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The article "Justice and the Politics of Feminist Philosophy" by Mary Hawkesworth discusses Iris Marion Young's groundbreaking work in reconfiguring justice through insights from feminism, Black liberation, LGBTQ mobilizations, and other social movements. Young's critique of mainstream philosophy and her distinction between the politics of identity and identity politics shed light on the complexities of social hierarchies and the need for collective action to address oppression and domination. Her work challenges traditional conceptions of justice and advocates for participatory democracy and collective self-determination to combat systemic inequities and foster social transformation. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the role of identity politics in democratizing democracy, challenging the criticism that it undermines community, rational communication, and solidarity. Drawing on radical democratic and standpoint theories, the author argues that identity politics disrupts hegemonic discourse, making power politics reasonable when following minority standpoints. The tension between power and reason, particularism and universalism, is central to identity politics and democracy, necessitating an ongoing oscillation between the two. The article emphasizes the importance of understanding identity politics as an interplay between reason and power, highlighting the need for inclusive deliberation and the development of strong objectivity to overcome epistemic ignorance and promote democratization. [Extracted from the article]

Mini publics have become cornerstones of the European Union's Future of Europe (FoE) initiative. However, weaknesses in their designs bring their political influence into question. Often-unsystematic in design, they fail to strengthen participants' understandings of the issues under evaluation and induce silo-thinking and the formation of pseudo-preferences. These come at a cost to informed and deliberatively deduced recommendations which speak to underlying functional/operational technicalities which fundamentally determine the form and delivery of policy interests. Guided by the adage that form follows function, this paper argues that mini publics pertaining to the FoE must primarily encourage participants to think about the ways policies are made in the EU before they formulate policy recommendations. To do this, they must consider the EU's overall form (or prospective forms). Utilising data from focus group analysis, the paper demonstrates that scenario (vignette) models are conducive to strengthening participants' understandings of both existing and alternative EU forms, and their functional consequences for EU policies, thus enabling them to formulate concrete and potentially deliverable policy recommendations. Subsequently, the paper encourages organisers of relevant mini-publics to employ the European Commission's 'Five Scenarios for the FoE' as entry-points to strengthen the deliberative quality and democratic outputs of such exercises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article by Ryan Patrick Hanley examines Adam Smith's inquiry into the causes of the decline and demise of nations. It argues that Smith had a sophisticated understanding of the causes of national decline, despite being known as a theorist of growth and opulence. Smith believed that national opulence ultimately undermines a nation's political interests, creating a paradox. The article explores the mechanisms giving rise to external and internal vulnerabilities in wealthy societies and how Smith connects these vulnerabilities to the progress of opulence. It also discusses Smith's views on the corruption of virtues in society, the role of government in protecting property rights and addressing inequalities, and the impact of intellectual corruption on the stability of governments. The text raises questions about how nations and leaders should address the paradox of wealth and power, emphasizing Smith's belief in the efficacy of political action while acknowledging the inevitability of decline. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the relationship between political norms, legitimacy, and democracy through a radical realist lens, focusing on the establishment of politics and the deepening of democracy. It critiques Bernard Williams' concept of a "basic legitimation demand" and argues that the establishment of politics does not necessarily encompass the conditions for deepening democracy. The authors suggest that elite forbearance and acquiescence of the relatively powerless are key factors in politics, challenging the idea that legitimacy is the universal objective of politics. The article also discusses the implications of de-politicization and de-democratization in the current "crises of democracy." [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the concept of two types of democratic representation for the two wills of the people, focusing on the empirical self and the post-learning self. It argues that conventional electoral competition and deliberative sortition are insufficient by themselves in representing both sides of the self adequately. The author proposes a new dualistic system of elections plus deliberative sortition, called "representative dualism," to enfranchise both sides of the self effectively. The article emphasizes the importance of rethinking the self that democracy represents and highlights the intrinsic anti-deliberative tendencies of electoral competition. [Extracted from the article]

This article assesses Frank I. Michelman's constitution-centered and proceduralist interpretation of Rawls' conception of political legitimacy and argues that it merits attention because it highlights the institutional aspects of Rawls' understanding of political legitimacy for constitutional democracies. However, the article also questions Michelman's interpretation of Rawls' 'liberal principle of legitimacy' (LPL) and the later 'idea of political legitimacy based on the criterion of reciprocity' (ILBR). As Michelman rightly points out, for the exercise of political power to be legitimate in a constitutional democracy, it must be in accordance with a constitution that is itself legitimate or reasonably acceptable to free and equal citizens. Yet, the article argues that Rawls' two legitimacy formulations are attempts to make an additional point: Namely that when democratic citizens exercise political power in 'the fundamental political issues', or in issues that shape the basic justice of society or the essentials of the constitution itself, they must respect the