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Objectives: The aim of the study is to assess the strategic and tactical environment in Central Europe and Eastern Europe, especially between the EU and Belarus, taking into account the results of political and operational analyses of the situation on the border between Poland, Lithuania and Latvia, and Belarus. Material and methods: The paper collects and thoroughly analyzes the most important sources on threats to the security of NATO's eastern flank. The purpose of the research is an operational analysis comprehensively covering the main factors posing threats to the security of Poland. Results: In the result of the operational analysis of hybrid warfare, the following factors were identified: demographics, military and non-military issues, the existence of a well-formed democratic society, critical infrastructure, and cybersecurity. All the above factors were discussed in the context of hybrid activities undertaken by Belarus and Russia. Conclusions: It can be predicted that special elements conducting the aggressor's hybrid activities will use exceptionally sophisticated forms of the aggressor's influence, including blending in with the local community. The area of operation of non-military elements in the hybrid wars waged so far by Russia is likely to further expand and change forms in order to blindside the attacked state inducing fear, ineptitude and confusion of the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with an assumption that geopolitics, understood as one of the great schools of international relations, is not only still relevant but, indeed, should be one of the essential items in the toolkit of any student or policymaker who peruses the challenging and ever-eluding realm of international security. It draws chiefly on Sir Halford Mackinder's Heartland theory in order to explain the dynamics of contemporary European security in general, and the ongoing war in Ukraine in particular. The analysis, which relies heavily on a historical examination of the geopolitical realities of Central and Eastern Europe, leads the author to a pair of conclusions. Firstly, the conflict in Ukraine is likely to linger on albeit with unpredictable intensity and, secondly perhaps more importantly, the outcome of the war will only be one of many steps leading to the emergence of a new, possibly multipolar, international system and consequently, and more obviously, a new security system in Europe, which will be strongly influenced by Germany rather than by the United States as before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS PAPER CRITICALLY EXAMINES THE MULTIFACETED IMPLICATIONS OF RUSSIA'S AGGRESSION TOWARDS UKRAINE POST-FEBRUARY 2, 2022, ON EUROPEAN BORDER DYNAMICS. THE PAPERS BRINGS TO OUR ATTENTION THE ROMANIA-UKRAINE BORDER INTERACTIONS. BEGINNING WITH A HISTORICAL CONTEXTUALIZATION, THE STUDY EXPLORES UKRAINE'S EVOLVING TIES WITH EUROPEAN ENTITIES IN LIGHT OF RUSSIA'S ANNEXATION OF CRIMEA. FOCUSING ON THE ROMANIA-UKRAINE FRONTIER, AN ESSENTIAL PART OF THE EU'S EASTERN BORDER, THIS PAPER HIGHLIGHTS ITS SHIFT FROM A RESTRICTIVE BOUNDARY TO A BUSY TRADE HUB, FACILITATED BY EUROPEAN LEGISLATION AND UKRAINE'S GROWING ECONOMY. FURTHERMORE, IT ASSESSES THE EUROPEAN UNION'S ADJUSTMENT OF BORDER SECURITY MEASURES IN RESPONSE TO THE UKRAINIAN REFUGEE CRISIS, PRIORITIZING HUMANITARIAN AID OVER STRICT CONTROLS. THE PAPER ALSO POINTS OUT THE CRUCIAL ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETIES IN AIDING REFUGEES. IN CONCLUSION, WHILE ADDRESSING THE CHALLENGES CAUSED BY RUSSIAN ACTIONS, THE PAPER IDENTIFIES A POSITIVE OUTCOME: ENHANCED COOPERATION BETWEEN ROMANIA AND UKRAINE. THE ARTICLE ADVOCATES FOR ONGOING SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE'S EUROPEAN AMBITIONS AND PROMOTES INCREASED CROSS-BORDER COLLABORATIONS TO FOSTER REGIONAL PEACE AND PROSPERITY. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military use of drones is surging globally. This paper argues that regional powers, particularly Iran, Israel, and Türkiye, are driving the proliferation of military drone exports due to cost efficiencies, improved capabilities, and minimal export restrictions. These exports have allowed Iran, Israel, and Türkiye to enhance their political leverage and increase their geopolitical clout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between the EU's current re-imagining as a global security actor and its stance as a global promoter of progressive gender norms. For this purpose, we analyse how gender and race are constitutive of the meanings of security and Europe in major EU security strategies, and how this relates to the way gender (equality) is addressed as a policy issue. We find that, in the context of waning liberal world order and manifold internal and external crises, EU security actorness is constructed through narratives of masculinisation that entail feminisation of the EU's own past as a "peace project" and "soft power"; Othering of non-EU spaces and subjects; colonial perspectives on the EU's role in the world as "White Man's burden" and the reconstruction of whiteness through notions of "neutral" masculinities associated with technocratic professionalism, superior knowledge production, and market rationality. This intersectional gendering of EU security limits the emancipatory potential of gender policy through the racialisation of Other women and the simultaneous invisibilisation of postcolonial structures of inequality. Our analysis provides the groundwork for addressing how and why the EUropean security project continues to reproduce intersectional power relations and insecurities, despite commitments to gender equality and non-discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Eastern Review is the property of University of Lodz - Lodz University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses the problem of the withdrawal of multinational forces from the territory of Afghanistan in 2021. An attempt is made to answer the question: What has caused the failure of the international intervention and what could the further consequences of the withdrawal of the NATO coalition forces be? The paper also presents the problem of the decay of Afghanistan and threats to Polish military contingents during the 'Enduring Freedom', ISAF and 'Resolute Support' operations. The study takes advantage of the results of unique research conducted by the author in the zones of war and stabilization in Afghanistan and previously unpublished source documents. The field research was carried out in the area of responsibility of the Polish Task Force stationed in the Ghazni province in March and April 2009. Moreover, the non-confidential part of the documentation from the activities of individual organizational units of the Polish military contingent was used. The chapter may be of interest to researchers of international and national security, academics (teachers and students) of military and civilian universities as well as activists of governmental and non-governmental organizations providing aid in areas of armed conflicts and after their end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a legally binding document, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (hereafter: UNSCR 1325) presents a solid legal framework for women's inclusion in all phases of conflict resolution and peace processes by urging member states to ensure increased participation of women in the security sectors. There is a presumption that the adoption and implementation of the UNSCR 1325 empower women and give them importance as subjects, as persons who should decide the highest levels of national and international security spheres, which led to women's economic development. This paper argues that the UNSCR 1325 lays the foundation and provides women with opportunities to enter into spheres of national and international peace and security as active players, but only in the lower levels of the security institutions. Regarding those higher, additional efforts should be made by the respective national actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For this hypothesis confirmation, the article reflects upon the international legal texts followed by the desk analysis of the national framework of Bosnia and Herzegovina for women empowerment. The case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina demonstrates that the role of Gender Focal Points remains irrelevant for gender mainstreaming in law enforcement agencies at the state level, as conducted interviews show. The paper offers recommendations for improved women's participation in the security sector at the national and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the current COVID-19 pandemic reveals and in a sense crystallizes a series of long-standing tensions about sovereignty that have become increasingly salient in the advanced capitalist democracies of the European Union. The spread of the pandemic led first to the activation of a conflict between a 'sovereigntist reflex' privileging the expression of national capacities and national self-reliance and a more 'perforated' understanding of sovereignty stressing the interdependence of peoples and states, both geographically and institutionally. As the response to COVID itself became more politicized we see the emergence of a second tension, between a libertarian 'reflex' supporting a residual state protecting liberties and facilitating individual choice and a sovereign-statist 'instinct', calling for an empowered guardian of the public good capable of ensuring collective security. A third tension relates to the seemingly growing opposition between a conception of sovereignty founded (and contingent) upon the will of the people and one in which the sovereign is, simultaneously, the discerner, defender and ultimate guarantor of the public good. After having mapped out these interwoven tensions and their main fault lines in general terms, the paper proceeds comparatively, tracking and tracing their (differential and specific) presence in governmental responses in two advanced capitalist democracies, France and Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quad or Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a group of four democracies, the US, India, Japan, and Australia, was first proposed in 2007 by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in his 'confluence of two seas' speech that subsequently embarked on the path to the foundation of the group. Quad perceives China's economic growth, which enables her to transform the world order as a threat and aims at containing the growing Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific region. The Malabar naval exercises in the Indian Ocean by the Quad members were one such exercise. This paper, aims to analyze the formation of Quad and will contemplate whether the group is causing confrontation or stability in the Asia-Pacific and Indo-Pacific regions. The paper will also assess that the Quad is designed to counter China's growing influence in the Asia-pacific and Indo-pacific regions. Containing China is likely to create a confrontation in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Cold War era, "Jihadi-Salafi Groups" (JSGs) have emerged as significant "violence-making" organizations. Almost all JSGs have emerged in highly fragile states. The literature on the state fragility-terrorism nexus, by focusing exclusively on whether state fragility is a cause of terrorism or not, has failed to consider the broader impact of state fragility on the emergence of JSGs. The role of state fragility as a condition of the emergence of JSGs, in particular, is mostly overlooked in the literature. This paper, adding state fragility as a condition variable to the causal model of the rise of JSGs, fills this gap. The empirical basis of this research includes a single case study examining the relationship between state fragility in the post-Saddam Iraq and the formation of Islamic State (IS). By adding a new variable to the causal model of the rise of IS, this research makes a strong within-case inference concerning this case. Although the empirical basis of this research includes a single case study, the analytical framework developed in this paper has possible implications for studying a larger number of Jihadi-Salafi groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper considers the problem of allocating resources to economic goods and military goods (protecting property rights) in a contest model under an anarchic system which can be defined by the absence of a common superior authority to each state. I characterize the equilibrium and discuss its stability and robustness. The main finding is that if economic goods of the two states are complementary with Cobb-Douglas utility characteristics, the essential factor that affects a state's resource allocation is its own maximum military level of production out of its resource endowment. In this sense, there is a unique stable equilibrium. This equilibrium is robust with the sequence of the states' decisions insofar as the second mover's observability is imperfect even slightly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars (mainly from the Global North) in International Relations have been turning to a (critical) constructivist agenda in norms research, the field has increasingly become devoid of applying this area of research in understanding the nuclear behavior of deviant states from the Global South. The paper therefore attempts to bridge this research gap by using the case of the India-US nuclear relationship. To do so, the paper: i) identifies the probable convergences of the existing literature on nuclear policy and the research on constructivist norms, ii) highlights India's racial treatment as a Southern nuclear state in academia and policy discourse, and