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People are sometimes tempted to lie for their own benefit if it would not harm others. For adults, dishonesty is the default response in these circumstances. The developmental origins of this phenomenon were investigated between 2019 and 2021 among 6- to 11-year-old Han Chinese children from China (N = 548, 49% female). Children had an opportunity to win prizes in a behavioral economics game (Experiment 1) or a temptation resistance game adapted from developmental psychology (Experiment 2). In each experiment, the youngest children showed a default tendency of honesty and there was an overall age-related shift toward a default tendency of dishonesty. These findings provide direct evidence of developmental change in the automatic and controlled processes that underlie moral behavior.

This research examined the effects of overhearing an adult praise an unseen child for not needing to work hard on an academic task. Five-year-old Han Chinese children (total N = 270 across three studies; 135 boys, collected 2020-2021) who heard this low effort praise tended to devalue effort relative to a baseline condition in which the overheard conversation lacked evaluative content. In Study 3, low effort praise increased children's endorsement of essentialist beliefs about ability and their interest in becoming the kind of person who does not need to work hard to succeed. The findings show that overhearing evaluative comments about other people, a pervasive feature of daily life, can have a systematic effect on young children's beliefs about achievement.

This research examined the effectiveness of using norms to promote honesty. Participants were Han Chinese children (N = 568, 50.4% male, 3.24 to 6.00 years, collected 2020-2022). Relative to children in a control condition, children in Study 1 were more likely to confess to having cheated in a game after being presented with a descriptive norm indicating that confessions are typical, or an injunctive norm indicating that most other children approve of confessing. Study 2 showed that this finding was not due to a methodological artifact, and Study 3 replicated the effect in a context in which the norm information was conveyed by someone other than the experimenter. The findings suggest that messages about social norms can influence children's honesty.

Age-related differences in explicit and implicit racial biases in Black Cameroonians (N = 187, 94 females) were investigated using a cross-sectional design. Participants ranged in age from 3 to 30 years, and were from middle-to-high income families in Yaoundé, Cameroon. Biases were assessed by comparing attitudes toward Blacks with those toward Whites and Chinese. Implicit pro-Black/anti-other-race (White and Chinese) biases were present at age 4, in contrast to anti-Black/pro-other-race biases, which were observed among 9- to 30-year-olds. In addition, explicit pro-Black/anti-other-race biases that were present at age 4 were no longer evident by age 7. These findings provide a detailed picture of age-related differences in racial biases in an understudied part of the world that can inform theories regarding the development of racial biases, as well as efforts to reduce such biases. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

The current highly polarized U.S. political culture impedes people’s ability to live and work together effectively. Here we examine one factor that may play a role: selective empathy based on shared political ideology. Across seven studies ( N = 3,476), participants read about a hypothetical politician and his political ideology, trustworthiness, or both. Participants reported their empathy for the politician after learning he was fined (Studies 1–6) or injured (Study 7). When trustworthiness alone was manipulated, liberals and conservatives expressed similar levels of empathy, with greater empathy for the more trustworthy politician. However, when the politician’s ideology alone was manipulated, participants reported greater empathy for the politician who shared their ideology. When trustworthiness and ideology were manipulated, selective empathy was observed when the politician was trustworthy. Participant ideology alone had little effect on empathy. The results suggest that empathy is sensitive to both trustworthiness and ideological match, but not ideology itself.

In this preregistered field study, we examined preschool children’s selective trust in a real-life situation. We investigated whether 3- to 6-year-old children (total N = 240) could be lured to a new location within their school grounds by an unfamiliar adult confederate. In a between-subjects manipulation, the confederate established either a high or a low level of personal credibility by providing information that the child knew to be either true or false. In Experiment 1, in which the confederate was female, children showed sensitivity to informational accuracy by being less willing to leave with an uninformed confederate, and this effect increased with age. In Experiment 2, in which the confederate was male, children were reluctant to leave regardless of informational accuracy. These findings point to real-world implications of epistemic-trust research and provide the first evidence regarding the early development of selective trust in a high-stakes naturalistic context.

The results of multiple behavioral investigations indicate that children can develop spontaneous trait inferences (STIs) starting from when they are 8-9 years of age. However, little is known about the neural correlates of STIs when they first develop. In the present study, we measured event-related potentials (ERPs) and event-related spectral perturbation (ERSP) using an N400 paradigm. Seventeen 9-year-old Chinese children were first instructed to remember facial photos and paired trait-implying behaviors. Subsequently, they performed a lexical decision task in which faces were used to prime the inferred traits or their antonyms. Compared to the inferred traits, the antonyms exhibited a stronger amplitude on both N400 (370-500 ms) and negative slow wave (NSW; 550-800 ms). However, only N400 showed a right hemispheric dominance of STIs. In addition, ERSP results revealed stronger lower alpha band (7-10 Hz) activity for antonyms than inferred traits over the right parieto-occipital area from 420 ms to 800 ms. These findings, coupled with the electroencephalography (EEG) source localization (standardized low-resolution electromagnetic tomography [sLORETA]), provide evidence for a "monitoring-control" two-stage neural network.

