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This essay explores Marshall McLuhan's argument in War and Peace in the Global Village that 'the first television war' of Vietnam was staged in a new technological 'medium' that reduced viewers' capacity for critical distance, blurred divisions between civilians and soldiers, undercutting the war's domestic legitimacy and painfully shattering the 'old image' of national identity. Considering postcolonial critiques of McLuhan's reliance on ethnopsychiatrist, J.C. Carothers, I explore the critical potential of his textual citations of Fanon, Joyce's Finnegans Wake, J.K. Galbraith, and the satirical hoax, Report from Iron Mountain, and of Quentin Fiore's graphic designs. Extending McLuhan's arguments to the US military's 2003 Iraq war media embedding programme, I argue that although they sought to avoid the uncontrolled media reporting of Vietnam, the war planners were nevertheless subject to the same destabilising 'invisible environments of technological innovation'. McLuhan's discussion of the ways technological innovation destabilises identities and promotes a violent quest to recover 'old images' of personal and national identity thus suggests that post-Vietnam war planners may have drastically overestimated the power of metaphorical and narrative framing when applied to media spectacle of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study highlights the peril of Indian media’s insinuation of war with Pakistan in the aftermath of Uri incident of September 18, 2016. Uri was a violent expression of Kashmiri right of self-determination; but Indian media became a source of arousing anti-Pakistan hysteria for Indian public. The war frenzy created by the media, pressured Indian decision makers into making the claim of carrying out surgical strikes across the Line of Control (LoC). In this way, Indian media became a source of fomenting war between the two nuclear armed states. The study uses Indian sources to evidence the jingoistic frenzy of the Indian TV news channels. Importance of having responsible media in nuclear armed states has been underscored by Indian media’s dangerous handling of Uri crisis. This study raises awareness about the responsibility of media in sustaining peace between the nuclear rivals, particularly during crisis situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses the alleged lies, misinformation, manipulations, and fake news by the mainstream media in the U.S. to cover up the bombardment by the Israeli military in Gaza, Palestine. Also cited are how media outlets like the Washington Post were complicit with the genocidal acts by Israel, and how the U.S. allegedly used media imperialism in its war, militarism, and imperialist campaigns.

The Franco regime promoted a memory of the war full of distortions and omissions. The silenced existence of mass graves with Republican civilians executed by Francoists was among the most outrageous of these. During the transition, the desire to put aside the traumatic memory of the war led to the neglect of these victims. This was particularly visible in the absence of government policies regarding these corpses. In spite of this silence, a first wave of exhumations took place in the transition period. We deal with its unique exposure in one of Spain's most controversial and successful magazines:Interviú. Despite widespread extreme-right violence and threats,Interviúwas one of the very few media that dared to cover this type of information. This article is based on research inInterviú's archives and on interviews with some of the journalists responsible for the reports. We will explain the reasons behind these unparalleled reports and will analyze why, in contrast with what happened many years later,Interviú's efforts failed to unleash a widespread social reaction in favor of exhuming and reburying the remains concealed in these graves. Our study contributes to current debates on the interconnections between the media and complex social memory processes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Re-contextualising the industrial evolution of transmedia storytelling—itself typically branded a product of contemporary media convergence—this article examines the industrial role of transmedia storytelling during a period of Classical Hollywood. Exploring the roles of licensing, corporate authorship and cross-industrial relations amidst the cultural context of the Second World War, the article draws on Superman and the expansions of the character’s storyworld across multiple media during the 1940s and 1950s to assess how the media of comics, radio, cinema and television can be recognised during this period as convergent industry platforms where transmedia narratives unfolded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the relationship between U.S. media outlets and the U.S. Office of War Information during World War II, focusing on the efforts of the U.S. Naval Women's Reserve public relations officers to incorporate positive war messages in the media. Other topics include the development of a media booklet with themes and important dates, information on the messages used in mass-market publications, and how the messages varied depending on the perceived audience.

