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The European Union's response to the Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has been widely perceived as unprecedented. This article examines how this could be, considering the long track record of disagreement amongst EU member states over foreign policy vis‐à‐vis Russia. It is argued that whilst the Russian invasion had a decisive impact on member states' security threat perceptions, realist explanations of the EU's forceful response encounter limitations: Germany and France, the EU's most influential powers, were not the drivers of the EU's joint actions during the first months following the invasion, as they struggled to redefine their national security interests. Against this background, this article takes a different perspective. It asks in what kind of intersubjective context the EU's initial response became meaningful and rational, allowing for agreement to emerge amongst the member states on a set of unprecedented measures. This article proposes a theoretical approach that takes into account the role of norms, rationalities and speech acts in a changing context and of social interaction therein. It is demonstrated that, given the dramatic rupture following the invasion, the EU's response in 2022 was embedded in, and structured by, a priori understandings and justifications generated by the EU in response to Russia's war against Ukraine starting in 2014, including normative considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzed the presentations of the deployment of THAAD (Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense) on South Korean territory by conducting a qualitative framing analysis of editorials and columns in The China Daily. This media organ of the Chinese government largely condemned the United States and South Korea as falling captive to the mindset of the Cold War. This antagonistic coverage was surely influenced by the Chinese government, which views the THAAD deployment can damage China's national security interests. The China Daily viewed the United States as a competitor and adversary to China. According to this newspaper, the United States is eager to wage a new Cold War and refuses to consider China as a potential partner in finding a solution to the North Korean crisis. In the opinion pages of The China Daily, Samuel Huntington's "clash of civilization" paradigm is repeatedly invoked as the proper framework through which a globalized world should be viewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes and compares the impact of the 1968 Prague Spring on military and strategic thinking in Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. A great change in the Czechoslovakian military caused Memorandum 68, a proposal of domestic military doctrine which consistently took into account the vital security interests of Czechoslovakia in international relations at that time. The document was mainly based on the inviolability of Czechoslovak territory and the right of its nations to defend their own existence regardless of the superpower interests of the Soviet Union. At the same time Yugoslavia began to develop its own doctrine of the General People's Defence and Social Self-Protection, which emphasized its total nature, creating the reality of the concept of a "nation in arms," which attached great importance to soldiers and the art of soldiering in Y ugoslavia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1990–1991 saw a distinct change in Danish foreign policy in general and towards the Baltic countries in particular, shifting from a quiescent policy of non-recognition of the Soviet occupation of the Baltic countries to active support for Baltic independence. Drawing on declassified documents, this article argues that although the shift was made possible by Soviet decline and by US approval and support for the new Danish position, it was ultimately driven by the idea prevalent in Danish foreign policy thinking that it would further Denmark's long-term indirect security interests. By contributing to restoring the independence of three small democratic states on the other side of the Baltic Sea, Denmark could promote a more stable – and to Denmark less threatening – Baltic Sea area. Alternative hypotheses for the shift in policy: that the Danish desire to adopt the Baltic cause was a way to perform a useful service to the US; or that it was driven by 'pure' humanitarian motives, and/or by consideration for international and domestic prestige are examined and rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Kufa Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of FinanzRundschau is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2014, Sweden has pursued the world's first Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP). However, the effectiveness of its policy promotion depends on how Sweden's efforts to spread this norm-based policy are perceived and evaluated by other states. We argue that a policy promotion effort has to be perceived as legitimate, coherent and salient by target populations in order to be effective. We investigate the extent to which it is the case in national newspapers of 17 countries, representing world and regional powers. We demonstrate that most coverage of the FFP is rather modest, notably in non-Western countries. Further, we argue that the coverage of Sweden's FFP in foreign media is influenced by three challenges: (1) an absence of a universal definition of FFP; (2) a clash between ideals of FFP and Swedish "traditional" security and commercial interests; (3) an uneasy relationship