This research presents a nudge-based approach to promoting honest behavior. Specifically, we introduce the moral barrier hypothesis, which posits that moral violations can be inhibited by the introduction of spatial boundaries, including ones that do not physically impede the act of transgressing. We found that, as compared to a no barrier condition, children cheated significantly less often when a barrier was strategically placed to divide the space where children were seated from a place that was associated with cheating. This effect was seen both when the barrier took a physical form and when it was purely symbolic. However, the mere presence of a barrier did not reduce cheating: if it failed to separate children from a space that was associated with cheating, children cheated as much as when there was no barrier at all. Taken together, these findings support the moral barrier hypothesis and show that even seemingly unremarkable features of children’s environments can nudge them to act honestly.

Children generally favor individuals in their own group over others, but it is unclear which dimensions of the out-group affect this bias. This issue was investigated among 7- to 8-year-old and 11- to 12-year-old Iranian children (N = 71). Participants evaluated in-group members and three different out-groups: Iranian children from another school, Arab children, and children from the United States. Children's evaluations closely aligned with the perceived social status of the groups, with Americans viewed as positively as in-group members and Arabs viewed negatively. These patterns were evident on measures of affiliation, trust, and loyalty. These findings, which provide some of the first insights into the social cognition of Iranian children, point to the role of social status in the formation of intergroup attitudes.

Cheating is a common human behavior but few studies have examined its emergence during early childhood. In three preregistered studies, a challenging math test was administered to 5- to 6-year-old children (total N = 500; 255 girls). An answer key was present as children completed the test, but they were instructed to not peek at it. In Study 1, many children cheated, but manipulations that reduced the answer key's accessibility in terms of proximity and visibility led to less cheating. Two follow-up studies showed that the answer key's visibility played a more significant role than its proximity. These findings suggest that subtle and seemingly insignificant alterations of the physical environment can effectively nudge young children away from acting dishonestly.

A fundamental part of understanding structural inequality is recognizing that constrained choices, particularly those that align with societal stereotypes, are poor indicators of a person's desires. This study examined whether children (N = 246 U.S. children, 53% female; 61% White, 24% Latinx; 5-10 years) acknowledge constraints in this way when reasoning about gender-stereotypical choices, relative to gender-neutral and gender-counterstereotypical choices. Results indicated that children more frequently inferred preferences regardless of whether the actor was constrained when reasoning about gender-stereotypical choices, as compared to gender-neutral or gender-counterstereotypical choices. We also found evidence of an age-related increase in the general tendency to acknowledge constraints. We discuss the broader implications of these results for children's understanding of constraints within society.

Children live in a world where disagreement is commonplace. Although disagreement can sometimes be explained by differences in people's reliability, disagreement may also indicate that the referent elicits multiple perspectives. The present studies (total N = 129, 5- to 12-year-old ethnically diverse U.S. children, 42% girls) examined children's ability to resolve disagreement among two individuals by identifying referents that integrated the perspectives, and considered the extent to which any age-related change could be explained by epistemological understanding (i.e., acknowledging that two perspectives can be right). Children's age was positively correlated with their ability to integrate perspectives, and children performed at above-chance levels by approximately 10 years of age. Age differences in integrating perspectives were partially accounted for by epistemological understanding.

Although there is widespread acknowledgment that children acquire social and moral values during development via socialization processes, few plausible mechanisms have been systematically evaluated. In the present research, we examine the effectiveness of 1 potential mechanism: overheard conversations about the moral behavior of others. We examine this issue with reference to the important social value of honesty. Across 3 preregistered studies, preschool-age children in China (total N = 276) were presented with a version of the temptation resistance paradigm in which they were first given an opportunity to cheat by peeking at the answer in a guessing game and were then asked whether they had cheated. Study 1 included both 3- and 5-year-olds, and Studies 2 and 3 included 5-year-olds only. In Study 1 children were more likely to truthfully confess to peeking if they had previously overheard 2 adults say that another child's confession made them happy. An increase in truthful confessions was also seen in Study 2, even though this time the adult who asked about peeking had not been present for the overheard conversation. In Study 3, children were presented with an overheard conversation that lacked any emotion-related language, and the effect was seen once again. Taken together, these findings suggest that overheard conversations can be used to promote truth telling. More broadly, the findings suggest that children realize the attitudes adults express about others can have implications for their own behavior and can identify these attitudes, even when they are not the target of the communication. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Recent evolutionary, cultural, and economic theories have postulated strong connections between human sociality and complex cognition. One prediction derived from this work is that deception should confer cognitive benefits on children. The current research tests this possibility by examining whether learning to deceive during early childhood promotes more advanced theory of mind and executive function skills during a time when these skills are undergoing rapid development. A total of 42 children (Mage = 40.45 months; 22 boys and 20 girls) who showed no initial ability to deceive were randomly assigned to an experimental condition or a control condition. In both conditions, they played a hide-and-seek game against an adult opponent on 4 consecutive days, but only the children in the experimental condition were taught how to deceive the opponent in order to win the game. Unlike children in the control condition, children in the experimental condition significantly improved their executive function and theory of mind skills, providing the first evidence that learning to deceive causally enhances cognitive skills in young children.

