Search

Electronic distribution is challenging the newspaper industry to seek new ways of publishing; consequently, news content could be processed on and for a variety of output platforms. Electronic paper (e-paper) could turn into a major newspaper publishing channel due to its ability to display content in a paper-like manner, with lower weight, lower power consumption, and facilitated handling compared to a computer, but without the major publishing and distribution costs associated with printed newspapers. This work is based on seven case studies of newspaper companies in Sweden, Europe and North America, and analyses newspaper companies' views on future e-paper publishing. The objective has been to examine the conditions that would enable the e-paper medium to become viable as a newspaper-publishing channel. Newspaper companies regard the idea of a future e-paper edition as very promising, but are uncertain as to what strategy to use. The final product will be a balance between cost, reorganization, the available number of rich media, and updates. Based on the companies' views, five models of how to incorporate an e-paper publishing channel into existing newspaper production have been proposed. The appropriateness of the models depends on each newspaper company's conditions, including assets, consumer base and demographics, current workflow, and future strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science curriculum development is currently focusing on 'scientific literacy', that is, that a science curriculum should prepare all young people for life, enabling them to understand and engage with scientific reports in the news media. So, what do the news media say about science? A UK newspaper survey conducted in spring 2003 showed that most science stories were related to life science, some to technology and earth science, a few to physics and none directly to chemistry. This 'snapshot' survey of one of the news media suggests that, in future, elements of physics and chemistry might best be taught through life, earth and technological contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Française de Sociologie is the property of Presses de Sciences Po and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Local journalism in the UK has been described as being in "crisis". Local newspapers have experienced years of declining circulations and staff cuts, leading to questions about how effectively those institutions can continue to perform normative functions of journalism. One of those is to report on the courts. Through analysis of 22 semi-structured interviews with local newspaper reporters who cover the courts beat, agency court reporters who supply the local press, as well as broadcast journalists involved in both local and national court coverage, this paper helps to establish how the daily newswork of court journalists has developed amid a turbulent period in journalism, especially local journalism. The research finds that court reporting has been less affected than other news beats but faces a series of challenges related to financial cuts and other pressures. While the local press has become even more essential to the provision of court reporting, a central part of the news media's fourth estate role, those challenges affect the ability of court reporters to perform this function. This paper recommends that policymakers consider using a form of public funding to guarantee the future of court reporting at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the press coverage of the formulation of U.S. President-elect Ronald Reagan's China policy in three newspapers. Reassurance of Reagan to Chinese leaders on continued U.S. commitment to the Shanghai Communique; Result of Reagan's acceptance to the reality that the U.S. has formal relations with China and maintains only unofficial ties with Taiwan; Role of the press to provide policy makers with some image of public opinion on foreign policy issues.

Historians of Partition have focused upon the bitterly polarized yet vibrant public sphere of the last days of the British Raj, wherein newspapers representing Congress, Muslim League and Akali opinion vied for influence through increasingly hostile propaganda targeted at the 'other/s'. Such studies' focus on ideological battles and propaganda results in relatively less attention being given to what became of these papers once the British departed and the parties these papers espoused or opposed captured power. This paper will seek to revisit such assumptions by analyzing the trials and tribulations of the significant newspaper houses unfortunate enough to be located on the geographical frontlines of Partition and in major centres of communal conflagration. Through such analyses, I will seek to show that it was a combination of initial mob action, reinforced often by state repression and even popular reproach, that forced newspapers viewed as belonging to the 'other' party to move to safer (and greener) pastures. In the process, late-colonial India's once pluralist public sphere came to be partitioned into sections that broadly conformed to the ideologies that the respective Dominions' new rulers espoused. While aligning newspapers with the majoritarian public opinion, this Partition occasioned shifts of personnel and presses that would fundamentally alter the postcolonial press industry in West and East Pakistan, and to a lesser extent, in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the 30 years between 1837 and 1867, the Gateshead Observer provided coverage of local and national business, financial and political news that rivalled and frequently surpassed that of the various Newcastle papers and was vastly superior to that of other north-eastern publications. This article examines how this came about. It also considers how a newspaper avowedly political in its foundation emerged, as a result of the particular circumstances of Gateshead's enfranchisement and industrial development and the individuals involved, essentially as a paper for the business community. This case study also reveals how the provincial press can shed light on an otherwise very much under-documented period of local business history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study examining the newspaper coverage of health and health disparities or the differences in health outcomes like disease and death among racial, ethnic and social groups. Topics discussed include the role of newspapers as sources of health information and in setting public agenda, It also mentions the determinants of health identified by the World Heald Organization including personal, social , economic and environmental factors that determine the health status.