ideal of public reason – or ensure themselves and other citizens that their exercise of political power is in accordance with the underlying basic political-moral ideas of persons and society that make the constitution itself acceptable to them. The LPL and the ILBR are conceptions of political legitimacy, not in the sense of setting up a criterion for when a specific law is legitimate, but in the sense of outlining civic or "office-specific" constraints that citizens and public officials must put on their reasoning and exercise of political power in the fundamental political issues for the practice of a constitutional democracy to be legitimate, or well-ordered, reasonably just, and stable for the right reasons – in the long run. The article also discusses why Rawls saw the need to reformulate the LPL, and how the later ILBR assigns a new significance to citizens' actual use of public reason and their intersubjective deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last two decades have seen an increase in climate financing channelled to the Global South from multiple sources, putting a spotlight on climate finance coordination challenges in recipient countries. However, the climate finance coordination debate has largely been centred at climate finance provision at the global level. Emerging literature has called on recipient countries to establish effective climate finance coordination mechanisms. Yet, the calls have not clarified what accounts for an effective coordination mechanism. This paper addresses the gap by analyzing stakeholder perceptions of effective climate finance coordination in Kenya. Kenya has instituted a legal and institutional framework to guide climate finance coordination, but challenges of coordination persist. Using the political economy framework, the paper analyzes political economy factors influencing stakeholder perceptions and climate change policy implementation to identify political contestations that need to be reconciled. Data is drawn from relevant literature, 29 key informant interviews and 4 focus group discussions at the national level in Nairobi and at the sub-national level in Turkana County. Deductive thematic analysis is adopted for coding and analyzing data. Results indicate that different ideologies, interests, incentives, politics, power relations and contestation over resources largely influence stakeholder perceptions of an effective climate finance coordination mechanism and climate policy implementation. The operationalization of the National Climate Change Council and the National Climate Change Fund are the most contested. The paper calls on policy actors to reconcile political issues of contention for recipient countries to institute coordination mechanisms that gain ownership and widespread legitimacy from stakeholders. Underlying political economy factors including different ideologies, interests, politics, incentives, power relations and contestation over resources largely influence stakeholder perceptions of effective climate finance coordination as well as climate change policy implementation. The consequential political contestations need to be reconciled; otherwise, the established coordination mechanism is less likely to gain ownership and widespread legitimacy from climate change stakeholders. This calls for meaningful and extensive stakeholder engagements and consensus building to minimize contention, particularly over the operationalization of the National Climate Change Council and the National Climate Change Fund in Kenya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extensive political science, sociology, and legal literatures on democratic backsliding all tend to approach the issue in the same way: Start with a recent example of democratic decay. Then reason back from that example to generate a more extensive account of backsliding mechanisms or consequences. In contrast, Norwegian political scientist and sociologist Stein Ringen, in a book called How Democracies Live: Power, Statecraft, and Freedom in Modern Societies , offers a diagnosis of democratic backsliding that flips this standard sequence of analysis. Rather than beginning with case studies, Ringen offers an investigation of five "core" concepts of political theory. Those who seek to ameliorate democracy's current woes, he contends, should start with this sort of very general anatomy lesson. Only with the resulting conceptual map of political theory can they develop specific lessons for the task of managing democratic revival today. By negative implication, Ringen suggests, reformers will be led astray by starting with a specific case. The latter approach, he implies, causes them to overlook or misconstrue basic elements of the political order that must be fixed before the democratic ship can be righted. This review considers whether Ringen's anatomy-inspired method yields insights and, further, whether, more generally, an anatomical approach to political concepts can deepen our understanding of democracy and its present travails. It offers reasons for skepticism on both counts. It may well be possible to construct a taxonomy of political concepts to clarify the terms of democratic survival. But the specific taxonomy of core concepts offered in How Democracies Live does not plainly succeed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of John Rawls' work in political philosophy, particularly his book "A Theory of Justice," and its relevance to contemporary political and constitutional crises. It discusses the challenges faced by liberal democratic societies in the 21st century and argues for the continued importance of Rawls' ideas. The article also mentions other works by Rawls and ongoing scholarly discussions on his contributions to political philosophy. It concludes by outlining the topics covered in a special issue of the Journal of Social Philosophy, including voting regulations, welfare state capitalism, property-owning democracy, liberal democratic socialism, and the distinction between ideal and nonideal theory. The text offers a comprehensive analysis of Rawls' ideas, presenting different perspectives and addressing objections and alternative viewpoints. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on critiquing Ryan Murphy's stance on the developmental state in Singapore, emphasizing the importance of understanding the concept of developmental state capitalism and its broader implications in academic literature and policy practice. It argues that Murphy's response overlooks the essence of the earlier argument and demonstrates a lack of comprehension regarding the nature of developmental state capitalism.

