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There is an urgent need to address a range of environmental issues, including climate change, but the policies enacted to date have usually done nothing to address class inequities and have often led to increased working-class disadvantage. The causes of the climate and other environmental crises have often been located in problematic individual lifestyles, with little recognition of the time, economic and health constraints that make it difficult for working-class people to adopt green lifestyles. The Green New Deal (GND) presented an alternative policy paradigm that argued for environmental policies that, rather than increasing the pressure on disadvantaged groups, would have co-benefits for working-class people, low-income groups and communities of colour. However, the policy did not lead to electoral success for the political leaders that proposed it, in the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK), due to opposition representations of it as costly and threatening to working-class jobs. We interviewed 40 working-class people in the UK to find out how much they knew about the Green New Deal, what they thought about it as an environmental policy and how they felt about environmentalism, more generally. Our research indicates that there was a general lack of knowledge about GND, but great enthusiasm about it once explained, albeit with reservations about its implementation and limitations. The GND has huge potential to benefit the lives of working-class people but, we conclude, more, and better, outreach is needed for people to understand its potential to improve their lives.

The impact of climate change, long merely an abstract prospect, has rapidly become manifest these last years. To prevent rapid global warming, a daunting level of policy intervention is needed. The Green New Deal is an attempt to address that challenge. It is a political programme that combines energy transition with a social agenda focused on providing employment and welfare. While the early and more radical versions of the Green New Deal idea question the necessity of growth itself, the more moderate programmes now pursued by the EU and the Biden administration approach the Green New Deal as a new 'growth strategy' that will help western economies recover from the corona pandemic.

We introduce a themed collection of articles on approaches to configuring a Green New Deal as a response to the current capitalist crisis marked by ecological breakdown, economic stagnation and growing inequality. The Green New Deal is a contested political project, with pro-market, right-wing nationalist, Keynesian, democratic socialist and ecosocialist variants. Critiques of the Green New Deal include pragmatic queries as the feasibility of implementation, and theoretical challenges from the right regarding reliance on state forms and from the left regarding efforts to ameliorate capitalism. They also include concerns about technocratic bias and complaints about lack of meaningful consultation with Indigenous peoples on proposals for large-scale shifts in land use. Debates over the ideological orientation, political strategy and implementation of the Green New Deal must now account for the economic and employment impacts of COVID. JEL Codes: Q43, Q54, Q56, Q58

Proposals for development of ‘green jobs’ emerged when environmentalists, labour organisations and political economists recognised the need for economic restructuring to reduce climate change. Current proposals for a Green New Deal go further by putting additional emphasis on fiscal stimulus, ‘just transition’, reducing socio-economic inequalities, and political empowerment. This article analyses the development of this more comprehensive policy approach, its rationale, the constraints it would face and its prospects in the Australian context. JEL Codes: B50, H12, L78, P18, Q58

Endless economic growth on a finite planet is impossible. This is the premise behind the degrowth movement. Despite this sound rationale, the degrowth movement has struggled to gain political acceptability. We have sought to understand this limited uptake of degrowth discourse in the English-speaking world by interviewing Canadian activists. Activists have a proximity to the political realm – both with its barriers and openings – that scholars working primarily in academic institutions sometimes lack. Our interviews reveal that class interests – particularly those of fossil fuel companies – are a substantial barrier to realizing degrowth goals. Interviewees highlighted the importance of centring class-conscious environmentalism, ‘anti-purity’ politics, and decolonization as essential parts of a degrowth agenda capable of overcoming these class interests. We conclude by unpacking how the Green New Deal – a discourse and movement that gained considerable traction after we completed our interviews – addresses the obstacles shared by our interviewees, thus making it a promising ‘non-reformist reform’ for the degrowth movement to pursue.

Two assumptions drive our policy construct. First, the task of implementing a Green New Deal will necessarily fall on the government. Second, artificial intelligence (AI) and robotics have meant a reduction in labour in the production process. The connection between the two is production by public firms, and the financial instrument is the government bond. The Real Bills doctrine meant the tracking of credit disbursed by commercial and central banks with the returns realized by borrowing firms. The horizon was finite. In the case of our bond, the issuer is the government, and the horizon is infinite. Balance sheet accounts with the central bank are maintained. We write down a model with no labour. Households lend to the government, which, in turn, lends to firms to purchase their capital inputs. Households earn returns from their holdings of the government bond. The central bank mediates the accounts.

Anthropogenic climate change is increasing the frequency and severity of the physical threats to human and planetary wellbeing. However, climate change risks, and their interaction with other “riskscapes”, remain understudied. Riskscapes encompass different viewpoints on the threat of loss across space, time, individuals and collectives. This Special Issue of the Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy, and Society enhances our understanding of the multifaceted and interlocking dimensions of climate change and riskscapes. It brings together rigorous and critical international scholarship across diverse realms on inquiry under two, interlinked, themes: (i) governance and institutional responses and (ii) vulnerabilities and inequalities. The contributors offer a forceful reminder that when considering climate change, social justice principles cannot be appended after the fact. Climate change adaptation and mitigation pose complex and interdependent social and ethical dilemmas that will need to be explicitly confronted in any activation of “Green New Deal” strategies currently being developed internationally. Such critical insights about the layered, unequal and institutional dimensions of risks are of paramount import when considering other riskscapes pertaining to conflict and war, displaced people and pandemics like the 2019–2020 global COVID-19 pandemic.