between the concept of feminism and media in many countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Germany's official aid to Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries has more than doubled since 2011, ostensibly to support their own responses to development and humanitarian challenges following the Arab uprisings. The dramatic increases in aid have not been accompanied by a public strategy setting out Germany's objectives in the region, and the role of aid in conjunction with other policy tools in achieving them. Purpose: What strategic objectives does the German government have for its MENA aid, and have these objectives changed in response to the Arab uprisings? Does the practice of Germany's aid spending actually address development and humanitarian challenges in the MENA region, as these are defined by MENA countries themselves? In order to address these questions, this article develops key insights from the historical institutionalist and aid effectiveness literature that explain strategic policy‐making in complex decision‐making systems. Approach and Methods: Two propositions are discussed in a structured review of the policy and practice dimensions of Germany's MENA aid programme: first, that Germany's aid and foreign policy system has not been able to articulate a clear strategy due to political differences and bureaucratic inertia; and second that the priorities tend to favour German and European security interests rather than the region's own development and humanitarian priorities. Findings: The analysis reveals that, while new priorities for development co‐operation in response to the Arab uprisings have been set, Germany's MENA aid programme shows signs of policy incoherence and fragmentation. This is unlikely to change without a "whole‐of‐government" strategy for Germany's MENA engagement. Furthermore, while there is little evidence of purposeful securitization of aid, short‐term stability has been privileged over support for political change. Policy Implications: A whole‐of‐government strategy based on the Sustainable Development Goals could balance German interests with the MENA region's development priorities, ironing out the most problematic incoherencies, and thereby increasing partner country ownership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose--To assess U.S.-North Korea diplomacy under Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un, which has featured leader summits but few working- level negotiations, producing a nuclear and long- range missile test moratorium but not denuclearization. Design/Methodology/Approach--Unpack and compare the Trump and Kim strategies with particular attention to the intersection of economic and security interests and the interaction of domestic and international politics. Findings--Kim is willing to engage in threat reduction for economic benefits and de facto acceptance of North Korea as a nuclear state. Trump aims to put Kim in a domestic political position of having to deliver economic growth, the sanctions relief for which would require denuclearization. Both leaders claim the advantage, but time is not on the side of either strategy. Practical Implications--No relevant party, least of all South Korea, wants Trump and Kim to return to military escalation. But to climb rather than fall off the diplomatic ladder, the U.S. and North Korea need an intermediate rung to grasp. This could entail a "big definition" of Yongbyon's dismantlement in exchange for sanctions exemptions for inter-Korean projects and relief from UN sectoral bans with snapback provisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past seven decades, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, China's diplomacy has achieved historical achievements: it has established a network of partnership spanning across the globe, served national construction and "reform and opening-up", staunchly safeguarded national sovereignty, security and development interests, markedly improved China's international status and influence, contributed China's wisdom and solution to the world, and earnestly practiced the principle of diplomacy for the people. China has carved out a path of major-power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics and has accumulated valuable experience in this process: adhering to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the path of socialism; upholding an independent foreign policy of peace; advocating for the international relations tenet with the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence" as the core; opposing hegemonism and power politics; adamantly standing with the vast group of developing countries; safeguarding national sovereignty, security and development interests; promoting human common development while safeguarding its own interests; insisting on seeking truth from facts, advancing with the times and keeping exploration and innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is wide agreement among scholars that the shift from government to governance in security has seen unprecedented levels of cooperation (and competition) between private security actors (PSAs) and law enforcement agencies in the policing of public spaces, and the formation of fluid, diverse policing assemblages. With the overriding goal of investigating how the politics of security governance vary across time and space, this article seeks to explore security assemblage structures in counter-piracy operations on the high seas. Specifically, it studies the assembly of coercive force between public and private actors there, and compares this to