The article explores the role of transnational networks of liberal-conservative think tanks in the rise of the far right, focusing on the activities and influence of the Fundación Internacional para la Libertad (FIL) in Latin America. The FIL mobilizes ideas and supports other entities in its network, defending liberalism and combating authoritarianism. It organizes events and conferences featuring speakers from various fields, promoting conservative values and policies such as the defense of Western values and free-market capitalism. The article also mentions the emergence of the "alt-right" movement, which has gained traction in Latin America and other regions. [Extracted from the article]

This study employs an explorative case study methodology, which utilises interviews, historical analysis and observations to identify and analyse the local powers and politics that influence large-scale mining development in developing societies. It uses the Trident Mine Project in Kalumbila in rural North-Western Zambia as a case study. The Trident Project comprises an existing copper mining/processing operation at Sentinel Mine and a nickel mining development project at Enterprise Mine. It is owned by Kalumbila Minerals Ltd, a subsidiary of the Canadian-listed metal and mining company First Quantum Minerals Ltd. Situated on land previously managed under customary tenure, the Trident Project presents a useful case study to explore the tensions and contradictions that arose in this large-scale mining development. The findings reveal how several local actors influence large-scale mining and the nature and direction of the mining-induced socio-economic benefits. This implies that the state is not limited to a duality (civil and customary powers) of the type identified by Mahmood Mamdani. Instead, the paper explores several public and 'private' power poles that often function as a fractured state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building from recent criticisms that mainstream political corporate social responsibility has failed to effectively address the potential expansion of corporate influence in society, we advance a new conceptualization of corporate social responsibility inspired by U.S. federalist political theory. As federalism has served as a prevailing U.S. theory for arranging governmental political power for the advancement of the public interest, we derive from federalist principles descriptive, normative, and instrumental theoretical foundations for arranging corporate power and directing corporate social action in the pursuit of similar goals. What we call "federated corporate social responsibility" (FCSR) revives an older institutional approach to corporate responsibility, paying particular attention to the division of moral labor in society and how different corporate responsibility prescriptions stand to affect the social ecosystem of power. Federalist institutional strategies deploying separations of power and constitutions are used to develop a concept of corporate "constitutional devices," which have promise to constrain the corporation as it fulfills its social responsibilities, even outside the ambit of a strong state and in light of barriers to constant, effective stakeholder accountability. We conclude by outlining FCSR managerial strategies, which sometimes endorse corporate social inaction in the interest of a desirable distribution of authority across society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the legacy of Iris Marion Young in contemporary philosophy, focusing on her critique of the distributive paradigm in political theory. Young's criticism was not just about the specific principles of justice but about the broader idea that justice consists solely in distributions. She argued that injustices were not just maldistributions but also stemmed from deep social processes and power relations. The article also discusses the rise of relational egalitarianism as a response to Young's critique, highlighting the need for a deeper examination of social processes and institutions in political philosophy. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of International Business Studies is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on fresh ethnographic research, this article examines how President Japarov and Security Chief Tashiev built their political alliance in post‐2020 Kyrgyzstan. Their 'tandem' rule rests on a mix of friendship ties, family bonds and economic control through kusturizatsia – legalized extortion of criminal networks and corrupt officials. Using Sahlins' concept of reciprocity, I show how money flows form the heart of their power, binding allies through gifts while crushing opponents through force. The tandem's fusion of state authority with criminal enterprise reveals new patterns of authoritarian rule in post‐Soviet space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National policies used to advance gender equality in academic careers in higher education in Sweden, Norway, and Finland, are examined based on publicly available documents from 1990 to 2023. Drawing on theoretical perspectives from public policy research and feminist political theory, we investigate to what extent policies are likely to lead to organizational transformation, in line with the intentions of gender mainstreaming. The analysis maps the policy instruments according to their behavioral assumptions, as