Without explicitly referencing the so-called Dahiya doctrine, Israel accompanied its summer 2014 onslaught against Gaza with a formidable media campaign of vilification and dehumanization, which enabled it to prosecute Operation Protective edge with minimal criticism. Despite repeatedly violating the norms of international law, Israel portrayed itself as facing a near-existential threat from Palestinians who, in turn, were characterized as irrational actors and blamed for their own deaths. Israel's discursive dominance resulted from the failure of an official Palestinian media strategy and from the news media's reticence to question Israel's actions or challenge its narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of media within the geopolitical context of war. It mentions that the media can serve as an offensive instrument in violent social interaction. It notes how the news media becomes an element of mediatized conflict and the cultural, political values and foreign policy dimensions of media. It also emphasizes the concept of media war as a duel of minds.

The author examines changes in the representationality of contemporary warfare in the media. He asserts that such changes affect mainstream media coverage as well as the study of the relationship between contemporary media and warfare. He adds that two research paradigms have developed with regard to the relationship between war and media, including the use of huge datasets of social media such as Facebook and Twitter which are composed of potentially millions of postings and tweets.

Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Criticism of the news media's performance in the months before the 2003 Iraq War has been profuse. Scholars, commentators, and journalists themselves have argued that the media aided the Bush administration in its march to war by failing to air a wide-ranging debate that offered analysis and commentary from diverse perspectives. As a result, critics say, the public was denied the opportunity to weigh the claims of those arguing both for and against military action in Iraq. We report the results of a systematic analysis of every ABC, CBS, and NBC Iraq-related evening news story—1,434 in all—in the 8 months before the invasion (August 1, 2002, through March 19, 2003). We find that news coverage conformed in some ways to the conventional wisdom: Bush administration officials were the most frequently quoted sources, the voices of anti-war groups and opposition Democrats were barely audible, and the overall thrust of coverage favored a pro-war perspective. But while domestic dissent on the war was minimal, opposition from abroad—in particular, from Iraq and officials from countries such as France, who argued for a diplomatic solution to the standoff—was commonly reported on the networks. Our findings suggest that media researchers should further examine the inclusion of non-U.S. views on high-profile foreign policy debates, and they also raise important questions about how the news filters the communications of political actors and refracts—rather than merely reflects—the contours of debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tries to reflect on the language role in war conflicts. It wants to demonstrate the fundamental function of language in the appearance of the wars in mass media, since wars take place to change their meaning in mass media in many occasions. One of the linguistic conditioners of this process is the euphemism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai, Ephemerides is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This comparison finds that the U.S. papers adopted episodic frames while Chinese papers adopted thematic frames by focusing on the larger context such as pre-war motivation and post-war impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although democratic theorists recognize an independent media as central to the proper functioning of democratic institutions, democratic governments often exploit their citizens' faith in that independence to generate popular support or at least acquiescence for government policies. This article uses the examples of Operation Horseshoe and the fighting at Račak and Rugovo during the Kosovo conflict of 1998 and 1999 to illustrate how democratic governments in the US and Germany attempted to manipulate public perceptions of the Kosovo conflict to justify the 1999 war. The study reviews over 100 newspaper articles, found in the Lexis-Nexis database, and numerous scholarly articles to trace the development of these specific narratives. The article shows the construction of two illusions: the illusion of multiple sources and the illusion of independent confirmation. In the end, these 'truths' and frameworks filter into scholarship, as many scholars begin to base their interpretations on these 'facts'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On April 15, 1797, at the height of the French Revolution and amid a flurry of invasion scares, the Channel Fleet of the Royal Navy mutinied. The news captured the public's imagination and dominated newspaper coverage for months. Politicians in and out of office recklessly used the news of the mutiny to further their ambitions, to influence public opinion or to force a resolution to the crisis. This article examines the success and failure of those efforts, shows how an aggrieved minority used the medium for its own purposes and considers how newspapers still managed both to keep an eye on government and to keep the public informed. It seeks to prove (or disprove) a specific accusation of manipulation by tracing a story from its source to its appearance and interpretation in various newspapers. Finally, it considers the media's role in the messages they are meant only to deliver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes how the interrelationship between the media and pro-Israeli, neo-conservative lobbyists helped to create a climate of opinion in the United States that enabled the Bush administration to secure acceptance for the war on Iraq. Many neo-conservatives move easily from government positions to high-paying jobs as lobbyists or as columnists or pundits in the media -- especially the electronic media -- and then back to the government. This revolving door allows a few committed neo-conservatives and Zionist sympathizers to exercise undue influence on the formation and implementation of foreign policy as in the case of the Iraq war. In the run-up to the war, the media was complacent if not complicit in accepting government distortions and lies about the causes for the invasion and occupation of Iraq. Even by 2006, having learned little or nothing from the failures in Iraq, the Bush administration and pro-Israeli lobbyists, with extensive support from the media, was considering further wars against Syria and Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on the representation of war in narrative form in mass media. According to the author, war narrations retroact on the same concrete forms of war on the basis of diverse socio-cultural situations. The author opines that the idea of war narrations assume a strategic, practical as well as political application.