In his December 2018 inauguration speech, Mexican president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador declared the demise of neoliberalism and promised to eradicate corruption, identifying them as the ultimate c...

In this article, we argue that othering is central to the government of climate change. Critically engaging with Foucault’s ideas on biopolitics and racism, we elaborate a conceptual perspective for analysing how such a “technology of government” operates. We review diverse literatures from geography, political ecology, critical adaptation studies and the environmental humanities dealing with discursive constructions of the other in three exemplary areas of intervention—mitigation (particularly “green” mineral extraction for renewable energy production); constructions of “vulnerability” in adaptation policies; and the governing of “climate migrants”. We contend that these interventions largely work through the extension of capitalist relations, underpinned by racist and colonial ways of seeing populations and territories as “in need of improvement”. And that, by legitimising and depoliticizing such interventions, and by suspending responsibility for their unwanted or even deadly impacts, othering helps to preserve existing relations of racial, patriarchal and class domination in the face of climate-induced social upheavals. Othering, we conclude, is not only a feature of fossil fuelled development, but a way of functioning of capitalist governmentality more broadly—which has important implications for thinking about emancipatory and climate-just transformations.

This paper uses Beck's concept of reflexive modernity, and a Foucauldian approach, to critique the positivist philosophy associated with contemporary conventional economics, and to show its inadequacy for the environmental emergency. The paper suggests economics is not neutral but performs an ideological function in justifying the political and social order. Economics can be deconstructed by tracing its history, thereby laying bare its philosophical and political roots. The environmental debate repeats past debates of the 1920s and 30s. By employing the 'subjugated' institutional economics approaches economics can be redefined, and the path to a truly Green New Deal can be unearthed.

The food, energy, and water (FEW) nexus has gained increased attention, resulting in numerous studies on management approaches. Themes of resource use, and their subsequent scarcity and economic rents, which are within the application domain of the World Trade Model, are ripe for study, with the continuing development of forward- and backward-facing economic data. Scenarios of future food and energy demand, relating to supply chains, as well as direct and indirect resource uses, are modelled in this paper. While it is possible to generate a substantial number of economic and environmental scenarios, our focus is on the development of an overarching approach involving a range of scenarios. We intend to establish a benchmark of possibilities in the context of the debates surrounding the Paris Climate Agreement (COP21) and the Green New Deal. Our approach draws heavily from the existing literature on international agreements and targets, notably that of COP21, whose application we associate with the Shared Socioeconomic Pathway (SSP). Relevant factor uses and scarcity rent increases are found and localized, e.g., on the optimal qualities of water, minerals, and land. A clear policy implication is that, in all scenarios, processes of energy transition, raw material use reduction, and recycling must be strengthened.

The congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio Cortez (AOC) offered a new political agenda for the USA, the Green New Deal, which was picked up by the 2020 Democratic candidates running for Pres- ident. The article analyzes the case of AOC and deals with the following questions: What organi- zations stand behind this project? What technologiеs and tactics did they use? Can their political technologies be considered as manipulative towards democratic elections? Our analysis reveals the two organizations behind the Cortez's elections, Justice Democrats and The Young Turks, as well as their new polittechnological project known as a Brand New Congress. It's goal is to replace members of Congress who do not share their radical socialist agenda with new members supported by their organizations. Thesе organizations of social organizers have participated in several presidential elections since 2004 and have invented political technology called “big organizing” or “distributed organizing.” The distributed organizing model moves away from the traditional hierarchical management structure, or the top-down model, and opts for the bottom-up model where volunteer leaders are assigned more autonomy in local campaigning efforts while they are still supervised by campaign managers. The authors of distributed organizing model also call it revolution tactics. The article describes other new political technologies used in the project: casting candidates from protest minorities, writing political and legislative initiatives for them as well as proposals, and assigning elected candidates their staffers. Social organizers claim that the revolution they work for tends to revitalize the democracy in the USA while, as it shown in the article, they in fact work around the democratic institutions, including elections, and aim to fundamentally transform the social system in the USA.The analysis makes these technologies visible and therefore open for professional and public discussion as well as for working out coun- termeasures to their manipulations.

One of the tasks assigned to mainstream economists is to legitimize the significance of unemployment. This paper aims to reconstruct the evolution of their approaches from the theoretical impossibility asserted by Pigou to the recognition of involuntary unemployment by Keynes and eventually to different versions of the natural unemployment rate. The unemployment rate had become an instrument for fine-tuning of the economy, but it no longer fulfills this role. It is then the whole dominant macroeconomics that is shaken to its foundations. But this crisis might help to return to expansionary fiscal policies (a Green New Deal) and to the Job Guarantee, thus echoing Keynes’ question: ‘There is work to do; there are men to do it. Why not bring them together?’

