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This article examines the impacts of two interconnected but distinct regimes of neoliberalism on global health. The first is the ‘rollback’ regime associated most commonly with the 1980s and 1990s ...

Remittances to developing economies constitute one of their most important and consistent forms of capital inflow, but have long been limited by costs and risks associated with trans-border payment...

We estimate the temporal, spatial and “spatio-temporal” effects of war using a dynamic spatial panel model. Our argument is that it is important to account for both the space and temporal lags concurrently, while instead the existing literature largely tends to focus on one or the other. Key findings are as follows: first, there is evidence that both temporal and spatial effects significantly impact upon the duration of war. Second, we also find that the combined “spatio-temporal” interaction effect is significant only when excluding contemporaneous spatial lag effect. Third, while stronger for high-intensity conflict, spatial and temporal effects remain significant also for low-intensity conflict. Fourth, the spatial effect is stronger in magnitude for interstate wars. Our results point to the importance of regional co-operation for conflict prevention and peace stabilisation.

The global crisis is threefold. First, it is a financial and economic crisis, inducing hugely negative effects on growth, distribution, and welfare. Second, it severely damaged the mainstream in economics, particularly the theory of efficient financial markets and the theory of self-regulating markets. Third, it caused an ongoing fragility of conventional public policies to address socioeconomic issues. The scale of the global crisis demands nothing less than paradigm change. This change requires adopting an interdisciplinary triangle, in which economics dialogues productively with political science and international relations. The goal is a more pluralist and interdisciplinary theory of economic policies. In that spirit, the paper provides a critical analysis of the dominant narrative on globalization, and outlines an alternative, one that could favor more democratic and progressive policies, at both the national and international level.

Department of English Language № 5 was created at the Institute of Foreign Economic Relations in 2000, and since 2011 it has been working with the students of the Department of Applied Economics and Commerce. Department of English Language № 5 prepares training materials, multimedia courses, manuals and tutorials based on the up-to-date educational technologies. A series of textbooks and teaching materials was recently published by the Department. They are widely used in teaching business communication for Economists. This series include textbook "Commercial correspondence and documentation in English" by L.K. Raitskaya and L.V. Korovin, textbook "Business English with the use of case studies (case studies)" edited by O.V. Desyatova? and textbook "Two-way translation of dialogues commercial content"by O.V. Desyatova.

There has been a lot of debate lately about the shape of the international currency system. Increasingly, we are told, the world is moving toward a multicurrency system with several poles, implying that the system is becoming more competitive. Polarity, however, is a notoriously crude measure of the level of competition in any kind of system, economic or political. If analysis is to be at all accurate, it should take into account not only the number of poles in a system but also the inequalities among them –an alternative approach encompassed by the concept of concentration. In this paper we make use of the concept of concentration to provide a more accurate picture of the competitive structure of the currency system today. When taking account of concentration as well as polarity, our results suggest that the competitive structure of the system is little changed over a period stretching back more than two decades.

This editorial presents a case for the development of cohesive and non-partisan industrial and S&T policies that will foster engagement with other countries in the development of S&T. Examples of China and the U.S. are presented.

Offshore finance provides an incubator and testing ground for propositions concerning fundamental debates in international political economy. The common feature among offshore financial products is calculated ambiguity: the ability to give diametrically opposed but legally valid answers to the same question from different quarters. Thus offshore allows individuals and firms to enjoy simultaneous ownership and non-ownership, to be high profit and loss-making, heavily indebted but also debt-free, and for investment to be foreign and domestic. The advantages conferred to individuals and firms, however, tend to undermine the stability of the financial system. Using indirect governance techniques, transnational networks of regulators have sought to coercively simplify offshore finance, with mixed results. Focusing on ambiguity as central to offshore finance complements earlier theoretical treatments of this realm from law, anthropology and international relations. Empirically, the recently enhanced su...

This article argues that public blacklisting by international organizations can be an effective means of bringing about compliance in otherwise recalcitrant states. This contention is examined in light of overlapping campaigns by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Financial Action Task Force to pressure targeted states to adopt costly financial reforms. In a constructivist vein, blacklisting is held to be a form of speech act that changed the world by damaging states' reputations among investors, and thus produced pressure to comply through actual or anticipated capital flight. To be removed from blacklists, thereby preventing future economic damage, those targeted have had to comply with stringent regulatory standards mandated by these international organizations. Evidence is taken from interviews, press accounts, official documents and quantitative data relating to seven affected tax havens as well as Austria and Switzerland.