Young children’s willingness to delay gratification by forgoing an immediate reward to obtain a more desirable one in the future predicts a wide range of positive social, cognitive, and health outcomes. Standard accounts of this phenomenon have focused on individual differences in cognitive control skills that allow children to engage in goal-oriented behavior, but recent findings suggest that person-specific trust is also important, with children showing a stronger tendency to delay gratification if they have reason to trust the individual who is promising the future reward. The current research builds on those findings by examining generalized trust, which refers to the extent to which others are generally viewed as trustworthy. A total of 150 3- to 5-year-olds in China were tested. Participants were given the opportunity to obtain one sticker immediately, or wait for 15 min for two stickers. Results showed that participants with high levels of generalized trust waited longer even after controlling for age and level of executive function. These results suggest that trust plays a role in delaying gratification even when children have no information about the individual who is promising the future reward. More broadly, the findings build on recent evidence that there is more to delay of gratification than cognitive capacity, and they suggest that there are individual differences in whether children consider sacrificing for a future outcome to be worth the risk.

The observational learning approach, developed more than a half century ago, suggests that it is possible to promote desirable social behaviors through peer observation. However, this idea has yet to be put to a rigorous empirical test. The current research sought to fill this gap by examining whether honesty can be promoted in children by allowing them to observe a peer's display of honest behavior. The dependent measure was whether 5-year-old children who had cheated by peeking in a guessing game would confess to it. Study 1 showed that simply observing a classmate confess to peeking did not promote honesty. However, children who observed a classmate confess to peeking and receive praise and a small prize from an experimenter did became more honest. Study 2 replicated the effect with a weaker manipulation that involved praise for the confessing peer but no prize, which suggests that verbal feedback alone was a sufficient benefit. These findings point to new strategies for promoting honesty in young children and demonstrate that young children's observations of the social consequences of others' sociomoral behavior can help them to guide their own behavior.

This longitudinal research examined whether children's facial trustworthiness as judged by strangers can predict their real-world trustworthiness and peer acceptance. Adults (Study 1) and children (Study 2) judged the facial trustworthiness of 8- to 12-year-old children (N = 100) solely based on their photographs. The children's classmates were asked to report their real-world trustworthiness and peer acceptance. Children's facial trustworthiness reliably predicted these outcomes both initially when the photographs were taken, as well as 1 year later, and this effect was mediated by the initial ratings of real-world trustworthiness and peer acceptance. These results provide evidence for a long-lasting linkage between children's facial and real-world trustworthiness.

Research on moral socialization has largely focused on the role of direct communication and has almost completely ignored a potentially rich source of social influence: evaluative comments that children overhear. We examined for the first time whether overheard comments can shape children's moral behavior. Three- and 5-year-old children (N = 200) participated in a guessing game in which they were instructed not to cheat by peeking. We randomly assigned children to a condition in which they overheard an experimenter tell another adult that a classmate who was no longer present is smart, or to a control condition in which the overheard conversation consisted of non-social information. We found that 5-year-olds, but not 3-year-olds, cheated significantly more often if they overheard the classmate praised for being smart. These findings show that the effects of ability praise can spread far beyond the intended recipient to influence the behavior of children who are mere observers, and they suggest that overheard evaluative comments can be an important force in shaping moral development.

Early abstract reasoning has typically been characterized by a “relational shift,” in which children initially focus on object features but increasingly come to interpret similarity in terms of structured relations. An alternative possibility is that this shift reflects a learned bias, rather than a typical waypoint along a universal developmental trajectory. If so, consistent differences in the focus on objects or relations in a child’s learning environment could create distinct patterns of relational reasoning, influencing the type of hypotheses that are privileged and applied. Specifically, children in the United States may be subject to culture-specific influences that bias their reasoning toward objects, to the detriment of relations. In experiment 1, we examine relational reasoning in a population with less object-centric experience—3-y-olds in China—and find no evidence of the failures observed in the United States at the same age. A second experiment with younger and older toddlers in China (18 to 30 mo and 30 to 36 mo) establishes distinct developmental trajectories of relational reasoning across the two cultures, showing a linear trajectory in China, in contrast to the U-shaped trajectory that has been previously reported in the United States. In a third experiment, Chinese 3-y-olds exhibit a bias toward relational solutions in an ambiguous context, while those in the United States prefer object-based solutions. Together, these findings establish population-level differences in relational bias that predict the developmental trajectory of relational reasoning, challenging the generality of an initial object focus and suggesting a critical role for experience.

Starting in early childhood, children are socialized to be honest. However, they are also expected to avoid telling the truth in sensitive situations if doing so could be seen as inappropriate or impolite. Across two studies (total N = 358), the reasoning of 3- to 5-year-old children in such a scenario was investigated by manipulating whether the information in question would be helpful to the recipient. The studies used a reverse rouge paradigm, in which a confederate with a highly salient red mark on her nose asked children whether she looked okay prior to having her picture taken. In Study 1, children tended to tell the truth only if they were able to observe that the mark was temporary and the confederate did not know it was there. In Study 2, children tended to tell the truth only if they were able to observe that the mark could be concealed with makeup. These findings show that for children as young as age 3, decisions about whether to tell the truth are influenced by the likelihood that the information would be helpful to the recipient.