Küreselleşme ile birlikte artan sanayileşme faaliyetleri sonucunda, kaynakların tükenmesi, çevre sorunları ve bazı iş alanlarının yok olması gibi meydana gelen olumsuzluklar karşısında birtakım önlemlerin alınması önemli hale gelmiştir. Bu da, literatürde de sıkça yer alan sürdürülebilirlik, yeşil yeni düzen (green new deal), yeşil ekonomik büyüme (green economic growth), insana yakışır işler (decent works) ve yeşil işler (green jobs) gibi kavramların ön plana çıkmasını sağlamıştır. Bu doğrultuda, Avrupa Birliği Komisyonu, üye ülkeler ile birlikte Avrupa Birliği Sürdürülebilir Kalkınma Hedefleri’ni oluşturmuştur. Bu hedefler 17 tane olup; bunlardan bir tanesi de ‘İnsana Yakışır İş ve Ekonomik Büyüme’dir. Bu bağlamda çalışma içerisinde, öncelikle kavramsal çerçeve ortaya konulmuş; daha sonra Dünyadaki ve Ülkemizdeki yeşil yeni düzen, yeşil büyüme ve yeşil işlere ilişkin gerçekleştirilen faaliyetler ve örnekler incelenmiştir. Buradan hareketle, Kayseri, Samsun, Hatay ve Sakarya Büyükşehir Belediyeleri ile yüz yüze görüşmeler yapılmış ve elde edilen verilerle şehirler kendi aralarında karşılaştırılırken; OECD Yeşil Büyüme Göstergelerine ilişkin olarak Ülkemizdeki her ilde veri bulunmaması sebebiyle Ülke bazında Türkiye ve OECD Ülkeleri olarak karşılaştırma ve değerlendirme yapılmıştır. Sonuç olarak, kentsel sürdürülebilirliğin sağlanabilmesi ve özellikle Ülkemizde henüz yeni olan yeşil büyüme ve yeşil işler konularında gelişme elde edilmesi amacıyla yeşil büyüme eylem planlarının hazırlanması ve uygulanması gerekmektedir.

The Green New Deal is best understood as an ambitious mobilization of the economic and environmental resources of the country to achieve the twin targets of net-zero greenhouse gas emissions and a ...

While all citizens are increasingly concerned with climate change and its associated effects, youth show particular interest and activism around the topic. Legislators and activists have recently c...

Cities have become epicenters for confronting climate change, harnessing renewable energy, and mitigating pollution. The city plans striving for sustainability are many. Easy solutions are few. On April 17, Los Angeles (LA) Mayor Eric Garcetti used his annual State of the City address (1) to announce a major update of LA’s four-year-old Sustainable City pLAn (2). Going forward, he said, LA would commit to recycling 100% of its wastewater by 2035; work toward 100% renewable electricity by 2045; mandate that every home, store, and office be carbon-emissions-free by 2050; and much more. At the same time, he pledged, the city would grow its economy; create 300,000 clean new jobs by 2035; and aggressively fight poverty, discrimination, pollution, and the other ills of society. Los Angeles is among the many cities pursuing an aggressive sustainability plan–one that aims to, among other things, recycle more wastewater, use more renewable energy, and accelerate reductions in carbon emissions. Image credit: Shutterstock/IM_photo. Garcetti described the updated plan, which was formally released on April 29, as “L.A.’s Green New Deal”—a not-so-veiled reference to the nationwide Green New Deal that had been introduced as a congressional resolution in February. That document laid out similar aspirations for the nation as a whole, albeit with far fewer specifics, and immediately stalled out, with various sides praising or vilifying it as visionary, naive, essential for civilization’s survival, ruinously expensive, or a nightmarish example of government overreach. But that impasse may well have been Garcetti’s point: whatever nation-states do or don’t do, the cities of the world aren’t waiting around. Under the banner of “sustainability,” they have been pursuing that same set of aspirational goals for a decade or more. And they’ve been doing so in a way that is strikingly concrete, pragmatic, collaborative, and nonpartisan. New York, London, Copenhagen, and …

This paper takes stock of the achievements and gaps of the emerging field of ecological macroeconomics, which has brought insights from specific schools of macroeconomics—most notably post-Keynesian—to ecological economics, with a strong emphasis on the endogeneity of money. Ecological macroeconomics has proposed fiscal, monetary and prudential reforms to boost ‘green’ investments, and developed new modeling frameworks to explore the interactions between the financial, macroeconomic and biophysical spheres. While these proposals open a broader range of possibilities to engage in a socio-ecological transition than those offered by the current paradigm of a financialized global economy, they paradoxically suffer from similar limitations. By placing much faith in ‘green’ investments, they impose a vision of the transition that presents strong technical and institutional limitations. The field also fails to revisit its own understanding of macroeconomics and of specific phenomena—e.g. financial instability—through a biophysical lens, in spite of increasing transdisciplinary evidence supporting this approach. We suggest overcoming these limitations through institutionalist perspectives that understand money as a language through which value is created and legitimized. Those perspectives seem essential to re-embed the governance of money within a worldview that acknowledges the finiteness and incommensurable values of Earth's life support systems.