iii) recognizes plausible avenues for the expansion of the Western dominated normative research agenda by analyzing India's nuclear relationship with the US ― with a specific focus to norm contestation and normative change. In bringing together (critical) constructivists and scholars in nuclear politics to further our understanding of how we perceive security of non-western states, this work makes an epistemological and ontological contribution in the field of international security studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing security crisis in Mozambique reveals the limitations of the mainstream statist approach to security promotion. Whenever there is social conflict or unrest, state authorities instinctively and routinely rely on military means to deal with it. However, this approach disregards the root causes of the problem, which are often the internal social, political and economic triggers of insecurity. Presently there are international security actors assisting the Mozambican government in dealing with the armed conflict in their country. As a contribution to the emerging body of work on Mozambique's security challenges beginning in 1990, this paper adopts a critical security perspective in the analysis of the problem. The view is taken that there ought to be a balanced or broader approach to security. Although a military response is necessary for combating hostile forces, this effort should go in tandem with addressing the fundamental causes of the crisis. The paper argues that in Mozambique poor governance in the form of corruption, political patronage, marginalisation of minority groups, centralisation of power and other exclusionary practices are the major sources of the country's insecurity. Some proposals are suggested to address these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of security from a political perspective, arguing that it is often seen as a basic right and fundamental requirement of a legitimate state. The author discusses the expansion of the definition of security to include vulnerabilities beyond physical safety, such as poverty, but raises concerns about the lack of oversight in this expansion. The text also examines different perspectives on security, including the proposals of Jeremy Waldron and Jessica Wolfendale to include elements like the maintenance of a way of life and moral recognition. However, the author argues that these proposals are not successful in justifying why these elements should be considered essential to security. The article also discusses the relationship between coercion, autonomy, and the justification of the state, emphasizing the role of the state in ensuring autonomy. It explores different dimensions of security, including objective and subjective security, and concludes that security should protect the necessary preconditions for autonomy. The text proposes modifications to the traditional understanding of security, suggesting that it should focus not only on physical safety but also on the absence of external coercion that limits individual choices. It also explores the idea that security can be linked to recognition and self-worth, emphasizing the importance of international cooperation and the establishment of laws against aggression. The article concludes by discussing the implications of these ideas for national security policies and the potential benefits of preventative approaches that require international cooperation. It also highlights the need for collaborative efforts and an internationalist approach to security to protect the autonomy of states and their populations. The paper acknowledges that security can factor into [Extracted from the article]

In the wake of significant international events like the Russian invasion of Ukraine and China’s assertive diplomacy, the recently developed concept of strategic corruption has been increasingly employed to discuss how corruption infiltrates international affairs. Unlike traditional corruption, strategic corruption is commonly understood to be a sophisticated mechanism that states use to achieve geopolitical objectives, intertwining economic and security concerns. This paper explores this concept, analyzes its relationship with related phenomena, and proposes a theoretical framework to contextualize strategic corruption within national and international arenas. The framework depicts strategic corruption as a multifaceted process spanning three spheres: domestic (source), international, and domestic (target). Each sphere involves unique pathways aimed at corrupting institutions in the target domain. This approach contributes to our understanding of the complex dynamics between corruption, national security, and foreign affairs, offering a coherent tool to address these challenges within the fields of international relations and anti-corruption studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh has recently promulgated its Indo-Pacific Outlook amid the growing U.S.-China rivalry. This article aims to critically analyze the Indo-Pacific Outlook to find the limitations and inherent ambiguities and, finally, provide policy recommendations by proposing a comprehensive strategy that Bangladesh must adopt for a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific region. A thorough literature review has been conducted based on the latest research books and articles on this issue, Indo-Pacific Strategy papers of advanced democracies like theUnited States, and commentaries of renowned International Relations and Security experts. A comprehensive strategy has been proposed as opposed to the Indo-Pacific Outlook, and the proposed strategy has emphasized how Bangladesh can play a more significant role in the Indo-Pacific region to become a key player, given its geo-strategic position. The article proposes a new strategy for Bangladeshthat has a clear modus operandi and isfree from ambiguities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terminology of radicalization started to be acknowledged after the 9/11 events, a turning point for international security that marked the beginning of the War on Terror. Practitioners, policymakers, and researchers in the field of countering terrorism focused more and more on the concept of radicalization as a precursor of terrorism, in the sense of being the starting point for preventing the terrorism phenomenon. In this regard, the past terrorist attacks in Europe awakened awareness about the necessity of identifying the incipient signs of radicalization as an early warning instrument for avoiding the probability of manifesting a terrorist attack. Even though the Global Terrorism Index has evaluated Romania as one of the countries with the lowest risks of terrorism at the international level for the past decade, it is still important to improve the mechanisms for preventing radicalization. In this consideration, Romania could be indirectly impacted by factors related to the