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Der Beitrag untersucht die Subjektivierung einer selbsternannten aktuellen rechtsintellektuellen Elite, die sich um das Institut für Staatspolitik und namentlich Götz Kubitschek formiert und mit der Behauptung einer Tradition rechtsintellektuellen Denkens von der Konservativen Revolution zur Zeit der Weimarer Republik bis heute verbunden ist. Dafür werden Buch- und Zeitschriftenpublikationen sowie Zeitungsinterviews und Hintergrundartikel von zentralen Akteur:innen ausgewertet und die Subjektposition eines "introvertierten, querulantischen Widerstandskämpfers gegen ein korrumpiertes System" rekonstruiert. Die Wissenssoziologische Diskursanalyse nach Keller (2005) stellt den theoretischen Rahmen zur Bestimmung des Verhältnisses von (rechtsintellektueller) Subjektivität und Diskurs dar, ebenso wie sie mit dem Konzept der Subjektposition das zentrale Analyseinstrument bereitstellt. Die Auswertung erfolgt mithilfe von Strategien der Grounded Theory (Strauss/Corbin 1996). Abschließend wird die Bedeutung von (Dis‐)Kontinuitätskonstruktionen zur Konservativen Revolution und die Rolle des Feuilletons für rechtsintellektuelle Subjektivität diskutiert. This article examines the subjectification of a self-proclaimed current right-wing intellectual elite, which is formed around the "Institut für Staatspolitik" and namely Götz Kubitschek and is associated with the assertion of a tradition of right-wing intellectual thought from the Conservative Revolution at the time of the Weimar Republic until today. For this purpose, books and magazine publications as well as newspaper interviews and background articles by central actors are evaluated and the subject-position of an "introverted, querulous resistance fighter against a corrupted system" is reconstructed. Keller's (2005) sociological discourse analysis of knowledge provides the theoretical framework for determining the relationship between (right-wing intellectual) subjectivity and discourse, as well as the concept of subject position as the central tool of analysis. The analysis is carried out with central strategies of Grounded Theory (Strauss/Corbin 1996). Finally, the role of (dis)continuityconstructions on the Conservative Revolution and the role of feuilleton for right-wing intellectual subjectivity are discussed.

This paper explores the social and political potential of accounting scholarship, presenting and discussing an intellectual intervention challenging a legislative reform that significantly affected Spanish industrial relations. In this reform, an accounting artifact (forecasted losses) played an unexpected role and was misrepresented, prompting a sizeable number of scholars to sign two manifestos in 2010 and 2012 against the use of forecasted losses made by the new legislation. As promoters of this manifesto, we perform in this paper a collaborative autoethnography to reflect on the context, events, reactions, and significance of this intervention for both the academic and the industrial relations fields. We mobilize Pierre Bourdieu’s ideas on the public intellectual to think more generally about academic engagements in the interplay between accounting, policymaking, and social issues. This intervention illustrates the different manners in which administrative and economic powers interfered in the Spanish accounting academic field, limiting the disposition of Spanish scholars to engage in public debates. We also interpret our engagement as mobilizing intellectual capital to expose how the notion of forecasted losses was used to produce a form of symbolic violence and how this capital is more effective as it produces messages addressed to the producers, i.e., policymakers and the judicature in this specific case., Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad, FEDER and Consejería de Educación, Junta de Castilla y León (Grants RTI2018-099920-B-I00 and BU058P17).

Forschungsleitende Hypothese und Fragestellung war die Annahme, dass durch Repressalien hinsichtlich nicht-etablierter Intellektueller und deren Unfreiheit denken, veröffentlichen und v. a. kritisieren zu können, sich in China keine Zivilgesellschaft herausbilden kann.

This paper follows the plight of Walter Ruben (1899-1982), an Indologist who had begun his career in Frankfurt am Main and later became one of the leading Indologists of the German Democratic Republic. In mid-1930s, he escaped Nazi persecution by seeking exile in Turkey. Relying on archival research in the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities (BBAW) and the Prime Ministry's Republican Archives (BCA) in Istanbul, the Turkish press, and oral historical sources, together with the publications of Ruben during his Ankara years, I bring to light Ruben's life trajectory during his exile and internment with a balanced analysis of his 'production of knowledge' as a scholar at risk. The scholarly pressure and difficulties Ruben faced as an endangered scholar hired by a single-party authoritarian state delineate the precariousness and vulnerabilities of life as an exile academic. His original research and writing during his forced internment in Kırşehir, on the other hand, marks another dimension of his exile years, namely his endless effort to look for a real refuge within his intellectual production.