the experience of multilateral security governance in other policing environments. On the back of this, it suggests that the formation of security assemblages in maritime space involves a configuration of public and private in which private actors have great prominence in (and authority over) the distribution of legitimate coercive force in ‘public good’ or ‘civilised’ security provision. Consequently, it argues that in this space, private interests (rather than those of the nation) may be central in the assembly of ‘civilised’ security interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing research on international democracy promotion is characterised by a peculiar tension. On the one hand, many scholars agree that, since 1990, democracy promotion has indeed become a significant aim guiding the foreign and development policies of North-Western democracies. On the other hand, there is a far-reaching consensus that this normative goal is regularly ignored once it collides with economic and/or security interests. This article challenges the notion that we can understand the motives and drivers behind democracy promotion by assuming that interests and norms represent two neatly separated and clearly ranked types of factors. It argues that democracy promotion policies are the result of a complex interaction of interests and norms. After first developing this argument theoretically, the article presents results from a comparative research project on the US and German democracy promotion that support this claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Kim Dae-jung and Koizumi Junichiro visited Pyongyang in 2000 and 2002, their visits facilitated a perception shift toward North Korea in South Korea and Japan. This was a consequence of the two democratic societies expanding and redefining the acceptable boundaries of their national security identities and principles in a changing regional environment. Although the expansion of societal security discourse did not lead extreme 'revisionists' to implement drastic strategic policy transformations in either country, it did provoke a 'mutual security anxiety' between the South Korean and Japanese publics, as they felt increasingly uncertain about each other's future security trajectory. This mutual anxiety, in which both countries tend to view each other as potential security risk, while overlooking the existence of moderate democratic citizens on the other side, continues to provide a powerful ideational under- tone to the bilateral relationship, which contributes to persistent misunderstanding at various levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political coalitions in the international system are still understudied in International Relations theory. This article claims that the formation of and variations in coalitions in the international system are affected by changes in their bargaining power and bargaining environment related to the global leadership cycle and by long-term organisational changes of the international political system. Identifying the Security Council as the institution in which states are more likely to keep their systemic preferences at the institutional level, the article studies the presence, formation and change of coalitions in the international system by testing variations in the behaviour of the Security Council members in the period 1993–2012. To overcome methodological difficulties, it proposes to analyse sponsoring rather than voting behaviour. In the analysed period, the presence of a mutating dominant coalition, signs of potential coalitions in the making and an increase in participation and competition resulting from modifications in the organisational form of the international system are found. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the securitization theory (ST) and various related issues. Topics include explaining the concept of security with modern probability calculus, the role of study of critical security in relation to geo-historical constitution of securitization and how securitization can be the factor in understanding the social conditions of peace, conflict and security. Also, the contribution of the professor of international relations Barry Buzan is mentioned.

This study shows that the Joint Marine Seismic Undertaking (JMSU) between China and the Philippines is an attempt of both countries to advance their respective national interests. Arguing that the foreign policies of China and the Philippines dovetailed during the administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, the study situates the JMSU as (1) part of China's overall foreign policy in Southeast Asia and (2) as an attempt to maintain good relations with the Philippines and help resolve tensions related to the South China Sea disputes between the Philippines and China. The paper also shows that (3) the JMSU, along with Chinese ODA, dovetailed with the Philippine government's plan to promote economic development and facilitate energy security. Citing significant documents compiled by government agencies, newspaper and online articles, government officials' speeches, and academic journals, the study shows how the Chinese official development assistance (ODA) coincided and ran parallel to the signing of the Joint Maritime Seismic Undertaking. In conclusion, the study suggests a direct, causal link, not just conjunction, among Chinese ODA, the advancement of Beijing's security interests, and the signing of the JMSU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the law of head of State immunity through an analysis of the indictment