In using the idea of Necrocene, the age of death and extinction due to capitalist accumulation, as opposed to the Anthropocene, this article will discuss how green capitalism is a ramification of the business-as-usual neoliberal praxis as it does not contemplate the pressing matters caused by capitalism as it exists today which are inherently linked to inequity, exploitation, death and extinction. Furthermore, through this lens, it will generate a critique of the Green New Deal and provide speculations on the planetary future. Finally, this article ambitiously aims to illustrate how through the imaginaries of death and extinction, capitalism and green capitalism can be challenged as they prove to be deathly and inconsistent to the creation of fruitful inroads for future alternatives towards the Eleutherocene: the age of liberated Earth and Humanity. Usando a ideia de Necroceno, a idade da morte e da extinção devido à acumulação capitalista, em oposição ao Antropoceno, discutir-se-á neste artigo como o capitalismo verde é uma ramificação da tradicional prática neoliberal, uma vez que não contempla as questões urgentes causadas pelo capitalismo atual, que estão inerentemente ligadas à desigualdade, exploração, morte e extinção. Além disso, por este prisma, gerar-se-á uma crítica ao Green New Deal e estabelecer-se-ão especulações sobre o futuro planetário. Finalmente, este artigo visa ilustrar ambiciosamente a forma como, através de imaginários de morte e extinção, o capitalismo e o capitalismo verde podem ser desafiados enquanto se comprovam mortíferos e incompatíveis à criação de avanços profícuos para futuras alternativas rumo ao Eleuterioceno: a era da Terra e da humanidade livres.

Youths are on the front line when considering their future on a planet that is becoming less and less livable. As the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events devastate regions and impact millions, the unapologetic anti-environmentalism of the Trump administration may have been the ultimate spark that ignited mass action from the young generations. Realizing, too, that many Congress members lack the political will to effect change, an increasing number of passionate youth leaders have initiated movements to raise awareness about the urgency of acting to mitigate the worst effects of climate change. Ranging from classic street protests to electoral canvassing to litigation, their actions may be characterized in terms of “disruptive, dutiful or dangerous dissent” (O’Brien et al). They have already played a key role in electing climate-conscious, progressive candidates, put pressure on governments through lawsuits and proposed an overhaul of the American economy on greener, more equitable terms by supporting the Green New Deal. In 2019 millennials (37% of US voters) surpassed baby boomers as the largest voting demographic group and could have a significant impact on climate policy. Très préoccupés par le changement climatique, les jeunes sont en première ligne sur une planète qui devient de moins en moins vivable. Alors que la fréquence et l’intensité des catastrophes naturelles ont un impact dévastateur sur des régions et des millions d’habitants, l’anti-environnementalisme avéré de l’administration Trump a sans doute été l’étincelle ultime déclenchant une mobilisation de masse des jeunes Américains. Ayant fait le constat que le Congrès manque de volonté politique pour initier le changement, un nombre croissant de leaders, jeunes et passionnés, ont créé des mouvements pour informer le public de l’urgence de la situation. Ils agissent dans l’optique de réduire les conséquences les plus graves du réchauffement de la terre. Leurs actions contestataires peuvent se ranger dans trois catégories : « disruptive, dutiful, dangerous » (O’Brien et al). Ces jeunes ont déjà joué un rôle clef dans les victoires électorales de candidats progressistes et pro-climat ; ils ont poursuivi des gouvernements en justice ; et ils ont proposé une refonte de l’économie américaine en termes verts et équitables, le « Green New Deal. » En 2019, la génération née entre 1981 et 1996 a dépassé celle des baby-boomers pour devenir le groupe démographique dominant, ce qui pourrait avoir un impact important sur la politique climatique.

The COVID-19 pandemic is wreaking havoc on human lives and the global economy, laying bare existing inequities, and galvanizing large numbers to call for change. Women are feeling the effects of this crisis more than others. This paper explores the pre-COVID relationships and amplified negative feedback loops between American women’s economic insecurity, lack of safety, and food insecurity. We then examine how COVID-19 is interacting with these intersecting risks and demonstrate how climate change will likely similarly intensify these feedback loops. The COVID-19 pandemic may be revealing vulnerabilities that societies will face in the wake of an increasingly warming world. It is also an opportunity to build resilience, inclusiveness, and equity into our future, and can help inform how to include gender equity in both COVID-19 and climate recovery policies. Finally, we identify possible strategies to build resilience, specifically highlighting that gendered economic empowerment may create a buffer against environmental health hazards and discuss how these strategies could be integrated into a women-centered Green New Deal.