This study of the media's influence on the Spanish–American War revises the revisionists through quantitative research. In this, the first study to accept Caudill's challenge to reconstruct historical public opinion through agenda-setting research, we do not find the yellow press started the war—as has been previously theorized and disproved—but we do find that sensational and conservative newspapers together created an enabling environment for going to war. We hope this study puts journalists’ impact on that major historical event in better perspective and leads to more efforts to use a wide range of quantitative research tools to understand history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the destruction of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein's statue in Baghdad in April 2004 and its role in U.S. public diplomacy. The author discusses the logic of mass media and public diplomacy of the U.S. government in the context of similar destroying of monuments in former Soviet-influenced countries. The author contends that the destruction of Hussein's monument is related historically and symbolically to the demise of similar Central and Easter European dictatorships in the late 1980s. The author analyzes specific media images and how such images come to be iconic. The author concludes that the images of Hussein's statue suggest ill intentions on the part of the U.S. media industry.

What Mahatma Gandhi once called the ‘enthronement of violence as if it were a natural law’ would aptly describe the media's coverage of war in particular, and violence in general. If there is one overarching theme in media discourses about violence, it is that nature, including human nature, is presumed to be innately violent. In the case of the post-9/11 media, this tendency has of course acquired particular shades of inflexion, for instance, in the ‘clash of civilizations’ thesis. The general theme in media coverage of war seems to be that the present conflict comes from cultural differences, and conflict in general comes from our violent nature as human beings. This insidious tendency must be taken seriously by scholars of media, peace, and social justice because as the mighty global media system repeatedly spreads the notion that war and violence are somehow inevitable, normal, or natural, it ends up making alternatives to such a notion appear not only marginal, but actually unsustainable. But this is not so, and in my short discussion of Gandhian philosophy in this essay, I will argue that scholars of media and media wars must understand and apply the philosophy of nonviolence more accurately. To begin with, I am approaching nonviolence (or ahimsa) as a philosophy—one that is especially well developed in Gandhian thought and that we should consider seriously in the light of media coverage of wars, and not merely as a technique for activism as it is sometimes misunderstood to be. Non-violence, in other words, is an epistemology, and one that has great relevance for media and social sciences in general at a time when violence is increasingly normalized not only in the media, but perhaps in parts of the academy as well, to the extent that even critical theories of media and society fail to adequately address the question of violence and cruelty in the world today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How were Americans persuaded to support the invasion of Iraq when citizens elsewhere were not? U.S. press coverage in the days leading up to war portrayed protest as unpatriotic and the arguments against war as irrelevant, when it spoke of these phenomena at all. But the case for deliberation and against a rush to war was given much more legitimacy by the European press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents commentaries on the media's framing of issues associated with distinct groups, and also the impact of media framing on media audiences' consciousness and lives. Sujatha Sosale compares and critiques CNN and Al-Jazeera's approaches to covering war. In the second commentary, Shashidhar Nanjundaiah analyzes the Indian government's "India Shining" media campaign in the 2004 national elections. Jennifer Drew scrutinizes violent and dehumanizing media images of women.