of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Contrary to most commentaries, this essay argues that al-Bashir remains protected by head of State immunity, and that ICC jurisdiction over him can only be maintained through one of two controversial claims: either that the Security Council can override customary international law rules of treaties and immunities, or that the law of immunities already provides an exception that invalidates al-Bashir's protection. This article provides a detailed explanation of why both propositions are unsustainable and require considerable revision of public international law. While the desire to prosecute al-Bashir is understandable, the ICC's legal arguments actually threaten the Court's ability to protect victims by alienating some States Parties and prompting those States and others to reduce co-operation with the Court. It concludes by suggesting that the Court's arguments represent a problematic assertion of its position as an institution of global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the process of collection and dissemination of remote sensing data, national security has been the main issue between the sensing state and sensed state. In order to solve this problem, Principles of Remote Sensing 1986 has been implemented. The national law of each country has also been implemented in order to protect the national security. This article attempts to identify the conflict of principles between the principle of common heritage of mankind which governs the outer space and the principle of sovereignty which governs the earth. In addition, this article also attemps to identify the lacuna in the Principles of Remote Sensing 1986 with regard to the issues of collection and dissemination of remote sensing data. Finally, solutions are suggested to the problems that have been identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until recently links between state and non-state security and justice have been given scant attention, despite being an important part of safety and security provision in the South. This article examines the circumstances in which such linkages occur; the benefits enjoyed by the partners; and the problems encountered. It considers how their success is to be measured, and how and when they can be facilitated and made sustainable. It comes to the conclusion that, for all their limitations, states, donors and international agencies would be foolish to ignore links with non-state security and justice providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tension on the high seas between lawful commerce and illicit activity has existed for thousands of years, but today it represents a particularly serious challenge that requires more than just power projection; it requires innovative diplomacy, regional commitments, dedicated leadership and increased legal authority. In the maritime domain, there is no greater area of concern than asymmetric threats. Cooperation has unfolded to address some of these challenges, but states and international venues have yet to holistically confront the myriad threats emanating from the oceans. The desired result of every maritime attack may not necessarily be a judicial proceeding, but the ability and political will to prosecute is a critical factor in ensuring a safer maritime environment. When gaps in the law exist—whether in the area of illicit cargo, container security, underwater explosive devices or attacks in shipping channels—criminals and terrorists can operate with impunity. To address these gaps, states can better position themselves by strengthening the law, prioritising political and operational support, removing sanctuaries and authorising the pursuit of illicit assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Sovereignty is the bedrock of international law. If security requires that the United States transgress sovereign borders to attack foreign fighters and their support networks hiding in third countries, then the U.S. should adopt a strategy to amend international law accordingly. One should not be too quick, however, to disregard a robust notion of sovereignty, a concept that has helped avert conflict among the world''s major powers. The United States needs a strategy for sovereignty''s future that is based in the emerging security context and a prioritization of American interests. Instead, the United States and the rest of the world are meandering toward a less robust sovereignty with weaker and more ambiguous international law. The U.S. and its global interests would be better served by strong and clear international rules that increase predictability and that confer legitimacy to action against dangerous enemies. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article discusses the constitutional foundation of the national security fact deference. It provides a review of actual practices of national security fact deference and reflects on the case law involving Japanese Americans in World War II. An analysis of the nature of national security fact deference claim account based on literature of constitutional theory is also offered.

The article discusses the state of the feminist project in international law. Specifically, the author talks about the resolutions passed by the United Nations' Security Council on women. She also explores the adoption of Resolution 1325 by the Security Council in 2000, which recognizes the role of women in the peace process other than victims of armed conflicts. She expresses her concerns over the commitment of the Security Council as an advocate of feminist goals and protector of women's rights.