We investigated the developmental courses of both implicit and explicit racial biases in relation to the perceived social status of outgroups. We did so by assessing these biases among Chinese participants (N = 200, age range from 4- to 19-year-olds) toward 2 different other-race groups that differ in terms of perceived social status (i.e., Whites and Blacks). At the youngest age, children showed both implicit anti-White and anti-Black bias at similar levels. However, these biases had different patterns of age-related change: implicit anti-Black bias remained strong and stable over time, whereas implicit anti-White bias declined after age 10. For explicit bias, children showed a decline in anti-Black and anti-White bias. Implicit and explicit biases were uncorrelated at all ages. The observed age-related changes demonstrate that it is possible for patterns of biases toward different races to diverge with age, and that perceived social status may contribute to the differential developmental patterns. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Although there has been extensive research on how children distribute resources with respect to quantity, little is known about how these decisions are affected by resource quality. The current research addressed this question by conducting two preregistered studies in which 3-, 5-, and 7-year-old children (total N = 360) made anonymous distributions of high-quality and low-quality items. Quantitative fairness entailed distributing an equal number of items irrespective of quality, and qualitative fairness entailed distributing equal numbers of high-quality and low-quality items. In Study 1, a majority of 7-year-olds distributed resources equally between themselves and another child in terms of both quality and quantity, whereas a majority of 3- and 5-year-olds did so only in terms of quantity while giving themselves a qualitative advantage. In Study 2, a majority of children in all three age groups distributed resources equally between two other children in terms of both quality and quantity. Together with prior findings, these results suggest that children selectively ignore the dimension of quality when it serves their own interests. The results also show, for the first time, that by 7 years of age children consider quality even at the expense of their own interests and that children as young as 3 years have the capacity to take into account resource quality when making distributions.

Children’s communicative perspective-taking ability was investigated in a sample of 62 5- and 6-year-olds using a spoken production referential communication task in which speakers identify target objects for listeners. We assessed whether children would make use of non-verbal negative feedback to improve their future production of referring expressions, which involve words or phrases that function in discourse to identify individual objects. We also examined whether the use of such feedback is related to cognitive resources. Results indicated that children who were given feedback from addressees produced more informative referring expressions than those who received no feedback. Furthermore, this tendency to effectively make use of feedback was greatest among children with higher working memory. These findings demonstrate that feedback can facilitate learning about referential communication and suggest that one limitation in using such feedback is the ability to hold it in mind so that it can be used to guide the production of referring expressions.

The effective management of one's reputation is an important social skill, but little is known about how it develops. This study seeks to bridge the gap by examining how children communicate about their own good deeds, among 7- to 11-year-olds in both China and Canada (total N = 378). Participants cleaned a teacher's messy office in her absence, and their responses were observed when the teacher returned. Only the Chinese children showed an age-related increase in modesty by choosing to falsely deny their own good deeds. This modest behavior was uniquely predicted by Chinese children's evaluations of modesty-related lies. The results suggest that culture-specific socialization processes influence the way children communicate with authority figures about prosocial deeds.

Previous studies establish that reputation concerns play an important role in outgroup giving. However, it is unclear whether the same is true for ingroup giving, which by some accounts tends to be motivated by empathic concerns. To explore this question, we tested the extent to which 5 to 9-year-old children (Study 1: N = 164) and adults (Study 2: N = 80) shared resources with ingroup and outgroup members, either when being watched by an observer (where we expected reputation concerns to be salient) or in private (where we expected no effect of reputation concerns). We also assessed whether children and adults differ in their beliefs about which form of sharing (ingroup or outgroup giving) is nicer. Although we found that both children and adults exhibited an ingroup bias when sharing, there was no evidence in either group that reputation concerns were greater for outgroup members than for ingroup members. We also found that, in contrast to adults, children shared more resources when observed than in private. Additionally, children evaluated ingroup giving as nicer across different sharing scenarios, whereas adults identified outgroup giving as nicer when the two forms of giving were contrasted. These results are the first to suggest that reputational concerns influence children’s sharing both with ingroup and outgroup members, and that children differ from adults in their reasoning about which form of group sharing is nicer.

Parenting by lying refers to the parenting practice of deception to try to control children's behavioral and affective states. Although the practice is widely observed across cultures, few studies have examined its associations with psychological outcomes in adulthood. The current research fills this gap by sampling 379 young Singaporean adults who reported on their childhood exposure to parenting by lying, their current deceptive behaviors toward parents, and their psychosocial adjustment. Results revealed that the adults who remembered being exposed to higher levels of parenting by lying in childhood showed higher levels of deception toward their parents and higher levels of psychosocial maladjustment. Our findings suggest that parenting by lying may have negative implications for children's psychosocial functioning later in life. Ministry of Education (MOE) Nanyang Technological University Accepted version This research was supported by a Nanyang Technological University Start Up Grant, Singapore (M4081490) and a Singapore Ministry of Education Social Science Research Thematic Grant (MOE2016-SSRTG-017) to Peipei Setoh.

