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For the 30 years between 1837 and 1867, the Gateshead Observer provided coverage of local and national business, financial and political news that rivalled and frequently surpassed that of the various Newcastle papers and was vastly superior to that of other north-eastern publications. This article examines how this came about. It also considers how a newspaper avowedly political in its foundation emerged, as a result of the particular circumstances of Gateshead's enfranchisement and industrial development and the individuals involved, essentially as a paper for the business community. This case study also reveals how the provincial press can shed light on an otherwise very much under-documented period of local business history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the prevailing conflict framings of national (El País and El Mundo) and Catalan (La Vanguardia and El Periódico de Cataluña) newspapers in response to the management of the regional independence conflict (2010-2014). For this, a new conflict framing typology was developed, based on level of substantivity. The study has verified that territorial origin affects, but does not determine, the media's definition of the conflict and its preference for specific territorial models. The alignment between parties and the media appears to be the variable that best explains the orientation (pro-independence, constitutionalist, or federalist) of each newspaper. We have also verified the media's action as a polarizing agent based on territorial model preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the prevailing conflict framings of national (El País and El Mundo) and Catalan (La Vanguardia and El Periódico de Cataluña) newspapers in response to the management of the regional independence conflict (2010-2014). For this, a new conflict framing typology was developed, based on level of substantivity. The study has verified that territorial origin affects, but does not determine, the media's definition of the conflict and its preference for specific territorial models. The alignment between parties and the media appears to be the variable that best explains the orientation (pro-independence, constitutionalist, or federalist) of each newspaper. We have also verified the media's action as a polarizing agent based on territorial model preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the process of trans-formation that occurred in the press and journalism from Rio de Janeiro, between the 1880s and 1900s. Mainly, the relationship established between the literati and journalistic companies was under investigation, paying attention to the daily newspapers. Also, the attempts of defining journalism as a profession itself were analyzed in pair with the rising importance of the conception of labor to the literary production from lots of men of letters in the period. The poet, chronist, and journalist Olavo Bilac was one of the subjects followed with attention, including his literary personal projects as the illustrated magazines. The documents used for this research were chronicles published on the press, registers from Almanak Laemmert, and the interviews contained in O Momento Literário, from João do Rio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News about drugs is important for health professionals, businesses, and the general public. However, studies examining news articles about drugs are lacking. This paper uses content analysis to examine articles about drugs in 17 Spanish newspapers (13 general, two business, and two professional) from 2008 through 2017. On average, general and business newspapers published three articles about drugs every week, and professional newspapers published 14 every week. Overall, the number of articles about drugs decreased by 10%. The most covered drug-related topics in 2017 were cancer and generics; the least covered was preclinical research. Four times more articles were published on clinical than on preclinical research. Business newspapers published more about clinical and preclinical research than other types of newspapers. Articles about drugs accounted for 0.5% (n=838/178,926) of all articles in the general newspapers, 0.8% (n=468/55,800) in the business newspapers, 8.5% (n=415/4,856) in the medical newspapers, and 1.2% (n=19/1,645) in the science news agency SINC. This study used a new strategy to search and identify newspaper articles through content analysis of large volumes of information and offered relevant data to guide future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the linguistic and rhetorical resources used in the discursive construction about the social actors of the post-conflict, studying nine editorials of the newspaper El Espectador, between the years 2015-2017. The research is carried out from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), in order to make a theoretical formulation about journalistic discursive manifestations and a critical reflection on the social realities of journalistic language. The methodology was accomplished in two stages: an exploratory-descriptive and an analytical one. In the first, a compilation of the editorials was made to be submitted to the qualitative analysis program NVivo 11, reporting significant elements such as the frequency of words, co-texts, the Cloudmark and the conglomerates. In the second one a linguistic analysis was implemented to interpret the strategies of legitimation, naturalization and concealment used to construct discursively the social actors of the post-conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examined the provincial and national press in Great Britain in the 19th century. It states that national newspapers were less national, and provincial papers were less provincial and more national than assumed in the said period. It outlines that "The Daily Mail" in Manchester, England began printing a northern edition and eventually became the first truly national daily newspaper in the country. However, the study shows that there has been an imbalance in the provincial and historical unit because of other influences such as the concept of literary quality and history of print culture.