How do we explain North American regionalism theoretically after 9/11 rudely interrupted escalating integrative efforts? This article evaluates how accurately several competing theoretical models in international relations continue to explain post-9/11 developments in the region. Assessing the basic tenets of neofunctionalism, security community, interdependence, neorealism, and certain intelligence-based paradigms, the study argues that many expectations raised by these theories concerning the government, culture, and economy of the region have not been met. Furthermore, a host of phenomena now developing in the region is neither explained by, nor has been predicted by, any of these competing approaches. The article's main findings are that, first, this paradigm irrelevance/irreverence is confirmed by increasingly incompatible policies across the region; second, retreating integration and constrained security interests have produced imperfect interdependence in North America; and third, widening gaps between public preferences and policy outcomes are becoming clearly visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linkages between security and development, and the need for national and international organizations to integrate these areas and concerns in policy, are widely recognized. It is, however, less clear how to practically accomplish this. Different policies will address different security and development concepts and aspects, and choices on focus and priority need to be made. This can generate tensions and resistance within organizations, resulting in limited integration. A case study of the World Bank's attempt to be more 'conflict-sensitive' demonstrates this dynamic. This attempt has had various positive aspects, but the integration of conflict concerns in its programmes and policies remains uneven and somewhat limited. While there is certainly room for improved integration, this should not be pursued beyond the point where the Bank's comparative advantage is undermined and resources from its core mission of combating human poverty diverted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Note examines the competing interests between ensuring military personnel's freedom of speech while protecting national security interests. The Author recognizes the necessity of protecting national security interests but emphasizes that military personnel's rights to free speech must be protected as long as such speech poses no threat to military security. In conclusion, clearer protections must be implemented to protect military personnel's right to free speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last 15 years the EU has become an important actor in domestic and judicial policy. Tasks which can no longer be handled adequately at the national level, such as combating terrorism and dealing with illegal immigration, give rise to specific expectations in relation to European policy on the part of the citizens. One characteristic of this increase in significance of European policy is questionable, however: despite the clear objective of the European treaties to establish a common space of freedom, security, and law, European judicial and domestic policy remains above all security-policy oriented. The important task of weighing up the compatibility with fundamental rights and the proportionality of envisaged measures on combating crime too often recedes into the background. Against this background the question arises of how the German presidency can lend its support to an effective policy of internal security and immigration control which at the same time is compatible with the protection of fundamental rights and basic democratic standards, as well as wider societal interests. The opening up of the legislative process, hitherto dominated by actors from interior ministries, the police, and criminal justice, to the participation of actors from the Parliament, the law, the data protection authorities, and non-governmental organizations is of the highest importance if a balanced domestic and judicial policy is to be achieved. The analysis of dossiers in the fight against terrorism and criminality - the pending reform and further development of Europol and the extension of data exchange between national criminal prosecution authorities - brings to light two central points for which the German presidency must do what it can in order to promote the creation of a » balanced « space of freedom, security, and law: the ever more intensive exchange and processing of personal data between national security authorities, between the EU and third states, and within the framework of Europol should be offset by a more comprehensive, uniform protection of personal data at the European level. In addition, the Council presidency should pursue two priorities in the current debate on institutional reform of European cooperation on internal security: on the one hand, the supervisory and participatory rights of the European Parliament and the European Court of Justice must be expanded; on the other hand, the presidency must counteract the danger of further fragmentation and de-democratization of this policy area by means of the transposition of extra-Treaty cooperation projects such as the Pruem Treaty (Schengen III) to the framework of EU law. Such efforts to combat terrorism indisputably constitute a core area of internal security policy, so that the balance to be found in the relevant European policies is largely one-dimensional - namely between freedom and security. In this regard, European migration policy is more problematic: although migration has clear implications for the member states' internal security, it also affects priorities arising from social, economic, and foreign policy. The balance to be found in European migration policy therefore has two dimensions: firstly between freedom and security, and secondly between security and a broader set of interests drawn from other policy areas. Various opportunities arise under the German Presidency to reintroduce social-, economic-, and foreign-policy concerns into policy-making without compromising previous efforts to regulate the security threats arising from cross-border human movements. It is also open to the German Presidency to push for policies that increase states' control of migration without necessarily restricting individuals" freedoms.