The present study examines whether individuals with Williams syndrome (WS) might indiscriminately trust in others, as is suggested by their strong tendency to approach and interact with strangers. To assess this possibility, adults with WS (N = 22) and typical development (N = 25) were asked to reason about the trustworthiness of people who lie to avoid getting in trouble versus to avoid hurting others' feelings. Findings indicated that participants with WS distrusted both types of liars and made little distinction between them. These results suggest that the high level of social approach behavior in individuals with WS cannot be explained in terms of indiscriminate trust.

Widespread cheating can undermine rules that are necessary for maintaining social order. Preventing cheating can be a challenge, especially with regard to children, who as a result of their limited executive function skills may have particular difficulty with resisting temptation to cheat. We examined one approach designed to help children resist this temptation: eliciting a verbal commitment to not cheat. We tested 4- to 7-year-olds (total N = 330) and found that starting at 5 years of age, a verbal commitment to not cheat led to a substantial reduction in cheating. The results suggest that verbal commitments can be used to help children overcome temptations and comply with rules.

The present study examined whether having a positive reputation to maintain makes young children less likely to cheat. Cheating was assessed through a temptation resistance paradigm in which participants were instructed not to cheat in a guessing game. Across three studies (total N = 361), preschool-aged participants were randomly assigned to either a reputation condition, in which an experimenter told them that she had learned of their positive reputation from classmates, or to a control condition in which they received no such information. By age 5, children in the reputation condition cheated less often than those in the control condition even though nobody was watching and choosing not to cheat conflicted with their personal interest. These findings are the first to show that informing children that they have a positive reputation to maintain can influence their moral behavior.

We investigated how the ability to deceive emerges in early childhood among a sample of young preschoolers (Mean age = 34.7 months). We did this via a 10-session microgenetic method that took place over a 10-day period. In each session, children played a zero-sum game against an adult to win treats. In the game, children hid the treats and had opportunities (10 trials) to win them by providing deceptive information about their whereabouts to the adult. Although children initially showed little or no ability to deceive, most spontaneously discovered deception and systematically used it to win the game by the tenth day. Both theory of mind and executive function skills were predictive of relatively faster patterns of discovery. These results are the first to provide evidence for the importance of cognitive skills and social experience in the discovery of deception over time in early childhood.

International audience; Two studies with preschool-age children examined the effectiveness of perceptual individuation training at reducing racial bias (Study 1, N = 32; Study 2, N = 56). We found that training preschool-age children to individuate other-race faces resulted in a reduction in implicit racial bias while mere exposure to other-race faces produced no such effect. We also showed that neither individuation training nor mere exposure reduced explicit racial bias. Theoretically, our findings provide strong evidence for a causal link between individual-level face processing and implicit racial bias, and are consistent with the newly proposed perceptual-social linkage hypothesis. Practically, our findings suggest that offering children experiences that allow them to increase their expertise in processing individual other-race faces will help reduce their implicit racial bias. (PsycINFO Database Record

International audience; This study tracked the long-term effect of perceptual individuation training on reducing 5-year-old Chinese children's (N = 95, M age = 5.64 years) implicit pro-Asian/anti-Black racial bias. Initial training to individuate other-race Black faces, followed by supplementary training occurring 1 week later, resulted in a long-term reduction of pro-Asian/anti-Black bias (70 days). In contrast, training Chinese children to recognize White or Asian faces had no effect on pro-Asian/anti-Black bias. Theoretically, the finding that individuation training can have a long-term effect on reducing implicit racial bias in preschoolers suggests that a developmentally early causal linkage between perceptual and social processing of faces is not a transitory phenomenon. Practically , the data point to an effective intervention method for reducing implicit racism in young children.

The present research investigated the nature of the inferences and decisions young children make about informants with a prior history of inaccuracies. Across three experiments, 3- and 4-year-olds (total N = 182) reacted to previously inaccurate informants who offered testimony in an object-labeling task. Of central interest was children's willingness to accept information provided by an inaccurate informant in different contexts of being alone, paired with an accurate informant, or paired with a novel (neutral) informant. Experiments 1 and 2 showed that when a previously inaccurate informant was alone and provided testimony that was not in conflict with the testimony of another informant, children systematically accepted the testimony of that informant. Experiment 3 showed that children accepted testimony from a neutral informant over an inaccurate informant when both provided information, but accepted testimony from an inaccurate informant rather than seeking information from an available neutral informant who did not automatically offer information. These results suggest that even though young children use prior history of accuracy to determine the relative reliability of informants, they are quite willing to trust the testimony of a single informant alone, regardless of whether that informant had previously been reliable.

The ability of 3- to 5-year-old children to reason about trust in relation to the honest behavior of others was examined across five studies (total N = 496). Results showed that although 4-year-olds differentiated between honest and dishonest sources in their trust judgments, only 5-year-olds demonstrated a clear capacity to differentiate between honesty and a trust-irrelevant dimension (i.e., cleanliness) in these trust judgments. This was seen in their tendency to trust honest characters more than clean ones and to distrust dishonest characters more than unclean ones. This was also seen in their tendency to choose honest unclean characters over dishonest clean ones in their trust judgments. Results suggest that children use honesty as a basis for selective trust even before they appreciate which specific traits are relevant to trust.