well as the type of gender equality strategy they entail. The analysis suggests that policies aiming at organizational transformation typically are associated with weak policy instruments where it is up to the individual institution to decide how to implement them. This makes policy instruments particularly sensitive to contestations over the prioritization of goals and power relations in the organization. The analysis suggests that gender mainstreaming policies lack sufficient constraint and/or accountability to lead consistently to organizational transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'artificial intelligence' has arguably come to function in political discourse as, what Laclau called, an 'empty signifier'. This article traces the shifting political discourse on AI within three key institutions of global governance–OHCHR, WHO, and UNESCO–and, in so doing, highlights the role of 'crisis' moments in justifying a series of pivotal re-articulations. Most important has been the attachment of AI to the narrative around digital automation in human healthcare. Greatly enabled by the societal context of the pandemic, all three institutions have moved from being critical of the unequal power relations in the economy of AI to, today, reframing themselves primarily as facilitators tasked with helping to ensure the application of AI technologies. The analysis identifies a shift in which human health and healthcare is framed as in a 'crisis' to which AI technology is presented as the remedy. The article argues the need to trace these discursive shifts as a means by which to understand, monitor, and where necessary also hold to account these changes in the governance of AI in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sirnak University Journal of Divinity Faculty / Sirnak Üniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Sirnak University, Journal of Divinity Faculty / Sirnak Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the evolving role of social media influencers in diplomacy, highlighting how they impact public opinion and influence international affairs. It explores how influencers can serve as sources of information or disinformation, shaping narratives on global issues. The text also delves into case studies of influencers involved in diplomatic affairs, showcasing examples from various countries like Saudi Arabia, South Korea, China, Russia, and Spain. The article emphasizes the need for diplomats and foreign ministries to adapt to the digital influencer landscape, engaging with influencers to enhance soft power and effectively communicate foreign policy objectives. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the British approach to Asia and its regional institutions from the Brexit vote in 2016 to the British general election of July 2024. The paper analyses official government statements and debates among political elites about Britain's foreign policy posture in the region, from the broad 'Indo-Pacific tilt' and the Belt and Road Initiative to engagement with specific regional institutions such as ASEAN, BRI, AIIB, CPTPP and bilateral trade and investment agreements. It argues that approaches to regional institutions in and across Asia are driven by a combination of a dominant policy view that there is a need to engage with Asia which is becoming economically and strategically more important in a changing world, alongside a desire to decentre China in British strategic approaches to the region (partly in response to US-China strategic rivalry). However, given China's centrality to regional economic growth in Asia, this approach creates contradictions which are rarely addressed in British policy debates. This paper will contribute not only to understanding British foreign policy, but also shed light on the evolving "new regionalism" and power dynamics across the Indo/Asia–Pacific, and how actors external to the region view and engage with the development of regional institutions in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the development of Intelligence Studies into Critical Intelligence Studies (CIS) by drawing inspiration from the critical turn in Security Studies. Scholars argue that intelligence is a dynamic field that changes with the world and is intrinsically linked to security. The move towards CIS aims to broaden the study of intelligence beyond traditional state intelligence agencies to include private sector intelligence work and non-traditional threats. By adopting a critical approach, scholars can explore the broader sociopolitical issues surrounding intelligence practices and their impact on democracy and security. The article emphasizes the need for interdisciplinary approaches and a deeper understanding of intelligence as a social phenomenon to reflect the evolving nature of security threats and intelligence practices. [Extracted from the article]