global or regional dynamics of terrorism. This paper aims to develop a pattern of radicalization vulnerabilities and observed trends in Romania. In this idea, the analysis of the past terrorist attempts in Romania emphasizes important details in terms of trends of radicalization. Furthermore, the analysis of the specific radicalization features in Romania is focused on identifying the vulnerabilities, following the case study conclusions on radicalized Romanian citizens and radicalized foreigners that were expelled by the national courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) are an emerging dual-use technology that will affect international security in ways similar to other dual-use technologies such as artificial intelligence, autonomous weapons, and cyber tools and tactics. In this paper, I use open sources and network analyses to reveal the structure of the BCI research and development industry, which indicates that BCIs will soon be operational, and the technology will diffuse across many sectors and regions. As a result, I argue that the unique qualities of BCIs will provide incentives to engage in conflict and disrupt international security; therefore, militaries in liberal democracies should strive to achieve and maintain BCI technological superiority over authoritarian regimes and violent non-state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) represents an institutionalized attempt by European Union Member States to respond to the security challenges they confront. This paper discusses the evolution of this policy through the lens of political integration and international relations theories. The analysis integrates both the supranational and the national level, and demonstrates that European institutions have extended their privileges and sphere of influence with increasing organizational mandates. At the same time, participation by various levels in the creation of European security policies has evolved, and the inter-governmental level is often recognized as dominant. However, the question remains open whether this evolution of policy might be properly explained by several influential political theories that have shaped the European integration and security architecture in recent decades. Aspects of the CSDP institutional setting (its creation, goals and role) and the explanation of why security and defense policy is a complex dilemma of the integration process are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The origin of World War II was "Nazism", a violent totalitarian ideology that crossed national borders and took the lives of more than 55 million around the world. History very often claimed that ethnically motivated religious violence even between communities practicing the same religion is very usual. The terrorist attack on USA from 11.09.2001 represents a cornstone for expansion of religious extremism which easly developed in different forms of terrorism. Religious extremism offers various challenges at the national, regional and global levels and requires policy makers and practitioners to appreciate the unique nature of these ideologies, many of them seeking the wholesale destruction of civic order as opposed to its reform or even restructuring. Conflicts incited by religious extremism are forcing the displacement of millions people around the world. Middle East as a region is most vurnelable to religious extremism esspecialy among youngsters. Esspecially after 11/09 UN, NATO, EU and other regional and world organization for collective security and defense were focused on developing modern and comman measures for coping with religious extremism. The main research focus of this paper is to give an historical retrospective on development of religious extremism and to gave an comman interoperative and efective measures of UN, NATO and EU for delling with religious extremism. Also the main researching targets of this paper is religious extremism among young people in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annual Yearbook of the Faculty of Philosophy is the property of Faculty of Philosophy, "Ss. Cyril & Methodius" University in Skopje and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Defence Fund (EDF) is considered a game changer for European defence. The unprecedented co-funding of research and development expenses of cutting-edge defence systems is functional to strengthen the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) and the EU's Strategic Autonomy. This paper analyses the factors that enabled a partial shift from intergovernmental to supranational governance in the European defence market, applying the lens of the new intergovernmentalism theory. The cost of non-cooperation in defence and the Brexit impact will be taken into account to explain the observed shift. The paper highlights the role of the Commission in the integration of the European Defence Agency's activities with those of the newly created DG for Defence Industry and Space (DG DEFIS). It also examines the extent to which diverging strategic industrial interests of Member States and of industrial players seek to prevent a deeper integration of the European defence market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose Establishing peace, security and discipline for individuals, nations and states in contemporary international order is of the highest importance at the present time. Regularization should be done through approaching natural rights of individuals and also through observing humanistic characteristics and ethics. The aim of this paper is to introduce a legal base to promote international relations.Design/methodology/approach A draft for International Relation Declaration based on Islamic Sufi teachings has been compiled, and actually it is an abstract of an extended survey on the subject and opinions in relation to the current international problems.Findings This draft has been codified in three main topics of public international law, foreign policy and diplomacy.Research limitations/implications To conclude the draft, it should be scrutinized by many scholars in different disciplines, in the next step.Practical implications As the mystical characteristics of Sufism and Gnosticism of all religions (Tariqa) are all united and based upon love towards the Creator and consequently towards the creatures of God, these provisions could be agreed upon and put into practice.Social implications Delicateness, truthfulness and righteousness of Islamic Sufism, which is the gist of all those elites’ divine messages for thousands of years, one after another, can be of a great help to regulate international relations.Originality/value International Law scholars have not looked at this subject matter from the Sufism viewpoint. This paper will shed a light on this point of view from other angles related to the international law such as politics, law and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper will study the potential applicability of the strategic imagination method to international security analysis, which has been previously used to improve prognostic quality in business studies. The method should allow security experts to think about the future by considering "what if" situations, and creatively assess the probability of different threats, even those that appear as improbable to others. The components of the method include strategic fit (the actor's competence between its abilities and the needs of market), structure (the degree of concentration and maturity), competitive advantages (the extent to which the resources denied to the competition can be gathered, for example, access to novel technology), and strategic focus (i.e., on cost advantages, a differentiated product or exploitation of a market niche), in which a strategic advantage can be obtained by changing rules or deliberately creating turbulence. Strategic imagination can promote an academic discussion on changing nature of global processes like the emergence of global security market and provide nonorthodox methods for advancing a qualitative security analysis. Educated forecasting by connecting today's developments with strategic imagination offers an important component in building successful security strategies and supportive public policies, especially in what concerns psychological warfare. For example, in the current COVID-19 crisis, main efforts have been made to defend against its national consequences (e.g., various restrictions introduced by individual countries), and less attention has been paid to cooperative strategies that can significantly reduce the global spread of the virus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resilience is a dimension with a pronounced multidisciplinary character covering a wide range of areas of society, which gives it a fluid profile and difficult to fit into a conceptual-functional typology. The interest in resilience is undoubtedly one of the trends of the current decade, however precursory elements are found throughout history in the most diverse forms of manifestation. As in the case of other dimensions explored in recent years from the perspective of European cooperation in the field of security and defence, resilience was quickly integrated into the steps carried out under the auspices of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), becoming one of the key objectives of the European Union's external action toolkit and, last but not least, of the operational commitments carried out globally by this organization. The contribution of the EU Global Security Strategy (EUGS) in designing resilience as a central element of the European security and defence cooperation agenda was defining. The main direction promoted by the EUGS was to strengthen resilience aspects in external action, while taking a structured approach to exploring options for strengthening internal resilience. Subsequently, the outbreak of the war in Ukraine as a result of Russia's aggression additionally valued the strategic significance of states' resilience and, subsequently, the importance of the EU's contribution in this direction. This study is aiming to bring into light the way in which CSDP answers to the challenge of consolidating the resilience. In this vein, the methodological approach that was implemented responded the multidisciplinary character of this topic. In order to consolidate the comprehensive character of the present study, a historical perspective has been used that correlates the evolution of resilience in EU context with the development of various CSDP instruments. In this sense, an important direction of research is represented by the interaction between resilience and EU's external action and how the EU response to crisis situations has evolved. To a similar extent, this paper approached the resilience from the perspective of internal security of European Union, especially in the context of the war in Ukraine. A special note is made on how the latest EU strategic document (Strategic Compass) placed resilience as being one of the strategic objectives of CSDP. Given all of these aspects, the main conclusions of the article are emphasising the importance of adequate calibration of national approach in generating resilience, not only in the conceptual area but also on the practical aspects such as capabilities and resources required by a strong resilience. At the same time, a special attention is given to how the partnership and external interaction, especially between EU and NATO, are tailored to enhance and complement the national contributions in the field of resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considered the mechanism of operation of international treaties in general and the content and problems of applying jus cogens norms. The study investigated the practice of implementing the provisions of several international acts, namely the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, the Budapest Memorandum, and the Charter of the United Nations. The article examines the interaction of the Russian Federation with the international institutions of which it is a member, examines the reaction of the most influential international organisations, such as the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and the World Health Organisation, in connection with Russian aggression. The study considers the issues of deterring armed aggression, protecting human rights, reforming global institutions, and coordinating the actions of the international community in response to threats to peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intruduction: In the first half of the 21st century the international community has witnessed many changes. Following the changes in the structure of the international order and the distribution of power, the world is not a unipolar system led by the United States, unlike the post-Cold War era. In addition, there are growing tensions, some hidden and some overt, among the Great powers that are manifesting in the geopolitical and normative sphears. These topics, that range from changing power dynamics, the emergance of new state actors in the international community, environmental concerns, organized crime, immigrant issues, cyber warfare, the tensions over the South China Sea, Taiwan, the Ukraine Crisis, NATO expansion, among others, if it is not solved, it can be a danger for the future of the mankind. Therefore, the management of differences between great powers including Russia, China, the US, India, Japan, Germany, France, and England is recommended to avoid. To move towards this goal, the concert of powers in the 19th century has been the theme. This literature attempts to assess the probability of a true concert of powers in the 21st century as a way to manage competition between the United States, China and Russia, especially after the Ukraine Crisis in 2014 and 2022. Research