The article raises the question of how the news narrative of the liberation of Afghan women from the Taliban regime is linked to the legitimization of military involvement in general and of German foreign policy in particular. We extend the concept of media logic put forth by Altheide and Snow (1979) by those of gender logic (the symbolic construction of male-female dichotomy) and the logic of war (the legitimization of war through the construction of self and other). The interconnectedness of these three logics leads to a specific presentation of women, which in turn serves as proof for the allegedly altered circumstances after the defeat of the Taliban. The discourse analysis of Germany's leading news magazines Der Spiegel and Focus shows that the veiling and unveiling of women is the most prominent feature in their reports on Afghanistan. 'The veiled woman' becomes a highly symbolic representation that marks the other culture as both foreign and irrational. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wars today are usually not about winning a piece of land. The basic idea today is that the greatest success in war is achieved if the enemy's will to resist is destroyed. Michael Deaver, who was responsible for communications during Reagan's presidency, commented on the Gulf War 1991 like this: The military successfully integrated a communication strategy. They understood that is was just as important, if not more, to look after the journalists as to deal with logistics or pure military strategy. That is the reason why it is so important to train and exercise the meeting with the media. In military exercises, national and international, the main thing to train is usually the military skills. In international exercises another aim is usually to train the cooperation with other country's officers and soldiers. That's definitely useful and necessary. Often can you also see in the training objectives something about CIMIC and, still pretty rare, the aim to learn the importance of the media. Even when you do find that among the training objectives, it can be hard to really get that aim in focus. Military personnel usually favour military training. But you need to train as you fight and fight as you train. In a real Peace Support Operation, the media will be present and you should be prepared to meet them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses views of U.S. veterans on media coverage of their actions and struggles. Contacts of the military with correspondents; Quality of news coverage; Form of communication.

Focuses on the news management used by President Franklin D. Roosevelt during World War II in the U.S. Creation of an Office for Censorship to encourage cooperation of the press; Objective of the censorship to prevent publication of information useful to the enemy; Function of newsreels in conveying the everyday meaning of the war to the American people.

Presents a study on the coverage of the American magazines on the objectors in the involvement of the U.S. in the Vietnam War. Functionalism of the press during the Vietnam Wart; Major hypotheses of the study; Reason behind the selection of popular magazines; Different kinds of objectors.

The article discusses the power of the military over the media during the Persian Gulf War in Iraq in 1991. It mentions that the immediacy of the media coverage of the war and its credibility impressed the world at the time. It notes that the media coverage of the conflict was compromised in favour of the military and political interests. It also examines Australia's role in the conflict.

The article reports on the task of Canadian journalist Catherine Ferguson Willis to cover the Spanish-American War in Cuba. Willis will go with the U.S. troops as the representative of the "Mail and Empire." According to "Mail and Empire," its decision to send Willis, a woman journalist, to war was not a commitment to equality of the sexes in journalism but rather a stunt designed to boost circulation. Rival newspapers noted that Willis' assignment is an attempt to add to the circulation of "Mail and Empire."

The article discusses the controversies and criticisms on the media coverage of the Gulf war. It is expressed that the coverage has been the target of contradictory criticisms and intensifies the inherent conflict of the military's desire to control the information. The coverage produces intense emotions and diversity of discontents beyond the political conflicts and conquest for ignominy. Anti-war critics believe that the media are partisan that dominate propaganda resulting to over-dependence of official sources. Furthermore, the coverage was criticised for its intention in presenting alternative sides as well as in conniving with the U.S.

The article focuses on the topics which have been discussed in the August, 2004 issue of the journal "Social Semiotics." This is a special issue of the journal on the topic "What is Media Theory?" This issue begins a healthy and timely debate, in the context of recent media events such as the 2003 Iraq war and the global war on terrorism. The articles in this journal provide a useful overview of media theory to date and raises serious questions about the efficacy of the current production-text-reception model of media theory.

Comments on the media coverage of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Notions about the alleged weapons of mass destruction in Iraq; Issue of deception in the media coverage of the invasion; Analysis of the media footage of the actual discovery of chemical weapons.