One of the premises of rising neoliberalism from the 1980s had been the claim of Ronald Reagan that government is the problem not the solution, readily endorsed, in parallel, by Margaret Thatcher on coming into government. Drawing on a range of international examples this paper shows that this was utterly uninformed, that deregulation of finance in the US led to the worst financial crisis in 2008 since 1929 and that Thatcher's scrapping of the 1970s Labour governments' industrial policy instruments led to major de-industrialisation in the UK which influenced the 'No' vote in the 2016 referendum on whether Britain should remain in the European Union. While the US nonetheless pursued an industrial policy by stealth which promoted a range of advanced technology corporations and that Germany, embodying liberal market principles after WW2, recently has endorsed the case for not only a German but also European industrial policy and led in advocating a European Green New Deal modelled on the Roosevelt New Deal which recovered the US from The Depression of the early 1930s and convinced Truman to support the Marshall Aid programme that also recovered Western Europe after the cataclysm of WW2.

As climate changes and species extinction accelerate, the global community focuses on Green New Deal plans to promote economic development based on environmental sustainability. The Green New Deal should encourage sustainable resilience in the environment and strengthen the community’s innate ties with natural resources and biodiversity. This study describes biophilic design for sustainable and resilient residential regeneration from the perspective of the Green New Deal, and suggests potential possibilities for these approaches on a residential regeneration scale. A case study clarifies the applicable features of biophilic design in various fields, such as architectural planning and design, technology, and services, and is subdivided according to the scale of residential regeneration (unit, building, and complex). The results of this study suggest new values for existing Green New Deal policies and contribute to the segmentation of residential regeneration projects and the expansion of related industries.

The study briefly recalls the evolution and crisis of the theory and thought of John Maynard Keynes with the rise and progressive dominance of the neoliberalism paradigm. The exercise has been made for evaluating the effects of such process for the sustainability of the global economy and society. In this view, we explored how Keynes’ contribution could be useful for the global economy in building a new paradigm of socio-economic development underpinning the transition to circular economy (CE). We also evaluated the adoption of the Global Green New Deal including a case study of Italy for the purpose of suggesting how that topical political programme can be key in the CE transition. Given the urgency of environmental problems, we underline the importance of the adoption of Keynesian expansionary “green mission oriented” fiscal policies with the purpose of allowing the triggering of a virtuous circle of sustainable welfare involving the Green New deal and the transition to CE. At the basis of such virtuous circle, we propose a new paradigm based on a revisited Keynesian paradigm and models of economy within the framework of Genovesi’s “civil economy” that entails an active role and responsibility of all the societal actors (consumers, companies and institutions). In this view, the “spirit” of Keynes in the economy, policy and society could be appreciated once more and be extremely useful along with other scholars’ contributions in accelerating the CE transition and a more sustainable development.

The growing use of robots in the current ICT revolution has sparked a serious debate about the potential threat robots pose to human labour. In parallel, the convergence towards a more sustainable economy has caused a transformation of firms and a consequent restructuring of employment. In this article we investigate the problem of technological unemployment and environmental rebound effect by looking at how relationships between jobless growth, industrial robots usage, CO2 emissions, and renewable energy consumption changed over time in China and South Korea. Findings from a competition model based on differential equations for the period 2008–2018 show that robots do not always increase unemployment growth. On the other hand, the type of relationship between unemployment and sustainable use of energy changes over time, questioning the possibility of a smart green new deal.

Covid-19 has highlighted the destructiveness of modern agro-industry upon biosphere and humanity. Its contribution to environmental degradation intertwines with socio-economic inequality and labour...

This chapter wrestles with the tensions and insights that can emerge drawing together design and environmental labour studies into conversation. If design has long been allied with fulfilling the needs of capital, there have been moments in its history where socialists, anarchists, feminists, environmentalists, decolonialists and others have proposed visions for how our worlds could be redesigned for more worker-friendly and sustainable futures. Critical issues remain concerning whose labour should be acknowledged and recognized when we speak of a ‘politics of design’ and how relations between designers and publics should be conceptualized. The possibility of design to play a central role in moving the Green New Deal forward and allow greater alignment between struggles for industrial democracy, design democracy, just transitions and climate justice is discussed.

The Green New Deal (GND) is a governmental strategy to strengthen the United States economy and foster inclusive growth. The GND is targeted at sharing economic growth benefits more equally within society. How to align economic interest with justice and fairness notions is the question of our times when considering the massive challenges faced in terms of environmental challenges, healthcare demands and social justice pledges. First, this paper will outline what the GND is, how the GND is implemented and why it matters in its multiple implementation facets and international angles. Second, the Green New Deal will be presented as a possibility to make the world and society more equitable in the domains of environmental justice, access to affordable healthcare and social justice excellence. Ethical imperatives and equity mandates lead the economic rationale behind redistribution in the GND as social peace, health and favorable environmental conditions are prerequisites for productivity. The GND offers hope in making the world and society but also overlapping generations more equitable and thus to bestow peace within society, around the world and over time. In answering the question if the GND is equitable, one has to acknowledge that the GND is a fairly novel phenomenon with international variations and diverse implementation strategies.

Just Transition has become a buzzword in the Canadian labour circles, referring to the set of policies that support workers and communities directly affected by the transition to a low-carbon economy. The majority of labour groups have maintained a ‘worker-focused’ approach to Just Transition, while other groups like the 15&Fairness campaign in Ontario are increasingly putting forward a ‘societal shift’ approach that builds alliances with environmental, indigenous and community movements. The Canadian Pact for a Green New Deal provided the opportunity to combine these two approaches in a common project for workers and communities. The challenges presented in the Pact for a Green New Deal are representative of a broader challenge for labour, community, indigenous and environmental movements: acting on a common project that addresses inequalities.