Question: The main question is that, after the Ukraine crisis, to manage the tension and differences between great powers, can we imagine the possibility of forming a concert of powers like in the 19th century? Research Hypothesis: Inspired by the works of the thinkers of the Islamic Republic and using the balance of hostile power and management found in the works Headley Bull and Benjamin Miller, it can be suggested that the current differences in the structural, normative, ideological and cognitive views of the United States, China and Russia toward global governance make the formation of a concert of powers simply impossible. Methodology and Theoretical Framework: This paper has a qualitative approach and uses sample research as one of the common approaches in the Islamic Republic of Iran. To dig deeper, the history of concert of powers was examined to ensure the possibility of an emerging concert or lack thereof, was closer to today's reality. In addition, to achieve a model of how China, Russia and the United States commit to or hinder the formation of a concert of powers, the elements that make a concert of powers possible were analyzed. The concert of powers is a collective security system or a security regime that was formed based on the cooperation between the four great powers of the 19th century, Great Britain, Prussia, Austria, and Russia. Headley Bull, in the Anarchic Society, wrote that in the 19th century, there was an international society and international relations as an order in which the managerial responsibilities of the Great powers constituted the system. Despite the element of cooperation, a certain type of balance of power determines how international relations work. It is called the associational balance of power. It became the enemy's balance of power due to constant pressure to increase power. In addition to Bull's view, Miller added that internal issues, ideological and cognitive factors may be equally important in concert formation. This literature is in theoritically based on the views of the two thinkers mentioned above. Results and Discussion: This research has indicated that the international relations have had 3 separate cases of power coordination. From 1815 to World War I, from 1975 Helsinki accords to 1989 and from the Paris Charter in 1990 to 2014 which marked Russia's initial invasion of Ukraine. The data show that in each of these periods, great powers had to manage, resolve or otherwise cooperate with their differences on a regional or global scale. Moreover, the views of the Americans, Chinese and Russians towards the formation of a concert of powers may not be the same. The Russian may be the only ones to insist on a concert of powers, while the Chinese were not positive about it until 2008. During the cold war, the United States engaged in concerted behavior, for lack of a better term, although it has deviated from it ever since the end of the cold war. This conclusion is based on the policies that the United States has adopted to contain Russia and China and the lack of recognition that the Americans have for the areas of influence something that Russians keep pointing out. Russians are not only pessimistic about the intentions of the United States, but also see these differences as the return of strategic and geopolitical competition. Therefore, the reality of international system after the war in Ukraine shows that the balance of hostile forces is the current approach governing international relations. Conclusion: After decades, the level of cooperation between the three Great powers identified in this article as pillars of the potential concert of powers has declined. Efforts to cooperate have sometimes failed because China and Russia refuse to cooperate with the West and the United States. This has led the international community to the most chaotic state of recent times where the liberal order is pitted against any order favored by the Chinese and the Russians. In addition, the concept of Sovereignty has changed and the West, allied with the United States has taken measures to contain China and Russia. It can no longer consider a concert of powers which Great powers participate in the management of world affairs. If we want to accept the idea of forming a coordinated collective security system, in the 21st century, developing states, great powers, as well as emerging countries should legitimately and appropriately regulate their actions with such an order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian Federation re-emerged on the global map in December 1991. It was one of the Soviet Republics since the communist party took over in 1922, and after about two decades, it became one of the two superpowers. The Soviet communist ideology was a deterrent to the United States-- the capitalist superpower. The US established a collective security organization for Western European countries called NATO to contain the expansion of communism. The fall of communism and the disintegration of the Soviet Union ended the cold war; however, the Alliance was not dissolved. Since the last decade of the twentieth century, Russia and NATO have transformed and sought ways to cooperate. However, the accession policy of NATO became a threat to Russia. The article contributes to understanding deep-rooted issues between Russia and NATO. It examines their transformation and cooperation phases. It deals with the post-cold war accession policy of NATO and Russian concerns over it. The paper analysis various forums of their cooperation and inquiries why NATO's membership was not extended to Russia. It further delves into the significance of Ukraine for Russia. Diverse research methodologies are adopted in this research work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze social responsibility in relation to individual security. Social responsibility contains the mechanisms by which individuals and groups contribute to a collective security when the state institutions specialized intervention is not required. In this context, we will analyze the importance of responsibility for building social protection. The study is a qualitative one. The results highlight that the social responsibility of citizens can be a factor of stability, generator of security and human development. The conclusions highlight, among others, the fact that people interested in their own security are trying to find solutions for preserving the standard of living on the basis of social responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies articles about terrorism in the representative Chinese newspaper People's Daily in order to analyze how traditional Chinese political culture, in particular Confucianism, permeates contemporary Chinese geopolitical discourse. Specific attention is paid to articles on terrorism and the U.S. "war on terror." The author argues that, instead of interpreting terrorist actions and U.S. counter-terrorism politics as