When Rupert Murdoch announced in April 2004 that he intended to see his company, News Corporation, reincorporated in the United States, two competing representations of the 'media mogul' came to dominate the press's interpretation of this event. The first of these 'Murdoch representations' was the most common, and painted an image of a successful entrepreneur, a 'celebrity CEO'. Yet, the second 'Murdoch representation' painted a different image, a more detailed portrait, with critical attention paid to the modus operandi of the world's most notorious media proprietor. This article deconstructs these representations of Murdoch, a mythic fracturing of image resulting from the political economy of the Australian press. In essence, the article explores issues of media diversity, myth and ideology, and the propensity of the press for critical, impartial, journalism. The empirical data are drawn from an analysis of two of Australia's pre-eminent newspapers: The Australian and the Sydney Morning Herald. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Red Guard newspapers and pamphlets (wenge xiaobao) were a key source for early research on the Cultural Revolution, but they have rarely been analysed in their own right. How did these publications regard their status and function within the larger information ecosystem of the People's Republic, and what is their role in the history of the modern Chinese public sphere? This article focuses on a particular subset of Red Guard papers, namely those published by radical groups within the PRC's press and publication system. These newspapers critiqued the pre-Cultural Revolution press and reflected upon the possible futures of a new, revolutionary Chinese press. Short-lived as these experiments were, they constitute a test case to re-examine the functioning of the public in a decidedly "uncivil" polity. Ultimately, they point to the ambiguous potential of the public for both consensus and conflict, liberation and repression, which characterizes the press in 20th-century China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The non-appearance of "The Times," and "The Sunday Times," throughout most of 1979 has caused readers to re-value the serious national Press in Great Britain and has revived their fears that much of it may disappear before 1990. The loss of "The Times," in 1979 made us more vividly aware of the contribution to society of a journal of opinion and record which is also the forum where leading figures of the Establishment can engage in their conflicts of opinion. During the 1970s the newspaper industry has suffered the worst labor relations it has ever known. The normal differences between management and employees, among competing newspapers and competing unions, have been exacerbated by the attempt to carry out a belated technological revolution in a time of inflation and recession. All newspapers have had their troubles. Ill-served and angry readers of newspapers do not need to be told the woeful tale of the delays in production and complete stoppages and of the millions of copies lost.

In 1917, after the United States joined the war in Europe and was no longer politically neutral, on the American front, the German ethnic press became a target for censors and critics. The general assumption was that German language papers bred disloyalty among German immigrant communities and posed a threat to the United States' war efforts. This study explores the editorial and political views of the German-language press during the summer of 1917 by assessing the tone of a sample of German language mainstream newspapers during July 1, 1917 through September 30, 1917. The findings show that the overall coverage was less loyal to Imperial Germany than had been argued by U.S. officials and censors. In an effort to assimilate, German immigrant newspapers widely published the U.S. government's official position, showed support for the American war effort, and focused on cultural affairs of the immigrant community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bengal occupies a special position in the history of Indian journalism as the journey of the first English newspaper and, after that, the first vernacular newspaper, started from here. The country had the tradition of writing newsletters, but newspapers were a European import. Unlike other means of communication, newspapers were free from direct government control and they flourished mostly as private endeavours. This apparent independence was often undermined by the indirect influence exerted by the state which was run by a mercantile company in the first half of the nineteenth century. The present paper probes to seek the reasons behind the late arrival of newspapers in Bengal/India, then their negotiations with the state power and finally their reincarnation in the hands of the socio-religious reformers of the Bengali bhadralok section. The Bengali press burgeoned under the patronage of this group, which can be closely linked with the bhadralok's intent of appropriating and communicating knowledge. To fulfil this aim, they also established different Sabhas or associations and brought out newspapers as the mouthpiece of those organisations. These Sabhas and the newspapers associated with them worked together in establishing the locations of knowledge production and its dissemination; thus, influencing public debates in the first half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examined the provincial and national press in Great Britain in the 19th century. It states that national newspapers were less national, and provincial papers were less provincial and more national than assumed in the said period. It outlines that "The Daily Mail" in Manchester, England began printing a northern edition and eventually became the first truly national daily newspaper in the country. However, the study shows that there has been an imbalance in the provincial and historical unit because of other influences such as the concept of literary quality and history of print culture.

