consulting.

In recent years, there has been a new institutional set of developments in France aimed at promoting the adoption of partnership-based, cross-sectoral and modulated health policies based on the health status of the population. Nevertheless, because addressing the challenge of health equity depends largely on the mobilization of a large number of protagonists with very heterogeneous initiatives, interests and values, the conduct of such policies potentially opens up a space for confrontation between those who wish to promote it and those who refuse, challenge, circumvent or neutralize the reconfigurations of public action and the work routines it inevitably induces. This company can therefore be marked by tensions and additional constraints for the actors. In this context, it remains largely conditional.

This article sets out to contribute to the debate on the participatory turn of public action and the administration by studying the profile and work of civil servants dedicated to citizen participation within French local administrations. Counter to the rhetoric advocating the participatory modernisation of the administration, an analysis of the day-to-day work of civil servants in charge of participation makes it possible to grasp the dynamics behind the bureaucratisation of citizen participation. Without actually shaking up administrative routines, the specialist civil servants invent new routines essentially intended to maintain the arrangements set up, even when these have little or no effect on the conduct of public action. Points for practitioners This article provides an insight into the processes of administering citizen participation in France according to a double logic of specialisation and dissemination, and analyses the practical aspects of participatory work within the administrations.

Non-take-up of rights and services is a situation in which an eligible person does not benefit from one or more rights to which he or she is entitled. The Brussels Region in particular is confronted with the problem for several fundamental social rights. Analyses of individual situations, people's pathways and legal developments have shown specificities according to the benefits. Several factors emerge: legal changes in the granting and maintenance of social rights, the increase in the number of criteria and procedures to be completed, accessibility procedures and the growing complexity and instability of status in the pathways of people in precarious situations. A significant proportion of beneficiaries are discouraged and some professionals no longer feel able to verify or assert eligibility due to the growing complexity. Finally, the high level of digitalisation of services (public and private) prior to the pandemic which has accelerated since the first lockdown, reinforces the risk of non-take-up while there is a growing need for concrete, human help and simplification, as well as a deterioration of trust between citizens and the state. Le « non-recours aux droits et services », aussi appelé « non take-up », est une situation dans laquelle une personne éligible ne bénéficie pas d’un ou plusieurs droit(s) au(x)quel(s) elle peut prétendre. La Région bruxelloise est particulièrement confrontée à la problématique pour plusieurs droits sociaux fondamentaux. Les analyses des situations individuelles, des parcours des personnes et des évolutions légales ont montré des spécificités selon les prestations. Plusieurs facteurs émergent : changements légaux dans l’octroi et le maintien de droits sociaux, multiplication des critères et démarches à accomplir, modalités d'accessibilité, complexité et instabilité grandissante des statuts dans les parcours des personnes précarisées. Une part importante des ayant-droits se décourage et certains intervenants professionnels ne s'estiment plus en mesure de pouvoir vérifier ou faire valoir l’éligibilité au vu de cette complexité croissante. Enfin, la forte dématérialisation des services (publics et privés) préalable à l'arrivée de la pandémie et accélérée depuis le premier confinement, renforce le risque de non-recours alors qu'un besoin grandissant d’aide concrète et humaine, de simplification et une détérioration de la confiance entre citoyens et État se font sentir. Het “niet-gebruik van rechten en diensten”, ook wel “non-take-up” genoemd, is een situatie waarin een uitkeringsgerechtigde een of meerdere rechten waarop die persoon nochtans aanspraak kan maken niet krijgt. Vooral het Brussels Gewest wordt geconfronteerd met dit probleem voor meerdere sociale basisrechten. Uit de analyses van de individuele situaties, de trajecten van de personen en de wettelijke ontwikkelingen kwamen specifieke kenmerken naar voren volgens het type prestatie. Meerdere factoren spelen daarbij een rol: wettelijke veranderingen voor de toekenning en het behoud van sociale rechten, veelheid van de criteria en formaliteiten, toegangsvoorwaarden, complexiteit en toenemende instabiliteit van de statuten in de trajecten van de kansarme personen. Een groot deel van de uitkeringsgerechtigden raakt ontmoedigd en sommige professionele hulpverleners achten zich door deze toenemende complexiteit niet meer in staat om de uitkeringsgerechtigheid te controleren of te laten gelden. Tot slot is er de sterke dematerialisering van de (publieke en private) diensten die voor de coronapandemie al was begonnen en sinds de eerste lockdown in een stroomversnelling is geraakt. Het gevolg is een verhoogd risico op non-take-up, terwijl er net meer behoefte is aan concrete menselijke hulp en vereenvoudiging en het vertrouwen tussen burgers en overheid duidelijk wankel is.