binary opposites, using a lens of a Confucianism-style morality, the Chinese newspaper observes connections between them. The author considers how these discourses affect China's perception of itself in the realm of international security politics. The representative Chinese newspaper articles on terrorism, in addition to China's repositioning on the global stage, reveal a geopolitical fault-line with strong moral undertones. The paper sheds light on the historic and often implicit political impact of Confucianism within present day Chinese geopolitical discourse and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political and security relationship between India and Southeast Asia (SEA) has developed beyond the traditional domain after the Cold War era. As the Cold War ended, and new geopolitics were redefined, both parties sought a strategic approach through greater engagement with extra-regional partners. Since 2003, both parties have engaged in various political partnerships with SEA states and a few security challenges collectively. The paper answers the following questions: what is the pattern of this relationship? What kind of mechanism has been adopted by both parties in strengthening their relationship? Is the factor of China imperative enough to 'boost' India's efforts in reinforcing political and security relations with SEA states? Using content analysis, emerging themes from relevant literature by selected scholars in the area of India and SEA states' relations are explored. This paper also reviews several governmental documents and official websites. In general, some scholars agree that the development of the relationship between India and SEA states is important in creating a regional balance with other international actors especially China. This paper aims to examine the growing relations between India and SEA states in the political and security terms since 2003. The paper suggests that the strong political and security relationship between India and SEA states creates an "external balancing strategy" to counter-balance the presence of China in the region. Meanwhile, it also shows that SEA states are turning to India as a counterweight to China and the US in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(1), 379-383 | European Forum Highlight of 8 July 2022 | (Abstract) This Highlight provides an assessment of the legality of the decision taken by the EU to supply weapons to Ukraine in the aftermath of the Russian invasion. It does so by analysing Decision 2022/338 as well as the decision on the European Peace Facility (EPF), on which the former is based, against the background of the scope of the CFSP competence and the case-law of the Court of Justice where the limits of such competence have been examined.

For centuries, migrations have been features of social communities, and it is quite certain they will remain so in the future. However, what marks certain periods or circumstances are the causes of migrations, their manifestations, extent, dynamics, the general directions of migrant movement, and the corresponding effects on the safety of individuals, regions, and even international security. In this paper we have defined what migrations are and discussed their effect on human trafficking -- one of the most dangerous forms of organised crime -- and the security challenges in this domain in the European Union area, also with regard to international security. In terms of the variety of its exploitative objectives, human trafficking is an international, organised, criminal phenomenon with severe consequences on the security, well-being, and human rights of its victims. In the opinion of many, sexual exploitation is one of the most widespread forms of exploitation of human trafficking victims in practice. According to data available to Europol, 10,000 migrant children have so far disappeared after their arrival on European soil. The scope and dynamics of migratory movements of the last few years, and their relation to numerous illegal activities, certainly affect the security of individuals and regions, as well as international security. It is important to consider whether the European Union, in attempting to protect the national security of EU states by numerous restrictive measures, has achieved that in reality, or has actually produced the opposite effect in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak, the world was in a process of transition from the unipolar system which had ruled the world since the end of the Cold War to an increasingly multilateral order. With this regard, there was a kind of consensus between academics, decision-makers and other interested actors in the international arena in the sense that the world was transitioning towards a much more multipolar order in which the US would lose gradually its status of the only superpower for the benefit of mainly China but also for other Asian-Pacific states. The aim of this paper is to examine the extent of the consequences of the COVID-19 at the geopolitical level in the framework of global power redistribution. In this sense, this paper will analyse if the COVID-19 pandemic has significantly altered the US and Chinese social, economic and political scenarios in the framework of the great power competition and also if the pandemic will substantially shift the geopolitical balance of the world. This study will try to answer which have been the effects of the pandemic in terms of geopolitics and the prospects of its impact on the global power redistribution and international leadership competition at the short and medium term. In this sense, the main question to be answered in this research is: Has the COVID-19 pandemic lead to a faster than previously expected Western loss of economic and political power able to lead to new world order transition dynamics with significant consequences for the international security architecture? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is there, beyond Covid-19? The modification of human being behaviours put in place to safeguard health has a hidden and subtle risk that can be exploited by individuals or States that want to take advantage from it, illicitly profiting from masses. What is there behind the Covid-19? Not intended as a geopolitical movement but as "what does it cause and will cause to the next generations?" The latest scientific studies have disseminated what the beliefs on the human brain were. Neuroscience has proven that there are modifications that can be impressed in an extreme short time and in an unconscious manner. Structural modifications that lead to changes in the human being's way of thinking, reasoning and behaving. The paper analyses for the first time how people subjected to modifications caused by the pandemic have been rendered fragile and dangerously vulnerable to external attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When member states of the European Union face serious