Remembering magnificence honours and celebrates the passion and courage of citizens and social movements committed to achieving a rapid transition to a just and sustainable zero-carbon future. Human history is full of stories of extraordinary bravery and collective action driving transformational change which few at the time saw coming: the abolition of slavery, the triumph of the Suffragettes, the overthrowing of apartheid, the fall of the Berlin Wall. These themes are explored through stories of recent climate action initiatives including 350.org, The Pacific Climate Warriors, Liberate Tate, the German Energiewende, the Sunrise Movement for a Green New Deal and School Strike for the Climate. These movements and campaigns all in differing ways illustrate the power of collective action in overcoming isolation and despair as well as in triggering social and political tipping points.

The Covid-19 pandemic is putting the world into some very hard times and the labor market is currently experiencing a very significant shock. In Morocco, the unemployment rate has increased since the beginning of the crisis. In the other hand, the world is engaged in a sustainable path and Morocco has started some years ago the deployment of renewable energy sources. After the 2008 crisis, the emergence of the concept of “Green New Deal” has demonstrated the impact of environmental measures and strategies included in many countries recovery plans, on boosting the economy. The objective of this article is to highlight the benefits of green economic recovery policies, on the employment in Morocco, especially for the renewable energy sector. The causality between renewable energy consumption and unemployment will be tested using the VAR model, the Johansen co-integration test, and the Granger causality test, for the period 1990-2017. Our results suggest that there is causality running from renewable energy consumption to unemployment. In fact, renewable energy sector can contribute to reduce the employment rate in Morocco. Investments in the sector can then be made to create jobs, particularly after the Covid-19 pandemic, that caused many jobs losses.

Accelerating climate change has propelled the Green New Deal to prominence. But is it the right strategy for a green economic transition? In this presentation, I explore the Green New Deal’s coherence and suitability as a response to ecological catastrophe. Retracing the intellectual history of New Deal-era economic thought, I show how outdated Keynesian preoccupations create troubling paradoxes within contemporary proposals for the Green New Deal. These Keynesian legacies, the product of an era in which economy and ecology were treated as separate entities, may be unfit for the project of rethinking economy and society within the Anthropocene.

This paper reviews the development of South Korea’s national research and development (R&D) in graphene technology, focusing on projects that have been classified as “green” technology. A total of 826 projects (USD 210 billion) from 2010 to 2019 were collected from the National Science and Technology Information Service (NTIS), which is full-cycle national R&D project management system in South Korea. Then we analyzed its R&D trend by conducting diverse text mining methods including frequency analysis, association rule mining, and topic modeling. The analysis suggests that the number of graphene green technology (GT) R&D projects and the research expenses will show a rising curve again in the incumbent government along with the implementation of the Korean New Deal policy, which integrates the Green New Deal and the Digital New Deal.

First paragraph: A “fair deal” was the phrase used by Harry Truman in his 1949 State of the Union address to Congress. He said that “Every seg­ment of our population and every individual has a right to expect from his government a fair deal” (Truman, n.d.). In a 1947 address to the NAACP, Truman had said, “Every man should have the right to a decent home, the right to an education, the right to adequate medical care, the right to a worthwhile job, the right to an equal share in the making of public decisions. . . . We must ensure that these rights—on equal terms—are enjoyed by every citizen” (Glass, 2018, para. 6). . . .

Tax is traditionally viewed as the main funding mechanism for government spending. Consequently, social policy is often seen as something determined and constrained by tax revenue. Modern Monetary Theory (‘MMT’) presents a reversal of the tax-spend cycle, by identifying a spend-tax cycle. Using the UK as an example, we highlight that one of MMT’s most important, but under-explored, contributions is its potential to re-frame the role of tax from both a macroeconomic and social policy perspective. We use insights on the money removal, or cancellation function of taxes, derived from MMT, to demonstrate how this also creates possibilities for using tax to achieve social objectives such as mitigating income and wealth inequality, increasing access to housing, or funding a Green New Deal. For social policy researchers the challenge arising is to use these insights to re-engineer tax systems and redesign social tax expenditures (STEs) for creative social policy purposes.