As the number of references to landscape increases in the Brussels-Capital Region, the article analyses its place and meaning within the Regional Development Plans (1995-2018). The article intends to show that landscape may be considered as a category of Brussels public action and that in this sense it constitutes a good indicator of its evolution. The analysis allows us to identify significant changes, such as the progressive association of landscape with nature as the sustainability framework replaced the interest in heritage, and its change of scale in connection with the process of metropolisation. It also highlights certain contents which are more stable over time, such as the association of landscape with the imaginary of slow mobility or the view of it as a relatively positive and consensual subject., Traduction de Jane Corrigan, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This chapter sets out the organizing principles of administrative law, how this shapes the administrative state and how these principles are evolving to meet new challenges. With this goal in mind, the chapter covers the emergence of agencies, boards and commissions (the ABCs); rulemaking, soft law and discretionary decision-making; and new challenges for the administrative state, including the emergence of the digital state. The ideas of administrative law provide vital scaffolding for the structure of public administration. The requirement, for example, that all public action and decision-making must flow from a legal source ensures that no individual or office is above the law. Further, this idea makes possible recourse to independent courts to enforce this requirement. This chapter provides an account of administrative law informed by institutional reality, and an account of administrative action informed by the constitutive roles played by legal structures and ideas.

La decentralisation est apparue vers les annees 80 en Cote d’Ivoire au moment de la diminution des ressources de l’Etat et des restrictions budgetaires imposees par le FMI. Au nombre des solutions envisagees pour juguler la conjoncture economique, il a ete envisage le transfert d’importantes prerogatives de l’Etat central vers les collectivites territoriales parmi lesquelles figurent le service public de l’enseignement. Si la decentralisation des politiques educatives a ete concue a l’origine pour contribuer a l’efficacite de l’action publique en la rapprochant du citoyen, ses resultats semblent de plus en plus mitiges. Pour rendre compte de l’inefficacite du processus, la crise economique a ete majoritairement mobilisee comme principal facteur explicatif. Bien que n’eludant pas la pertinence et la valeur heuristique de cet argument, ce travail s’interesse quant a lui aux logiques propres des acteurs, piste qui semble n’avoir pas ete suffisamment exploree. En d’autres termes, l’etude soutient que les politiques educatives locales sont inefficaces parce qu’elles sont structurees par les interets materiels et positionnels des decideurs lies aux enjeux electoraux. The decentralization emerged in the 1980s in Cote d’Ivoire at a time of declining state resources and budgetary restrictions imposed by the IMF. Among the solutions envisaged to curb the economic situation, the transfer of important prerogatives from the central state to local authorities, including the public education service, was envisaged. Although the decentralisation of education policies was originally designed to contribute to the effectiveness of public action by bringing it closer to the citizen, its results seem increasingly mixed. To account for the inefficiency of the process, the economic crisis has been mobilized as the main explanatory factor. While not evading the relevance and the heuristic value of this argument, this work focuses on the actors' own logics, an avenue that seems to have been insufficiently explored. In other words, the study argues that local education policies are ineffective because they are structured by the material and positional interests of decisionmakers linked to electoral issues.