The practice of lying to one’s children to encourage behavioral compliance was investigated among parents in the U.S. (N = 114) and China (N = 85). The vast majority of parents (84% in the U.S. and 98% in China) reported having lied to their children for this purpose. Within each country, the practice most frequently took the form of falsely threatening to leave a child alone in public if he or she refused to follow the parent. Cross-cultural differences were seen: a larger proportion of the parents in China reported that they employed instrumental lie telling to promote behavioral compliance, and a larger proportion approved of this practice, as compared to the parents in the U.S. This difference was not seen on measures relating to the practice of lying to promote positive feelings, or on measures relating to statements about fantasy characters such as the tooth fairy. Findings are discussed with reference to sociocultural values and certain parenting-related challenges that extend across cultures.

Reasoning about ulterior motives was investigated among children ages 6–10 years (total N= 119). In each of two studies, participants were told about children who offered gifts to peers who needed help. Each giver chose to present a gift in either a public setting, which is consistent with having an ulterior motive to enhance one’s reputation, or in a private setting, which is not consistent with having an ulterior motive. In each study, the 6- to 7-year olds showed no evidence of understanding that the public givers might have ulterior motives, but the 8- to 10-year olds rated the private givers more favorably. In Study 1, the older children were more likely than the younger children to refer to impression management when explaining their judgments of the givers. The younger children who mentioned impression management did so to justify a preference for public givers (e.g., by explaining that public givers are nicer because more of their peers will know that they are nice). Results from Study 2 suggest that developmental change in children’s reasoning about intentions and social outcomes contributes to their understanding of ulterior motives.

There is strong evidence that children show selectivity in their reliance on others as sources of information, but the findings to date have largely been limited to contexts that involve factual information. The current experiments were designed to determine whether children might also show selectivity in their choice of sources within a problem-solving context. Children in two age groups (20–24 months and 30–36 months, total N = 60) were presented with a series of conceptually difficult problem-solving tasks and were given an opportunity to interact with adult experimenters who were depicted as either good helpers or bad helpers. Participants in both age groups preferred to seek help from the good helpers. The findings suggest that even young children evaluate others with reference to their potential to provide help and use this information to guide their behavioral choices.

Children's epistemic vigilance was examined for their reasoning about the intentions and outcomes of informants' past testimony. In a 2 × 2 factorial design, 5- and 6-year-olds witnessed informants offering advice based on the intent to help or deceive others about the location of hidden prizes, with the advice leading to positive or negative outcomes. Informants then suggested to the children where to search for hidden prizes. Children trusted informants who had previously tried to help others more than informants who had previously tried to deceive others, regardless of past outcome. In addition, children trusted informants with positive past outcomes more than informants with negative past outcomes, regardless of intention. By varying intention and outcome independently, this study revealed that when children are deciding whether to trust testimony, they take into account the informant's mental states but also give slightly greater weight to the informants' past outputs.

The ability of 3- and 4-year-old children to disregard advice from an overtly misleading informant was investigated across five studies (total N = 212). Previous studies have documented limitations in young children’s ability to reject misleading advice. The present study was designed to test the hypothesis that these limitations are primarily due to an inability to reject specific directions that are provided by others, rather than an inability to respond in a way that is opposite to what has been indicated by a cue. In Studies 1 through 4, a puppet identified as The Big Bad Wolf offered advice to participants about which of two boxes contained a hidden sticker. Regardless of the form the advice took, 3-year-olds performed poorly by failing to systematically reject it. However, when participants in Study 5 believed they were responding to a mechanical cue rather than the advice of the Wolf, they were better able to reject misleading advice, and individual differences in performance on the primary task were systematically correlated with measures of executive function. Results are interpreted as providing support for the communicative intent hypothesis, which posits that children find it especially difficult to reject deceptive information that they perceive as being intentionally communicated by others.