As the penny press was getting started in cities such as Boston, New York City, and Philadelphia, a thousand miles to the west Chicago's early newspapers followed a different path. The party papers of Chicago in the years from the city's founding in 1833 to the Great Fire in 1871 grew to incorporate elements more typically associated with the penny press even as penny papers that started there during the period failed. Chicago's party press by the 1850s and 1860s had begun to shed its formal ties to political patrons as journalists served larger and more diverse audiences, both earlier than has been thought and in more sophisticated ways than has previously been described. Also briefly examined in the article is the possible development in this period of the "scoop" by Chicago's post-Civil War journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates relationship between the U.S. press and U.S. elections. U.S. people often find the way U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt won elections with a majority of the press against him as something unprecedented. The author brings out the detail analysis of press right from its initial days to the present scenario. He reports that in the early days there was federalist domination in newspaper activity. The reasons for federalist dominance in the press are clear. The early papers were published chiefly in the seaports and commercial towns, and they generally stood for and expressed those patriotic aims characteristic of the politics to promote commerce with Great Britain and to establish a sound U.S. financial system. There were six Presidential elections during the period of federalist domination of the press, and in half of them the winner was elected without the help of a newspaper majority. In the next four Presidential campaigns, parties tended to divide on sectional lines rather than upon the old and familiar questions of policy, while new issues made other new groupings.

Copyright of Zer: Journal of Communication Studies / Revista de Estudios de Comunicacion / Komunikazio Ikasketen Aldizkaria is the property of Universidad del Pais Vasco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The press is essential for creating an informed citizenry, but its existence depends on attracting and maintaining an audience. It is unclear whether supply-side effects-including those dictated by the owners of the media-influence how the media cover politics, yet this question is essential given their abilities to set the agenda and frame issues that are covered. We examine how ownership influences media behavior by investigating the impact of RupertMurdoch's purchase of the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) in August 2007. We collect data on every front-page story and editorial for 27 months, and we compare the difference in political coverage between the New York Times (NYT) and WSJ using a difference-in-differences design. We show that the amount of political content in the opinion pages of the two papers were unchanged by the sale, but the WSJ's front-page coverage of politics increased markedly relative to the NYT. Similar patterns emerge when comparing the WSJ's content to USA Today and the Washington Post. Our finding highlights potential limits to journalists' ability to fulfill their supposed watchdog role in democracies without interference from owners in the boardroom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Destitute islanders from Barra arrived on the Scottish mainland in late 1850 following successive failures of the island's annual potato crop. Their presence, behaviour and the actions of their erstwhile proprietor, Colonel John Gordon of Cluny garnered newspaper coverage and comment. During the previous five years, these same, predominantly Lowland papers reported on how proprietors, the state and the public reacted to the humanitarian crisis as it unfolded throughout the Highlands and Ireland. Centuries-old Lowland views as to why Highlanders were unable to sustain themselves resurfaced, often woven into journalistic commentary on the aforementioned responses. This paper considers the state of the island purchased by Cluny, his investment in improvements and the resulting return he expected to accrue. Journalist and anti-proprietor campaigner Donald Ross attempted to hold Cluny to account for his behaviour towards his tenants when famine struck. Ross brought the islanders' plight to the attention of readers of his columns, while also orchestrating events which achieved both positive and critical comments in the press. Finally, an assessment is offered of the relative importance of the story to newspaper editors, their readerships and Cluny's own public legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers whether there was a national press before and during the Second World War. After considering the terms used by historians to describe the UK national press, and how it is defined, it looks at aspects of the industry that made it appear national and those which did not. The question of just how national the press was between 1939 and 1945 is then addressed, followed by some concluding comments. It argues that the wartime press was characterised by a high degree of uniformity in terms of organisation, co-operation and content, throwing into relief the more diffuse nature of the industry before and after. The idea of the national press downplays the extent to which newspapers varied considerably in readership, geographical reach, political and social significance. It obscures the important role of the provincial press, abstracting mass circulation London daily morning papers, from their place within an evolving network of mass communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines newspapers' self-perceptions from a historical perspective. By comparing some of the major themes in current news press' own analysis of itself with the way newspapers presented themselves in the eighteenth century, an argument for deep-seated self-reflections of the press is made. Twenty-first-century themes, focusing on evaluation, problems and future of the British newspaper press, are compared to self-reflexive self-promoting introductory columns, appearing in virtually every new paper 200 to 300 hundred years ago. These columns offer a unique forward-looking source making them suitable for depicting some of the ways the newspapers in their first century of continuous publication presented themselves and the industry. A twenty-first-century perspective based on an Institute of Contemporary Art roundtable of newspaper insiders is juxtaposed with this historical angle. Themes include market saturation and segmentation, trust and authoritative journalism, press wars, role within democracy, influence on readers' perceptions and identity, interactivity, among others. The comparison offers a long-term view of issues facing newspapers today and points to some historical continuity in the trends in the self-perception of the news press. While far from arguing that there is an unchanged media map, the article points to some deep-rooted perceptions, almost a-historical in their nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The newspaper library of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs is one of the best in the Sub-Saharan Africa and also in the world. It has newspapers and news clippings that date back to early 1960s. This study examined the organization and management of these resources as well as their usefulness to the patrons of the library. The paper provided an overview of newspapers as primary sources of information; their importance and usefulness across the globe, and the reasons why researchers consult them more often. X-raying the Newspaper library of NIIA popularly called Press Library, its origin and essence of establishment are discussed. The different formats of newspaper resources stocked in the library viz: hard copies/bound volumes, microfilm editions, newspaper clippings and digitized newspaper clippings including their specialized management are also discussed. The paper discusses the latest digitization efforts made in the Press Library while discussing the futuristic view of this project. The paper highlights a number of challenges faced by the Press library in the managementof these valuable resources hence the adoption of digitisation as a better means of preservation and faster dissemination of information remotely and globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The language used in the press has aroused interest in recent years for a variety of reasons. It not only provides evidence for a register that is so widely used and encountered in all modern societies but also shows how means can be manipulated to “justify the ends.” In the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (henceforth TRNC), where Turkish is the state language, ten daily newspapers are published with an approximate circulation of 12,000. The aim of this article is to try to find out to what extent the ideological viewpoint of these papers influences the language they use. The data comprise samples from headlines and advertisements over a 45-day period of the five most popular papers. The analysis shows that the language used in the papers is not a simple, neutral representation of reality as such, but an effective means to manipulate it in line with the ideology of the newspaper and the expectations of its readers, which is best done through the language used in the headlines. The study of the sample advertisement texts, on the other hand, indicates that the global role of English as a means of communication is increasing every day even in a small community such as that in the TRNC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualizes the manner in which the newspaper "Votes for Women" evolved to challenge and compete with the press prior to 1912, within a discussion of the Women's Social and Political Union's (WSPU) wider press strategy. The populist style may simply have been considered the most appropriate means of conveying news of the militant campaign's sensational activities; new methods of protest necessitating new means of communication. However, viewed within the wider context of the WSPU's activities, the paper's populism should be considered a deliberate part of an organizational press strategy. The attempts to attract, and subsequently influence and critique, news coverage indicated the Union's press-aware outlook. With this cognizance sharpened by intensifying press hostility to militancy, Votes for Women's populist format, together with its efforts for mass-circulation, signaled an effort to confront apparent press prejudice by marketing an alternative source of suffrage news to a large audience.