The 2008 economic crash led to remarkable shifts of opinion among world leaders. Does this crisis create favourable conditions for the reform and revitalisation of economics itself--from a subject dominated by mathematical techniques to a discipline more oriented to understanding real-world institutions and actors? And why were warnings of financial collapse not heeded? Recent shortcomings are partly related to the global triumph of market individualist ideology and partly to the exaggerated roles of modelling and quantification. These failures of economics are partly peculiar to the discipline and also a result of other wider institutional and cultural forces. Copyright The Author 2009. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Cambridge Political Economy Society. All rights reserved., Oxford University Press.

'Economic imperialism' celebrates a double meaning. The first concerns the phenomena of colonialism and neocolonialism. The second refers to the attempt to extend the core ideas of neoclassical economics to cover social science as a whole. In this second meaning 'economic imperialism' implies that the core assumptions of neoclassical economics can and should be applied to a wide variety of fields of study, including politics, international relations, sociology, anthropology, psychology, history and even biology, as well as economics itself. It is based on the belief that the idea of 'rational economic man' is appropriate to social science as a whole. This essay is concerned with 'economic imperialism' in the latter sense. It is written at a time when neoclassical economics has pushed all alternative paradigms to the fringes of its home discipline. Almost without exception, the prestigious economics departments in the world are dominated, and many exclusively populated, by neoclassical economists. All the core, high-status journals in economics are edited by economists of that same persuasion. Neoclassical dominance is most severe in the Anglo-American world but it is not confined to it. Today, the presuppositions of 'rational economic man' dominate the subject to an extent that has never been experienced before. Furthermore, the neoclassical approach is making itself felt outside economics. In 1957 Anthony Downs published An Economic Theory of Democracy in which the neoclassical presumption of rational choice was applied to democratic political systems. But it was not until the 1970s that the rational choice approach became firmly established in political science. Although neoclassical ideas do not dominate politics to the degree that they do economics, the paradigm of rational choice permeates much of Anglo-American political science and has a major influence in the field of international relations.

The Handbook on the Economics of Conflict conveys how economics can contribute to the understanding of conflict in its various dimensions embracing world wars, regional conflicts, terrorism and the role of peacekeeping in conflict prevention. The economics of conflict is a relatively new branch of the discipline of economics. Conflict provides opportunities for applying game theory involving strategic behaviour, interactions and interdependence between adversaries. The Handbook demonstrates that conflict and its prevention is costly. It considers new dimensions such as ethnic cleansing, destructive power, terrorism, corruption, the impact of new technology, peacekeeping, the role of economists in defence ministries and the use of private contractors in conflict. This unique and comprehensive resource presents a set of original contributions by distinguished experts, providing theoretical, empirical and case-study material. It will prove invaluable for students and researchers interested in defence and peace economics, international relations and strategic studies. Policymakers and defence industry executives will also find this book a fascinating read.

It could possibly be a sheer historical coincidence that development economics as a distinct branch of economics was being born at a time when the cold war was blossoming too. But the question as to what has subsequently happened to the fate of the sub-field along with the trajectory of the cold war - the protracted 'invisible' battle fought mainly in the spheres of ideology, economics, politics, and propaganda between the capitalist and socialist blocs - cannot be similarly left as a historic fluke. A detailed substantive academic attempt at examining/establishing the latter apprehension has so far remained suspended and/or at best muted or sometimes just taken for granted in most retrospective accounts of development economics. This paper makes a systematic visit to the issue, and argues that evolution of development economics has been heavily mediated by domineering international politics, and that development economics, as it exists in the post-cold war era, entails a great delusion in relation to its original purpose, promise, and priorities.

Until August 1971, the United States categorically rejected any notion of devaluing the dollar and championed an international monetary system based on fixed but adjustable exchange rates. From August 1971 through February 1973, the United States aggressively sought massive devaluation of the dollar, and since early 1973, it has actively promoted the adoption of highly flexible exchange rates.