Is it human nature to share altruistically and to expect others to do so? Or do we begin life expecting resources to flow exclusively from individual efforts and merit? Although humans differ substantially in their attitudes about sharing and resource distribution, the idea that we should share with others according to our means permeates discourse in the western world, from political policy making to religious scripture. Does this sensitivity to sharing and proportional giving come naturally to humans, or does the expectation that people give according to their means result primarily from culturally-mediated learning experiences? By some accounts, children initially seek to maximize personal gain and selfishly allocate resources to themselves, even when others have contributed to earning the resources in question (Hook, 1978; Lane & Coon, 1972). According to these studies, children’s intuitions about fair resource distribution change gradually as they internalize cultural norms and as they become sensitive to proportionality and the numerical differences between amounts. Children first learn to distribute resources evenly, then to give more to those who work hardest, and finally, as their numerical sense evolves, to divide resources proportionally, according to the efforts of individuals (Damon, 1975; Damon, 1977; Hook, 1978; Hook & Cook, 1979; Inhelder & Piaget, 1964). In early studies, a barrier to testing the development of equity and fairness intuitions was the finding that children have difficulty reasoning about proportions before the age of 7 (Noelting, 1980; Piaget & Inhelder, 1958; Piaget & Inhelder, 1975; Siegler & Vago, 1978). However, recent studies using simpler methods and stimuli that are more interesting to children have challenged this conclusion (Goswami, 1995; Mix, Levine & Huttenlocher, 1999; Singer-Freeman & Goswami, 2001). For example, Singer-Freeman and Goswami (2001) found that children as young as 3 years of age can match the proportions of pizza and candies that have been eaten. Further, research in pre-linguistic infants finds that 6-month-olds are sensitive to proportion in simple numerical discrimination tasks (McCrink & Wynn, 2007). However, there are also well-documented ways in which young children, and sometimes adults, experience difficulty reasoning about proportion (e.g., overlooking the importance of the denominator when reasoning about fractions; Reyna & Brainerd, 1994; 2008). In one recent study, McCrink, Bloom, and Santos (2009) found some sensitivity to proportion in 5-year-olds’ intuitions about resource distribution. Children played a “Giving Game” in which they received tokens from two animal puppets and were asked to judge which puppet was nicer. Across trials, the total number of tokens that each animal possessed was manipulated, as was the number that each animal gave to the child. In one key set of contrasts, the experimenters pitted the absolute amount against the proportion (i.e., one puppet shared 3 of his 4 chips, and the other puppet shared 6 of his 12 chips). In this way, the experimenters tested children’s sensitivity to proportion when assessing generosity. Whereas adults based their niceness judgments on the proportion given on these trials, 4- and 5-year-olds systematically judged that the puppet who gave a larger absolute amount was nicer. When the two puppets gave identical amounts, 5-year-olds, but not 4-year-olds, now exhibited some sensitivity to proportion. Overall, however, children were far less sensitive to proportion than were adults, and instead favored individuals who gave a greater absolute amount. The results of McCrink et al. (2009) raise the question of why children and adults differ in their evaluations of niceness. One possibility is that young children are unable to reason about proportion in this type of experimental setting – e.g., because of the need to simultaneously represent two quantities and compare them. Although this is possible, it is unlikely since the study was similar to other recent experiments that have found greater sensitivity to proportion, like those mentioned above. Another possibility is that children and adults have distinct meanings for the word nice, and it is for this reason that only adults consider fairness when interpreting it. However, previous studies suggest that in some contexts, children and adults treat nice similarly (e.g., Heyman & Gelman, 1998, 1999). For example, Heyman and Gelman (1999) showed that, like adults, children as young as age 4 think that the words nice and mean relate to mental life, rather than simply reflecting types of behaviors. Finally, a third possible explanation for McCrink et al.’s finding of age-related differences, which we explore in the present research, is that children initially reserve the use of proportion information to situations that invoke intuitions of merit, where resources are distributed according to each individual’s contribution to acquiring them (e.g., where 50% of effort merits 50% of the resources, rather than 20%). On this proposal, early proportional reasoning may depend on children having specific expectations about how all resources should be distributed. When two individuals give generously – i.e., without an obligation to give – children may not attend to leftover resources because they do not have expectations that they should be shared. Adults, in contrast, may recognize that differentiating the “niceness” of two generous acts can only be done relative to the giving power of each individual, and thus may actively consider leftover resources when making their judgments. Adults, but not children, may expect individuals to share according to their means. We assessed this possibility by comparing reasoning in a non-collaborative context like that used by McCrink et al. (2009) to a collaborative context in which recipients contributed to the acquisition of the resources they were given. Previous studies find that, for adults, collaborative contexts make the notion of equitable resource distribution highly salient (Cappelen, Hole, Sorensen, & Tungodden, 2007; Cherry, Frykblom, & Shogren, 2002; Frohlich, Oppenheimer, & Kurki, 2004; Oxoby & Spraggon, 2008; Ruffle, 1998). Also, there is recent evidence that preschoolers distribute resources evenly when they are earned collaboratively (Warneken, Lohse, Melis, & Tomasello, 2011). Based on these findings, we asked whether children would be more sensitive to proportion in a “Giving Game” when resources were earned collaboratively by a giver and a recipient, rather than by the giver in isolation.

The present research examined the consequences of telling young children they have a reputation for being smart. Of interest was how this would affect their willingness to resist the temptation to cheat for personal gain as assessed by a temptation resistance task, in which children promised not to cheat in the game. Two studies with 3- and 5-year-old children (total N = 323) assessed this possibility. In Study 1, participants were assigned to one of three conditions: a smart reputation condition in which they were told they have a reputation for being smart, an irrelevant reputation control condition, or a no reputation control condition. Children in the smart reputation condition were significantly more likely to cheat than their counterparts in either control condition. Study 2 confirmed that reputational concerns are indeed a fundamental part of our smart reputation effect. These results suggest that children as young as 3 years of age are able to use reputational cues to guide their behavior, and that telling young children they have a positive reputation for being smart can have negative consequences.

Young children learn multiple cognitive skills concurrently (e.g., language and music). Evidence is limited as to whether and how learning in one domain affects that in another during early development. Here we assessed whether exposure to a tone language benefits musical pitch processing among 3-5-year-old children. More specifically, we compared the pitch perception of Chinese children who spoke a tone language (i.e., Mandarin) with English-speaking American children. We found that Mandarin-speaking children were more advanced at pitch processing than English-speaking children but both groups performed similarly on a control music task (timbre discrimination). The findings support the Pitch Generalization Hypothesis that tone languages drive attention to pitch in nonlinguistic contexts, and suggest that language learning benefits aspects of music perception in early development. A video abstract of this article can be viewed at: https://youtu.be/UY0kpGpPNA0.