This study examines how news images of refugees in the context of the war in Ukraine mobilize intergroup relations. A visual rhetorical analysis is used to examine the rhetorical strategies employed in news images of Ukrainian refugees in a mainstream Finnish national newspaper from February 25 to May 31, 2022. The data consisted of 465 images. The study constructed four humanizing visual rhetorical strategies based on the visual expression in news images: maternalizing, fragilizing, agonizing, and activizing. The rhetorical strategies constructed four subject positions for Ukrainian refugees: vulnerable victims, innocent victims, suffering Ukrainians, and persistent/resilient Ukrainians. All rhetorical strategies implicitly communicated the subject position of evil to Russia. The paper contributes to the current knowledge of the humanization of refugees in media discourse and the potential of media images to mobilize intergroup relations. Methodologically, the paper elaborates visual rhetorical analysis as a means of social psychological study of refugee discourse in the context of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Søren Kierkegaard was engaged with the press in a variety of ways throughout his authorship. Although studies of Kierkegaard's interactions with the public press of his time have largely focused on his dispute with the satirical newspaper, Corsaren, in this paper I examine his first engagement with the press—a mostly anonymous newspaper dispute with the Danish social activist, Orla Lehmann, about the freedom of the press in Denmark—as a lens through which to understand his thoughts on the press in general, on anonymous authorship in the newspapers and otherwise, and the ethical and religious significance Kierkegaard sees in the methods we employ, including anonymity, when we engage one another in public writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liverpool can boast one of the earliest newspapers in the north of England. Then, in the nineteenth century, as trade and population soared, the 'Second City of Empire' was served by the most extensive and diverse newspaper press in England outside London. However, the twentieth century saw the Liverpool press become a virtual monopoly by one newspaper group. Today, just the Liverpool Echo survives. The history of the Liverpool newspaper press was not simply a reflection of the rise and fall of Liverpool as a centre of trade. Trade was a key enabler for growth but the subsequent decline was largely due to commercial factors within the wider press industry. In between, a continually innovative press demonstrated how diversity could work to everyone's advantage. Liverpool's experiences and achievements are relevant today in a world where the press is often much less diverse than its readership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]