international threats, does this serve as a catalyst or obstacle for European integration in the security and defence domain? To gain purchase on this question, this paper examines public opinion from a common instrument fielded in 24 EU member states (and the United Kingdom) with a total sample size of more than 40,000 respondents.We argue that theoretical accounts of perceived threat produce rival hypotheses. Threats might have either uniform or differential effects on different groups of citizens and could lead to either convergence or divergence of public opinion. We show that perceptions of foreign threats are associated with more favourable views on integration in the security and defence domain. Importantly, this association is as strong among Eurosceptics as among Europhiles. The findings presented here are consistent with the view that functional pressures may temporarily convince Eurosceptics to accept integration in the foreign and security domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The illegal movement of wildlife poses a public health, conservation and biosecurity threat, however there are currently minimal screening tools available at international ports of entry to intercept wildlife trafficking efforts. This review first aimed to explore the screening tools available or under development for the detection of concealed wildlife contraband at international ports, including postal services, airlines, road border crossings and maritime routes. Where evidence was deficient, publications detailing the use of methods to uncover other illicit substances, such as narcotics, weapons, human trafficking, explosives, radioactive materials, or special nuclear material, were compiled and assessed for their applicability to the detection of wildlife. The first search identified only four citations related to the detection of wildlife, however the secondary search revealed 145 publications, including 59 journal articles and 86 conference proceedings, describing screening tools for non-wildlife illicit contraband detection. The screening tools uncovered were analysed for potential fitness for purpose for wildlife contraband detection, to evaluate the feasibility of their implementation and their ease of use. The deficiencies evident in terms of resource availability and research efforts targeting wildlife trafficking highlights a potentially substantial national and international security threat which must be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exile is often considered a useful political solution that can coax violent or unpopular leaders out of power. But these "golden parachutes" may come with a price. Specifically, do exiled leaders increase instability back in their home countries? In this paper, we outline the mechanisms through which exiled rulers can destabilize their home state's politics and ultimately increase conflict. We present two types of evidence to support the argument. The first is a cross-national analysis that uses our original Leaders in Exile dataset to examine how exiled leaders shape the likelihood of civil conflicts, coups, and protests. The second is a cross-leader analysis designed to minimize inferential concerns by comparing cases where leaders escape into exile with cases where leaders are killed. In both tests, we find that exiled leaders are linked to political instability in their home countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After its intense phase of insularity, Ireland has reached a considerable diplomatic role. The past vulnerability of Ireland due to its subjection to colonialism made its domestic sphere and foreign agenda in the early 1920s insular. However, Ireland started to transcend its isolation as it showed more openness to the world in the mid-twentieth century. More specifically, Dublin, in the post-World War II context, began to exhibit its interest in having a more dynamic role in the international scene. In fact, Ireland displayed its engagement with matters that exceeded its domestic sphere through its membership in the United Nations. Its performance in such an Intergovernmental Organization unveiled the Irish devotion to principles like peace-keeping and collective security. This article aims to assess Ireland's dynamic role, which started to appear in the mid-twentieth century. Besides, the late-twentieth century was also a significant phase for Dublin and its international presence. This epoch was characterized by Ireland's integration into the European region. Most importantly, the phenomenon of globalization reached its peak at that time, and Ireland witnessed an unprecedented experience of economic opulence known as the Celtic Tiger. Focus should also be laid on Dublin's interesting development in such a globalized climate. Its remarkable evolution, especially in the 1990s, tends to be considered a "model" for other small European and non-European states. Therefore, this paper attempts to scrutinize the extent to which other small states can learn from the example of Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North Atlantic Alliance is a military-political organization that was created from the beginning to ensure peace and security. The most important goal that drove NATO and still drives it is the protection of its member states from all types of threats. Fulfilling NATO's mission of protecting its member states and ensuring peace and security in the North Atlantic region requires an appropriate strategy and capability to respond to the full range of contemporary challenges. There is a need to adapt NATO's capabilities through development in a changing security environment so that the alliance is always ready to respond when needed. The most important element is nuclear and non-nuclear missile defense, which complement each other. The mentioned forces are supported by military or non-military means. The Russia-Ukraine war has brought renewed attention to the role of NATO and its nuclear defense capabilities in ensuring collective security in the Euro-Atlantic region. As tensions escalate and military confrontations intensify, examining NATO's nuclear defense strategy and its potential implications for the ongoing conflict is crucial. This work aims to explore the significance of NATO's nuclear defense in deterring aggression, maintaining regional stability, and shaping the dynamics of the Russia-Ukraine war. While the conflict poses various challenges and risks, NATO's nuclear deterrent remains a crucial component of the alliance's collective security architecture. The paper discusses NATO's nuclear security policy in the current Russia-Ukraine context. As the situation continues to evolve, NATO needs to reassess its nuclear defense strategy and adapt to the evolving security environment in order to effectively address the complexities of the Russia-Ukraine conflict and promote lasting peace in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]