A global movement is underway to harness the power of coordinated state policy to address the significant and interrelated challenges of environmental degradation, climate change, poverty, and energy insecurity. In May 2019 a grassroots coalition comprising a range of civil society groups—scientists, labour unions, Indigenous peoples, and youth—launched the Pact for a Green New Deal (PGND) in Canada, with more than 150 town hall meetings across the country. Participants called for 100% renewable energy, phase out of the oil sands, a 50% reduction in emissions by 2030, and the creation of 1 million new green jobs and reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples [1]. A significant reorientation to the scale and direction of government expenditure, as happened in the American New Deal of the 1930s, can spur technical innovation but can also exacerbate inequalities. A Canadian green transition is significant globally given its high energy production, exports, and internal use. In this perspective piece we examine the transformative potential of a Canadian PGND by focusing on the social and political characteristics of energy infrastructure: the potential for 100% renewable energy, transitions for oil sands, energy democracy, Indigenous energy leadership, gender equity, and energy poverty. The actor coalitions emerging from these then forge specific energy transition pathways, whether just and inclusive, or not. The Canadian case highlights the complexities and opportunities that accompany countries with large geographies, fraught geo-political histories, strong federalism, inequalities of access to clean affordable energy, and an abundance of renewable energy., Energy Research & Social Science, 65, ISSN:2214-6296

The “Green New Deal” (GND) resolution proposed in the United States Congress “recogniz[es] the duty of the Federal Government to create a Green New Deal.” The GND resolution presents several goals, including achieving “net- zero greenhouse gas emissions through a fair and just transition for all communities and workers,” investment in “infrastructure and industry . . . to sustainably meet the challenges of the 21st century,” and the creation of “millions of good, high-wage jobs.” The resolution contemplates “spurring massive growth in clean manufacturing in the United States and removing pollution and greenhouse gas emissions from manufacturing and industry as much as is technologically feasible, including by expanding renewable energy manufacturing and investing in existing manufacturing and industry.” While reasonable minds can differ about the merits of the GND, it presents an excellent opportunity to consider how the United States’ manufacturing sector could be remade to meet environmental goals. This Article will assess the effect of the existing tax system on the specific goals of the GND outlined above and consider what changes could be made to encourage clean manufacturing in the United States. The Article will also consider how tax changes could move the economy towards another of the GND’s goals: income equality.

The Green New Deal calls for the overhaul of our nation’s energy, transportation and manufacturing infrastructure to support the transition to a green economy, the adaptation of the built environment to climate change, the remediation of polluted areas, the conservation of fragile and threatened ecosystems, and the encouragement of sustainable farming practices. While Green New Deal proposals have been criticized as an example of “big government spending,” the U.S. has a history of huge investments when economic transformation has been required for national security and long-term prosperity. This article makes four contributions. First, it summarizes the features of the Green New Deal as first proposed and as envisioned by the four leading Democratic candidates for President, including details about revenue sources and funding mechanisms to the extent provided by the candidates. Second, it provides an economic analysis of each of the candidates’ plans to address climate change. Third, it contextualizes public investment in energy, transportation, manufacturing infrastructure, ecosystems and biodiversity, explains why private markets fail to provide these needed goods, and examines the array of federal structures the federal government has used to encourage private investment and state and local support. Finally, it clarifies the types of funding mechanisms that are likely to limit economic waste and encourage efficient and equitable outcomes as the country moves toward a carbon-neutral future.

This article explains how the liberation of finance from the Bretton Woods constraints imposed after World War II has shaped the resulting “neoliberal” political economy into a political economy that is inhospitable, if not hostile, to the kind of regulation and public investment necessary to address the climate emergency and other environmental problems, and has contributed to levels of inequality that constitute a social crisis in their own right. Using the United States as an example, the author explains how mobile finance and the accompanying neoliberal ideology impose “checks” on a range of governmental policies, and moreover, have led to inadequate levels of public and private investment, both generally and in areas crucial to reduce carbon emissions. The article concludes with a discussion of how a new set of international monetary and financial arrangements along the lines that Keynes originally envisioned could support a “Green New Deal” sustainability strategy or, absent such an international agreement, how capital controls imposed nationally could constitute a temporary solution to the problems of insufficient regulation and investment.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, South Korea is moving to establish a national industry strategy to reduce regional inequalities within the country through the Green New Deal. Thus, it is important to closely integrate the aim of reducing greenhouse gas emissions from the Green New Deal with that of reducing deepening regional inequality from the Regionally Balanced New Deal. To accomplish these dual aims, this study provides a collaborative trans-regional R&D strategy and a precise framework with three key dimensions: regional, technological, and organizational. We demonstrate that future mobility is the most important project of the Green New Deal, comprising 1963 nationally funded projects worth USD 1285.4 million. We also illustrate the level of government investment in nationally funded research projects related to future mobility for 17 different regions and seven different technology clusters related to future mobility, and determine which research organizations played an important role in each cluster for all 17 regions between 2015 and 2020. Our results indicate that the capital region and Daejeon have high innovation capability in many future mobility-related research fields, whereas some regions have capabilities in specific research fields such as hydrogen infrastructure, indicating their relative competitiveness.

In this final part we return to our discussion of financialization. We provide a detailed analysis of Modern Money Theory, a new approach to both the private supply of money (created by banks) and the government's money (created as the government spends). We argue that while private finance is playing too large a role in our economy, the government's role is too small. We link finance to the public purpose and argue that while private finance can help in pursuit of the public interest, much of the responsibility for the finance that will be necessary to confront our biggest challenges ahead will fall to the national government. We discuss how to reform private banks and how to expand the government's role in the financial system. We then offer proposals to deal with the most troubling issues of our times: rising inequality, slow growth with chronically high unemployment, and climate change. We argue that a comprehensive Green New Deal financed largely by the federal government is both affordable and provides the best chance for success—and, indeed, for human survival on planet earth.