Honesty is a fundamental human value. Yet, the world has witnessed increasing indifference toward honesty over the past several years and stood by while dishonest leaders rose to positions of power and influence. This article provides novel theorizing to explain the rise of dishonest leaders. We theorize that intergroup conflict elicits a zero-sum mindset, leading people to focus myopically on how their in-group can triumph over an out-group. This focus leads people not only to engage in dishonesty, but also to judge dishonesty more positively in others—including leaders. Specifically, when dishonesty is used to defeat an out-group, it is perceived as a signal of competence and parochial benevolence, despite being costly in the long run. As a result, people knowingly support (e.g., elect, follow) dishonest leaders. In the present article, we integrate recent findings in organizational behavior, moral psychology, political science, and sociology to build this theory. We conclude by discussing new strategies that individuals and organizations can implement to promote honesty. Ultimately, this research deepens our understanding of honesty and the forces that promote and impede its development in leaders and their followers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the final product of investigation that seeks to found the discussion on the transformation of democracy to emerging authoritarianism in Latin-American. In which the contributions of three specific authors were correlated: J, Linz; C, Lesgart and O'Donnell, who offer their own concepts on the typologies of determined political governance, as can be seen in the representation of the case of the Republic of Nicaragua, and the actions undertaken by its main political actors. In this sense, it emerged from the use of analysis and descriptive methods typical of political science, that there are new authoritarianisms in the Latin- American States, which will not dissipate, since, according of evidence, on contrary; these will be consolidated. Well, authoritarian regimes have eroded the democratic bases of the initial political system, which served them as means to gain access to political power, as can be seen in the case study, since initially it was based on the mechanisms of citizen participation, to later deviate from the proportions of a democracy, giving rise to personalistic, arbitrary and radical positions that redefine the ruler as a leader with an authoritarian inclination, where public liberties, right to dissent and to express political positions are limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the potential strengths and weaknesses in the current reconstruction of foresight at the EU level? In questioning foresight's institutionalisation processes from both a historical and a political sociology perspective, the article claims that charting the future is an issue of political power and that, hence, foresight's institutionalisation can never be taken for granted. More precisely, we identify two factors that determine how such process plays out. First, it depends on the definition and importance of the future according to specific contexts (war, economic or health crisis, periods of growth, etc.). Second, this changing definition intertwines with socio‐institutional structures and agents that are crucial for this institutionalisation to be sustainable. The analysis is twofold. First, we provide an overview of past international experiences of projections into the future (both foresight and forecast). Second, we illustrate how these issues may resurface and rebound within the EU's unique power context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the rapidly increasing number of refugees arriving in Europe following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, nonprofit organizations, private companies, and also public institutions have promoted homestay initiatives: That is, local households hosting refugees. In order to reflect on the political issues that homestay accommodation for refugees raises, the article charts and synthesizes the available research on homestay produced in 75 works written in English, French, German, and Italian, and with a particular focus on the European context. Most of those texts were published in the second half of the 2010s and focused on the homestay initiatives that developed in the context of the so-called 2015 "refugee crisis." We analyzed this material by focusing on three different levels: First, hospitality as an inter-individual relationship within the domestic sphere (micro level); second, refugee homestay as diverse accommodation arrangements, implemented by informal groups, nonprofit organizations, and public institutions (meso level); and, third, the (non-) contentious dimension of homestay accommodation (macrolevel). The review also identifies theoretical, methodological, and empirical perspectives for future studies on homestay. We call for more attention to be given to the intersectional inequalities and power relations between hosts and guests; to the life trajectories of refugees; and to the interplay between homestay initiatives and political contexts. We argue that homestay is an exemplary case to reflect on the ongoing evolution of refugee support towards solidarity practices that ambivalently interact with border regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an alternative general model of democracy to traditional minimalist (electoral and liberal) and deliberative theories by drawing from critical realist philosophical thought. Realist or real democracy is proposed as a societal system where preconditions exist to fully empower all citizens to realize their individual capabilities. This includes empowerment opportunities at the ballot box - but also other preconditions such as health, educational and living standards. Real democracy also separates democratic preconditions from democratic outcomes. Democratic outcomes