The way children evaluate the reporting of peers’ transgressions to authority figures was investigated. Participants, ages 6 –11 years (N = 60), were presented with a series of vignettes, each of which depicted a child who committed either a minor transgression (such as not finishing the vegetables at lunch) or a more serious transgression (such as stealing from a classmate). Participants were asked to evaluate the decision of a child observer who either did or did not report the transgression to a teacher. Younger children considered reporting to be appropriate for both types of transgressions, but older children considered reporting to be appropriate for major transgressions only. Results are interpreted with reference to (a) a changing peer culture in which the social cost of reporting transgressions increases and (b) a developmental change in children’s cognitive capabilities.

Reasoning about modesty was examined among adolescents and young adults in China and the U.S. Participants made moral judgments of story characters who did a good deed and either truthfully accepted credit for it, or falsely denied having done it. The social context in which statements occurred was manipulated, with some made in private and others in front of a class. Chinese participants judged accepting credit for good deeds less favorably and lying in the service of modesty more favorably than did participants from the U.S. In each country, older participants judged modesty-based lies more favorably when they were told in public. Additionally, a high collectivist orientation and low individualistic orientation was associated with higher ratings of modesty-based lying in public, which provides the first direct link between endorsement of these values and moral judgments about lie-telling.

Children's reasoning about individuals' willingness to disclose their successes and failures was investigated among 194 6- to 11-year-olds in the United States and China. In Study 1, participants showed a valence-matching effect, in which they predicted that individuals would be more likely to disclose their performance to an audience of friends if the friends' level of achievement was similar rather than dissimilar. This effect was weaker among children from China, who were more likely to justify their responses with reference to the implications for learning together or improving future performance. Results of Study 2 suggest that for children from the United States, the disclosure of successful performance to a friend who has performed poorly is seen as implicitly conveying the message "I'm better than you," whereas for children from China the message is "I can help you to do better." Results are interpreted with reference to cultural values and expectations about helping others to learn.

Previous studies with Western populations have shown that adolescents' tendency to downplay their academic effort is affected by two kinds of motives: ability-related motives (e.g., to appear competent) and social approval motives (e.g., to be popular). In this research, we test for the presence of additional competition-related motives in China, a culture placing strong emphasis on academic competition. Study 1 (N = 150) showed that, in response to a scenario in which a hard-working high-school junior hid effort from classmates, the most highly endorsed explanation was "to influence others to work less hard to maintain a competitive advantage." Study 2 (N = 174) revealed that competition-related explanations were endorsed relatively more often when the speaker and audience had similar academic rankings. This tendency was most evident when both speaker and audience were top performers, and when this was the case, participants' desire to demonstrate superiority over others was a positive predictor of endorsement of competition-related motives. Study 3 (N = 137) verified that competition-related motives were more strongly endorsed among Chinese participants than U.S.These results suggest that at least in cultures that emphasize academic competition and in contexts where competition is salient, hiding effort is often about attempting to gain strategic advantage.

Maintaining social order requires the policing of transgressions. Prior research suggests that policing emerges early in life, but little is known about children's engagement in such behavior in live interactions where there is uncertainty about the consequences. In this study, 4- to 11-year-old children (N=158) witnessed an unfamiliar adult confederate intentionally destroy another adult's property. Of interest was whether children would engage in policing behavior by protesting to the transgressor or by spontaneously reporting the transgression to a third party. Some children engaged in these behaviors spontaneously; nearly half (42%) protested the transgression, and 27% reported it without being prompted. Even when children did not spontaneously report the transgression, they almost always reported it when asked directly. The findings show that children commonly engage in policing even in the face of potentially negative consequences.

This research examined children's evaluation of public and private prosocial giving and whether such evaluation would predict actual behavior. We tested children between 6 and 12 years old (N=192) in China, where children are socialized not to call positive attention to themselves. In Study 1, a significant age-related change was found; younger children evaluated public acts of prosocial giving more favorably than private acts, whereas older children showed the opposite pattern. Study 2 not only replicated the findings of Study 1 but also showed that children's evaluation of public versus private giving predicted their actual behavior in communicating about their own prosocial giving. These findings are the first to show that age-related changes in children's understanding of generosity predict reputation management behavior.

Children's sensitivity to context when making inferences about ability was investigated. In three studies, elementary school children (ages 5 to 10, total N = 332) were asked to reason about the relation between academic ability and the speed with which characters completed puzzle tasks. Participants were primed to interpret the characters' task completion rates with reference to either (1) the character's perceptions of the difficulty of the task, or (2) the character's level of effort on the task. Children who were primed to consider the perceived difficulty of the task were more likely to view ability as a static quality, a pattern of reasoning that included a tendency to associate task completion rates with ability, and to agree that not all individuals are capable of achieving high levels of success. These results provide evidence that even early elementary school children are sensitive to subtle contextual cues when making inferences about ability, and are consistent with the possibility that children make use of implicit cues available to them in their social environment to derive meaning from achievement situations.