Le patrimoine urbain est aujourd’hui largement valorisé dans les politiques publiques mises en place dans les centres historiques européens. Cette situation, encore récente dans l’histoire urbaine, découle d’évolutions globales (place de plus en plus importante accordée au patrimoine dans les politiques publiques) et de facteurs locaux (stratégies locales des acteurs dans l’élaboration de ces politiques). Cet article analyse l’institutionnalisation locale d’une politique patrimoniale dans une ville moyenne du Val de Loire (Tours). En saisissant cette politique au travers des instruments mobilisés par les acteurs depuis l’après-guerre, il montre comment l’action publique est passée d’une logique de restauration du centre ancien dans une perspective conservatrice à une politique du patrimoine urbain territorialisée. L’article identifie trois temporalités dans la construction de l’action publique patrimoniale à Tours et se penche dans chacune sur le rapport entre les niveaux de pouvoirs (État – collectivité) pour comprendre les logiques qui ont prévalu à la mise en place des différents instruments qui, accumulés, ont progressivement construits la politique du patrimoine urbain à Tours. Urban heritage is today widely valued in the public policies implemented in European historic centers. This situation, which is still recent in urban history, is the result of global changes (the increasingly important place given to heritage in public policies) and local factors (local strategies of the actors in the development of these policies). In this paper, we analyse the local institutionalization of a heritage policy in a medium-sized city of the Loire Valley (Tours). By grasping this policy through the tools mobilized by the actors since the post-war period, we show how public action has moved from a logic of restoration of the old city center in a conservative perspective to a territorialized urban heritage policy. This paper identifies three temporalities in the construction of heritage public action in Tours and examines in each one the relationship between the levels of power (Central government - local authorities) in order to understand the logics that prevailed at the implementation of the different tools that, accumulated, gradually built the urban heritage policy in Tours.

espanolEste articulo esta orientado a reflexionar en torno al concepto de gobernanza y sus posibilidades de implementacion en el ambito colombiano, entendiendo que, aunque ha sido abordado de manera incipiente y dotado de un sinnumero de adjetivos que consiguen desdibujar su alcance, puede llegar a profundizar la calidad de la accion publica, el agenciamiento de recursos, la coordinacion de actores, asi como la promocion de valores democraticos. Esta aproximacion busca entonces que el potencial generativo de la gobernanza no responda a un simple arreglo teorico o refinamiento metodologico que omita el diseno institucional, los escenarios politicos, las dinamicas sociales y los contextos locales que logran muchas veces quebrar el ambito de lo prescrito para presentarse desde lo recursivo e inedito. Es asi como finalmente se apuesta por la nocion de gobernanza sin adjetivos, en donde se promueva una cultura performativa que repolitice las distintas esferas de la vida social, fortalezca los espacios de participacion ciudadana y reconozca la pluralidad de intereses, en un intento por dirimir las tensiones, incrementar el control ciudadano y elaborar alternativas viables con el fin de promover el bien comun y la (co)responsabilidad alrededor de las necesidades mas sentidas y los retos mas acuciosos. EnglishThis article is aimed at reflecting on the concept of governance and its possibilities of implementation in the Colombian sphere, understanding that, although it has been approached in an incipient way and endowed with countless adjectives that manage to blur its scope, it can deepen the quality of public action, the agency of resources, the coordination of actors, as well as the promotion of democratic values. Thus, this approach sets out to establish that the generative potential of governance should not respond to a simple theoretical arrangement or methodological refinement that omits institutional design, political scenarios, social dynamics and local contexts which often manage to break the scope of what is prescribed in order to be presented from a resourceful and unprecedented point of view. This is how, finally, all bets are placed on the notion of governance without adjectives, where a performative culture is promoted that repoliticizes the different spheres of social life, strengthens spaces for citizen participation and recognizes the plurality of interests, in an attempt to resolve tensions, increase citizen control and develop viable alternatives in order to promote the common good and (co)responsibility around the most felt needs and the most pressing challenges.