require the absence of inequalities in power as result from the contingent interaction preconditions and human agency. The new approach is argued to provide a more holistic and dynamic concept of democracy which is also more grounded in the everyday experience of the citizen compared to traditional approaches. It reconnects democracy with theories of human development and enables a new classification of political regimes and conception of democratic politics. An initial empirical mapping of patterns of global real democracy shows evidence of rising preconditions since 1990 – but stagnation since 2010 and some signs of decline. Democratic outcomes by socio-economic position saw the most notable decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses Wendy Brown's analysis of neoliberalism and its impact on democracy, focusing on the connection between neoliberal rationality and anti-democratic mobilization. Brown argues that neoliberalism has led to the rise of ferocious antidemocratic forces in the 21st century, contrary to the intentions of its intellectual architects. The text also delves into the Marxist theory of value and its role in understanding the perils faced by democracy today. Additionally, it explores how the capitalist state's legal fetishization has contributed to the disorganization of social relations and the rise of authoritarian populism. [Extracted from the article]

Duringthe last decade, the conceptofassemblagehas become increasinglypopular in the social sciences. Originating in the philosophical works of Gilles Deleuze and Falix Guattari, the conceptaimsto describe the world asa collection of unstable wholes-consisting of discourses, practices and material elements-that lacka universal organizing principle. The purpose of this article isto introduce the concept of assemblage in a Swedish political science context and to demonstrate its ana-Iytical potential. To fulfil this purpose, the historical background of the concept is described, as well as how it is translated into analytical strategies in current social science research. The article argues that the concept is fruitful for studying the work of stabilization that is required to put together policies, projects and reforms in concrete contexts. To illustrate the concept's analytical potential, the construetion and reorganization of the university hospital "nya Karolinska" in accordance with the model of "value-based healthcare" is used as an empirical example. It is arguedthatthe implementation of the model wasdependenton various practices of stabilization, such astranslation practices of consultants, inscription in physical objectsand organizational structures, and knowledge production. The article concludes with a discussion of the possibilities thatthe concept of assemblage offers tothe developmentof power-critical analysis in political science. Here, itisemphasized that the concept can be used to capture the complexity of contemporary systems of governing and organization, as well asthe power relations thatare stabilized and destabilized asthese systemsare assembled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article features a leaked WhatsApp message to the British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. It was written by Mark E Avelli, a political consultant who sets out what has happened recently in the UK and how he suggests Sunak should act if he wants to remain unsuccessful. That sounds counter-intuitive but not when framed by the revolutionary political theory embraced by the consultant: success is rooted in understanding that victory is not to be acquired by saying and doing the right thing, but the opposite. Only when we understand that nobody actually wants political power and the responsibility that inevitably comes with it, do the actions of politicians make any kind of sense. Or for those keen on a short consulting takeaway to use in teaching political leadership: 'fail fast and keep failing'. The focus here is obviously on the UK, but for readers in other countries that are led or used to be led by similar leaders, this article provides an explanation for why we keep electing people who appear to have no idea what they're doing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: democracy; citizenship; competence; polarization; radicalization EN democracy citizenship competence polarization radicalization 857 864 8 10/03/23 20231001 NES 231001 Danielle Allen is one of our most profound and inspiring democratic theorists. My confidence in citizen competence comes from the observation of citizens' assemblies. Democracy, citizenship, competence, polarization, radicalization But this view fails to account for variation across democracies - the U.S. is pathologically polarized in a way that most Western democracies are not - or variation within democracies - misinformation is asymmetrically distributed among citizens. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the intertwined relationship between modern science and the state, highlighting their co-emergence and the ways in which states utilize scientific knowledge for governance, market expansion, and military strategies. It explores the complexities of this relationship, challenging the notion of a natural alliance between good science and stable democracy and calls for deeper understanding of how science and state authority affect marginalized communities and global dynamics.