The data attest to remarkable social improvement in the world, but the gaps between the rich countries and the others are still huge, and conditions are worsening for the poorer countries. Today three models of capitalism prevail. The European model upholds human rights, but it remains based on neo-colonialism. The Chinese model promotes development in the ex-colonies, but continues to plunder their resources, and above all it is no friend of democracy—its paternalism seems incompatible with the culture of the middle class. The populist antidemocratic model, on the other hand, is a product of neoliberalism. It is up to the Europeans, now, to protect labour and employment, embark on large-scale investment to restore the environment and help the poor and emerging countries on the way to development.

This chapter explains the Green New Deal itself. In particular, it lays out its animating vision—a vision of justice, efficiency, prosperity, and sustainability—and enumerates its multiple interacting project fields. The chapter organizes the exposition by reference both to the ‘deal’ that is the Green New Deal, and to what is both ‘green’ and ‘new’ about it. The aim is hereby not only to afford better understanding of the Green New Deal itself, but also to illuminate why a finance plan of the kind elaborated in the book will be necessary to assure project success.

This chapter considers smaller-bore, more familiar alternatives to the more fundamental reforms designed in Chap. 3. Among these are infrastructure banks, social impact bonds, tax reforms, and state public banks. The chapter argues that these proposals would all be steps in the right direction, but are properly viewed as truncated renditions or steps toward the more comprehensive reforms laid out in the prior chapter. As such they would be fitting of less ambitious, more ‘incrementalist’ greenification efforts, but not nearly sufficient for purposes of planning, executing, and overseeing the Green New Deal. It would be as if one were to attempt building a house with a toy hammer, thumbtacks, and a Swiss Army Knife saw. Comprehensive projects that cross industries, sectors, and levels of government require commensurately comprehensive financial modernization, not piggybanks.

The polluter pays principle (PPP) is often thought of as an aspirational or guiding principle rather than one that is justiciable by courts. While the principle features in many international conventions in varying formulations, it has not been recognized as a principle of customary international law. The legal status of the PPP in EU law is different. The PPP enjoys constitutional status: Article 191(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) enshrines the principle among the fundamental principles of the EU’s environmental policy. This article considers the legal status and development of the PPP in EU law, in the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and in EU policy, most recently in the EU’s Green New Deal. It goes on to identify three bodies of climate-related litigation where the PPP has been most influential to date: first, cases concerning the EU ETS and emissions; second, cases concerning EU energy law; and third, cases concerning EU state aid law. Some reflections are offered in conclusion about the potential role of the PPP in other areas, including climate cases based on human and environmental rights, and climate cases brought against private parties.

In response to the climate emergency a growing number of researchers, journalists, economists, politicians and activists are calling for a ‘Green New Deal’ (GND). Proposing a revolution in energy, transport and communication infrastructures, the GND is a new political story – set against neoliberal accounts of the state and market-led approaches to tackling climate change. This chapter asks: what would it mean for cultural policy to contribute to the project of a GND? Building on work in which we have indicated the value of ecological language for reframing the aims and methods of cultural policy, here we introduce a new account of ‘cultural infrastructure’ and its role within cultural eco-systems. On the basis of this account, we suggest that cultural policy has the potential to play a specific and consequential role in supporting the conditions of creative democratic practice necessary to building and sustaining momentum behind a Green New Deal.

A Teoria Monetária Moderna (MMT) ganhou o centro do debate econômico com as recentes propostas de grandes projetos de bem-estar social e ambiental nos EUA. Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar os pressupostos básicos da MMT e posicioná-la na teoria econômica. As raízes da MMT estão associadas ao economista neomarxista Michal Kalecki, que afirma que os déficits não importam. Os representantes da MMT argumentam que projetos como Medicare para todos, “Green New Deal” e garantia de emprego não enfrentam restrições fiscais. Para o governo enquanto criador soberano da moeda nacional como meio de pagamento oficial, déficits orçamentários não importam porque pode-se sempre criar a quantidade de moeda necessária para financiar seus gastos. O artigo discute as principais propostas políticas da Teoria Monetária Moderna e elabora críticas e limitações de sua agenda.

First paragraphs: I made the case for a “new mandate for farm and food policy” in a 2015 Economic Pamphleteer column—concluding that “Food sovereignty is the logical public policy mandate to support agricul­tural sustainability and a sustainable future for humanity” (Ikerd, 2015, p. 13). The Green New Deal, a 2019 congressional resolution, now pro­vides a logical framework for a policy mandate to secure food sovereignty (116th Congress, 2019). The Green New Deal obviously will confront vigorous opposition. Already, claims have been made that it would decimate animal agriculture in order to mitigate climate change. It has also been widely characterized as socialism and a threat to democracy. Support and opposition likely will be divided along political party lines. They shouldn’t be. The core values reflected in Green New Deal and in food sovereignty are Democratic, Repub­lican, and America values. . . . See the press release for this article.