This paper argues for the relevance of the media history of the press. Using a broad and open media concept, this perspective should be understood as the study of the construction and communication of the self-images and ideology of the press. Rather than describing the complex of problems as images that are 'spread' through one channel (newspapers) by one actor (the press), it should be seen as a mutual exchange between various media and various actors. Different audiences have been resources for the press, just as the press has been a resource for them. Instead of separating proper journalism, the spreading of the self-image, and the reception of different audiences as clearly defined areas, they must be seen as constituting each other. Focusing on the funeral of Swedish editor Lars Hierta, the paper argues for the methodological advantages inherent in the media event and the surrounding cultural circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this paper examine key decision-making points in both the 1980–81 Janet Cooke fabrication case at the Washington Post and the deceptions of Jayson Blair at the New York Times that stretch from 1999 to 2003. These decisions are weighed against the commonly understood mission of journalism in general and the specifically stated missions at the Washington Post and the New York Times. The paper's working thesis is that if newspapers do not consistently measure their decisions and actions against their mission as a public trust, their commitment to truth can become shrouded by less noble motives like ambition and the thrill of a scoop. The authors argue that the prevailing organizational cultures at the Post and the Times failed to reinforce the newspapers’ main commitment at every level and thereby contributed to their blindness in both the Cooke and Blair cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the penny press was getting started in cities such as Boston, New York City, and Philadelphia, a thousand miles to the west Chicago's early newspapers followed a different path. The party papers of Chicago in the years from the city's founding in 1833 to the Great Fire in 1871 grew to incorporate elements more typically associated with the penny press even as penny papers that started there during the period failed. Chicago's party press by the 1850s and 1860s had begun to shed its formal ties to political patrons as journalists served larger and more diverse audiences, both earlier than has been thought and in more sophisticated ways than has previously been described. Also briefly examined in the article is the possible development in this period of the "scoop" by Chicago's post-Civil War journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an analysis of news conventions used by 19th-century American newspapers, I show that the news of this time period took much the same form. Across geography, size of paper, and kind of paper (associational, commercial, partisan), newspapers shared the same conventions. I explain this uniformity in terms of James Carey's notion that the news expresses a form of public life. In this case, I argue that 19th-century news expressed a form of public life that was deeply imbued with values of association, affiliation, and partisanship. As newspapers expressed these values, they ritually reinforced a particular image of public life. I argue that this cultural approach to news conventions accounts for the available evidence in ways that may help the field move beyond functionalist explanations of news. In so doing, it opens new directions for understanding the relationship between news generally, and the public life in which it is situated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the situation of the archive departments in 14 of the Andalusian local newspapers. The aim is to update a similar study entitled "Situation of archive services in the daily press of Andalusia" (Aquesolo-Vegas, 1996) in which an analysis of these departments was performed for seven newspapers. This work studies, adapts, and extends the methodology of the above cited study to know how the situation has evolved since 1996. To that end, this field study is based on questionnaires sent to 16 Andalusian newspapers, two per province; 14 of which were completed. Aspects such as tasks, staff, facilities, and equipment are analyzed. The results show a technological restructuring, and also a reduction, or even the disappearance, of these services, due to the economic downturn. Therefore, journalists must now search for documents by themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role does the local media, particularly the local press play, in the local constituency campaign during UK general elections? Drawing on interviews with MPs and candidates and evidence from a series of content analysis studies of local newspapers, this article reviews the extent to which the local press offers coverage to political actors during and outside the period of the election campaign. It argues that the pressure to court the local media and to build a local profile is rarely matched by extensive coverage and that this should raise questions about the place of the local press in the local constituency campaign. The paper also sets out the strategies used by MPs and candidates to court the local press and argues that this reflects the very limited role that the local press plays within the local constituency in respect of its political coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualizes the manner in which the newspaper "Votes for Women" evolved to challenge and compete with the press prior to 1912, within a discussion of the Women's Social and Political Union's (WSPU) wider press strategy. The populist style may simply have been considered the most appropriate means of conveying news of the militant campaign's sensational activities; new methods of protest necessitating new means of communication. However, viewed within the wider context of the WSPU's activities, the paper's populism should be considered a deliberate part of an organizational press strategy. The attempts to attract, and subsequently influence and critique, news coverage indicated the Union's press-aware outlook. With this cognizance sharpened by intensifying press hostility to militancy, Votes for Women's populist format, together with its efforts for mass-circulation, signaled an effort to confront apparent press prejudice by marketing an alternative source of suffrage news to a large audience.

This paper examines the press coverage of the Black Panther Party. A qualitative analysis of five newspapers was conducted comparing the Baltimore, Cleveland, and New Orleans press. The press did not treat the Panthers with "kid gloves." While the Panthers received a fair hearing in the Cleveland press, the way the group was covered by the Baltimore and New Orleans press left something to be desired. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the subject index of the articles published in this journal. Some of the articles based on newsgathering are "Beauty and the Beasts: Significance of Press Coverage of the 1913 National Suffrage Parade," by Linda J. Lumsden, "Civic Journalism and Nonelite Sourcing: Making Routine Newswork of Community Connectedness," by Brian L. Massey, "Comparing Distinctions and Similarities across Websites of Newspapers, Radio Stations, and Television Stations," by Carolyn A. Lin and Leo W. Jeffres, "Differences in Knowledge Acquisition Among Readers of the Paper and Online Versions of a National Newspaper," by David Tewksbury and Scott L. Althaus, "The Metro Wide Web: Changes in Newspapers' Gatekeeping Role Online," by Jane B. Singer, "The Mundane and the Arcane: Prestige Media Coverage of Social and Natural Science," by William Evans, "News of Hurricane Andrew: The Agenda of Sources and the Sources' Agendas," by Michael B. Salwen.