This article explores Francesco Petrarch's literary empire and his views on politics and literature. Petrarch believed that a solitary life as a man of letters could still involve social connections with like-minded readers and writers. His letters to influential figures and close acquaintances created a literary community that transcended time, space, and social power. The article also discusses Petrarch's admiration for King Robert of Sicily and his involvement in the political and literary spheres. Petrarch sought Robert's endorsement for his poetic coronation and praised him for his patronage of artists and humanists. Petrarch's letters to Cola di Rienzo, a self-declared "tribune of the people" in Rome, and to Charles IV of Luxenberg are also examined. In his letters to Cola, Petrarch called for reforms to rescue Rome from tyranny, but later distanced himself from him. In his letters to Charles IV, Petrarch implored the emperor to fulfill his role as a modern Augustus, but Charles was not receptive. Petrarch's letters with these statesmen represent his political vision and desire for a mutual respect for Latin letters. While his ideal of a restored empire never materialized, his letters serve as representatives in his cultural epic, where poets and politicians engage in perpetual conversation. The article provides insights into Petrarch's relationships with influential figures, his political aspirations, his engagement with classical literature, and his role as a writer and poet. Overall, it offers a glimpse into Petrarch's [Extracted from the article]

Power dynamics are widely recognized as key contributors to poor outcomes of environmental governance broadly and specifically for adaptive water governance. Water governance processes are shifting, with increased emphasis on collaboration and learning. Understanding how power dynamics impact these processes in adaptive governance is hence critical to improve governance outcomes. Power dynamics in the context of adaptive water governance are complex and highly variable and so are power theories that offer potential explanations for poor governance outcomes. This study aimed to build an understanding of the use of power theory in water and environmental governance and establish a foundation for future research by identifying power foci and variables that are used by researchers in this regard. We conducted a systematic literature review using the Web of Science Core Collection and the ProQuest Political Science databases to understand how power is studied (foci, variables of interest, and methods) and which theories are being applied in the water governance field and in the environmental governance field more broadly. The resulting review can serve as a practical reference for (adaptive) water governance inquiries that seek to study power in depth or intend to integrate power considerations into their research. The identified power variables add to a much needed groundwork for research that investigates the role of power dynamics in collaboration and learning processes. Furthermore, they offer a substantive base for empirical research on power dynamics in adaptive water governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article combines political analysis with ethnographic fieldwork to theorise Communist party's construction of political allegiance and their persistence of power in the democratic context at a local village level in the state of Kerala in India. We provide an inaugural scholarly conceptualisation of an empirical phenomenon, known in Kerala popular parlance as 'party gramam' or the 'party village', as the focus of analysis. As we explain, a 'party village' is an administrative unit where a particular political party dominates not simply electorally but in all lived experience. We posit that the concept of 'party village' is of specific value in our understanding of various forms of current (Communist) politics. The original ascendancy of communism in the village (as in many regions of Kerala) during the twentieth century was due to its progressive ideological challenge to feudal structures of class and caste oppression. However, in democratic post-independence India, the overwhelming dominance of Communist Party in the 'party village' presents the paradox of a party with an egalitarian ideology having adapted to a persistent Hindu caste hierarchy. After situating our work within the conceptual problematisations of political party competition, and in conversation with wider communist studies literature, we provide a background to the politics of Kerala and explain the unique phenomenon of 'party villages' in Kerala. We then provide an insight into the social and economic structures of one such village, explaining the salience of these structures in relation to political allegiances. Next, we illustrate the paradox of continued caste hierarchies in a Communist Party village, and the multiple ways in which Hindu religion and caste structures are important to performing individual identity in social settings. We dissect the various means through which the grassroots Communist Party apparatus in the village maintains its dominance by adapting itself to regressive caste hierarchies for political profit at the same time as laying claim to having challenged them. In our concluding section, we place our village observations in the longer frame of historical north Kerala village politics, noting the changes over time and offering theoretical perspectives upon them. In this sense, through a mix of empirical observation with historical context and theorisation, we highlight the importance and the implications of unconventional democratic dynamics more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of The L N Gumilyov Eurasian National University Political Science Regional Studies Oriental Studies Turkology Series is the property of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the concept of constituent power and its historical significance in shaping political orders. It discusses why constituent power has been largely abandoned in political theory and proposes a new account of it, emphasizing its individual and ongoing nature. The article also examines the relationship between constituent power and compliance with social norms, such as laws, and introduces the concepts of incorporation and scaffolding. Overall, the article provides a descriptive explanation of constituent power and its role in contributing to the formation of a legal order. [Extracted from the article]

The article provides new insights into the assessment of food system digitalization by analyzing how the entire process is mainly power-driven rather than the outcome of fair competition among alternative technological patterns. It focuses on the power forces that have accelerated the digital revolution in the food system and how this revolution is enabling certain subjects to exercise old and new forms of power in the economic, political, and geopolitical spheres. The analysis begins with a brief review of food digital technologies and how the existing literature has discussed their possible benefits and risks. It then focuses on the role of agenda power in promoting digitalization and on hegemonic power as the most important form of power produced by digitalization. The aim of the study is to offer a new perspective, based on the analysis of shifts from one form of political power to another, to better analyze the political issues raised by food system digitalization. The results suggest that to resist the negative aspects of digitalization, it is necessary to transform covert conflicts into overt ones and to understand the mechanisms through which the exercise of power blocks the transition from awareness of conflicts to political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]