… [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 50,000 international treaties are in force today, covering nearly every aspect of international affairs and nearly every facet of state authority. And yet many observers continue to argue that international law- with its general absence of central enforcement and its typically voluntary character-is ineffective. This Article assesses and responds to this challenge. Building upon insights from both political science and legal scholarship, it offers a theory of state decisions regarding treaty law that accounts for the key ways in which such law shapes state behavior This integrated theory of international law seeks to explain why countries would commit to treaties that potentially constrain their behavior and how treaties, once accepted, influence or fail to influence state behavior I argue that commitment and compliance are reciprocal influences on each other if compliance is very costly or carries few benefits, for instance, countries will be unlikely to join a treaty in the first place. As a result, states behave in ways that standard theories miss-failing to join treatie, for example, with which they could easily comply, or joining treaties that they have little inclination to obey. The theory emphasizes two central means by which treaties shape what countries do. The first is the enforcement of international treaties by transnational actors and by rule of law institutions within nations that join the treaty. In particular, domestic enforcement mechanisms are a crucial force pushing countries to comply with international treaties-and because they are, they are also a key influence upon countries' willingness to join such treaties in the first place. The second is the collateral consequences of treaty membership - that is the anticipated consequences for, among other thing% foreign aid and investment, trade, and domestic political support. Collateral consequences arise when domestic and transnational actors premise their actions toward a state on the state's decision to accept or reject international legal rules As I demonstrate using both new empirical evidence and reanalysis of earlier studies, the relationship between treaties and state behavior hinges significantly on these two factors. The Ankle thus offers a vision of the potential and the limits of international law that integrates and moves beyond existing accounts [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about various issues related to the U.S. security policy on China. This discussion shows that, from China's perspective, the key to improving the U.S.-China relations is not stressing common interests in reality, but stressing China's long-term goodwill. The most important issue in the U.S.-China security relations is Taiwan issue. When dealing with Taiwan issue, China should also take into account how to influence the U.S. concerns about gains. The U.S., therefore, might adopt a more co-operative policy on China.

Focuses on the claim that post-Soviet politics is imbued with the prevalence of linkages between security and identity in Russo-Baltic relations. Information on the changing strategic and politico-economic contexts of Russo-Baltic relations; Analysis of Russo-Estonian relations by the use of the Q methodology; Details of the four discourses that provide information on how security and identity can be linked in Russo-Estonian relations.

ABSTRACT The Arab-Israeli peace process pointed to a resolution of the Middle East's most persistent conflict, as the Rabin and Peres governments developed a sensitivity to the Arab-Israeli 'security dilemma', but by 1996 the process was deadlocked. Events stalled progress, but so did ingrained attitudes that continued to shape policy that was inconsistent with the peace process. The following article explains some of the Realist norms and values at the root of security thinking in Israel, and charts their inertia in Israeli policy during the peace process, focusing on its approach to Lebanon. The article gives an insight into why Rabin and his successors struggled to find an alternative policy towards Lebanon, and how this prolonged the Arab-Israeli conflict. The efforts of the Netanyahu and Barak governments to find a solution to the policy problem of Lebanon are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Israel's principle of deliberate ambiguity towards nuclear power. According to Louis René Beres, author who studies Israel's policy on nuclear weapons, the region has argued that Israel's position has no longer conform to the security interests of the Jewish state and within the Middle East peace negotiations. Beres has mentioned few options that the country should take such as the systematic benefit and cons in considering nuclear war. Information regarding the privileges it has acquired from the U.S.-Israel special arrangement is also discussed.

It seems overly optimistic to suggest that after so many years of bitter struggle in the Arab-Israeli war a political settlement between the parties could of itself be capable of producing neighbourly Israeli-Palestinian relations. After setting out some of the elements necessary for a stable peace based on a two-state solution, this article puts forward a detailed itnernational security plan that would underwrite a peace settlement between Israel and the Palestinians, involving a visible joint presence for both superpowers, an International Guarantor Force, and the establishment of a new security regime in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes changing Soviet foreign policy toward Southwest Asia, mainly Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan. The region is important to Soviet security and strategic interests, and Soviet policy toward the region has been consistently cautious, far-sighted, flexible, and shrewd. Moscow avoids serious risks and adjusts quickly to changing conditions. The USSR is interested in widening and protecting its interests in Southwest Asia in order to achieve regional capability and to influence events beyond the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)