The (Transforming) Role of Intellectuals in the Process of the “Atheization” of Czech Society in the 2nd Half of 20th CenturyThe article deals with resonance, development, and changes in various forms of atheism in the works of Czech, especially Marxist, intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century. Attention is also paid to their influence on public opinion, especially in connection with a rise in negative attitude of a large part of the Czech public towards religion. The study is based primarily on historical and discursive analyses of the works of principal authors from the 1950s to 1989. Among the authors discussed are important figures such as Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec, and Vítězslav Gardavský. Rola intelektualistów w procesie „ateizacji” społeczeństwa czeskiego w drugiej połowie XX wieku i jej transformacjaArtykuł dotyczy oddziaływania, rozwoju i zmian różnych form ateizmu w twórczości czeskich, zwłaszcza marksistowskich, intelektualistów w drugiej połowie XX wieku. Omawia również ich wpływ na opinię publiczną, przede wszystkim w obliczu narastania negatywnego stosunku do religii u dużej części czeskiego społeczeństwa. Opracowanie opiera się szczególnie na historycznych i dyskursywnych analizach dzieł głównych autorów od lat 50. XX wieku do roku 1989, a zwłaszcza tak ważnych postaci, jak Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec czy Vítězslav Gardavský.

Ali ‘Abd al-Raziq’s book al-Islam wa-usul al-hukm (Islam and the foundations of power), published in 1925, is conventionally considered to be the first Islamic argument for secularism in Arabic. Two decades earlier, however, Rafiq al-‘Azm had made the same core argument for the separation of religion and politics in the journal al-Manar, the mouthpiece of Islamic reformism, which would later come to fiercely attack ‘Abd al-Raziq’s secularism. This article focuses on selected writings by al-‘Azm to illustrate the possibility of validating secularity from within an Islamic discourse. In addition to outlining his argument for the separation of religion and politics, I show that al-‘Azm reformulated Islam as a societal order that is conceptually distinct from Islam as a religion, and that he gave primacy to a sociological perspective on religion. Al-‘Azm was part of an elitist intelligentsia who discussed the issue of the modern order in the transcultural public sphere of colonial Egypt. In a period of conceptual transformations, individuals from the Islamic discursive tradition, like al-‘Azm, used islam and related terms to convey both religion and secular society. The use of islam to refer to both of these concepts might blur the distinction between religion and the secular but should, in al-‘Azm’s case, be read as an Islamic validation of secular order and thus as an Islamic contribution to multiple secularities., Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung Vol. 44, No. 3 (2019): Special Issue: Islamicate Secularities in Past and Present. Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

Summary The wide spectrum of feminist thoughts, from art to epistemology, which are centred around gender and its multi-leveled arrangements in society is, when not aligned with predominant epistemic premises or artistic standards of hegemonic masculinity, rendered as Other or dirty. The concept of Otherness is ascribed to the knower/producer on behalf of her sex and her epistemic focus, which transgresses several dichotomous frameworks of the body–mind dualism, epistemological traditions, gendered categorization of professions, gender binarism and body norms of conventional femininity. The life and work of radical feminist Andrea Dworkin was analyzed in order to confirm the theoretical premise of the article, namely that when a woman positions herself as a knower and produces knowledge, (self)categorized as a feminist, she is perceived as a threat to the system of structures, discourses and practices of the gender order. Keywords: knowledge, feminism, Other, embodiment, Andrea Dworkin ----- Feministische Gedanken als schmutzige Intellektualitat: der Fall Andrea Dworkin Zusammenfassung Das breite Spektrum feministischer Gedanken von der Kunst bis zur Erkenntnistheorie, die sich um Geschlecht und seine vielfaltigen Arrangements in der Gesellschaft drehen, werden als „anders” oder „schmutzig” dargestellt, wenn diese sich nicht in vorherrschende erkenntnistheoretische Pramissen oder kunstlerische Standards der hegemonialen Mannlichkeit einordnen lassen. Das Konzept der Andersheit wird der Wissenden/Produzentin aufgrund ihres Geschlechtes und ihres epistemischen Fokus zugeschrieben, der dichotome Rahmungen eines Korper-Geist-Dualismus, erkenntnistheoretische Traditionen, geschlechtsspezifische Berufseinteilungen, Geschlechtsbinarismus und Korpernormen konventioneller Weiblichkeit durchbricht. Das Leben und Werk der radikalen Feministin Andrea Dworkin wird in der Analyse herangezogen, um die folgende theoretische Pramisse des Artikels zu bestatigen: Eine Frau, die sich als Wissende positioniert, Wissen produziert und als Feministin (selbst)kategorisiert (wird), wird als eine Bedrohung fur das System der Geschlechterordnung, seine Strukturen, Diskurse und Praktiken wahrgenommen. Schlusselworter: Wissen, Feminismus, Anderes, Verkorperung, Embodiment, Andrea Dworkin ----- Bibliographie: Pivec, Natasa: Feminist thought(s) as dirty intellectuality: the case of Andrea Dworkin, GENDER, 3-2015, S. 31-43. https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v7i3.20841

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach den Grunden fur die anhaltend zu konstatierende Leerstelle weiblicher bzw. feministischer Intellektueller in der Historiografie und Soziologie der Intellektuellen nach. Hierfur wird von einem Spannungsfeld ausgegangen, das sich aus den Dimensionen von Anerkennung, Definition, (Selbst-)Autorisierung sowie Zugehorigkeit zu dieser Sozialfigur konstituiert. Mit Blick auf den Entstehungszusammenhang der Neuen Frauenbewegung sowie im Ruckgriff auf feministische Erklarungsansatze und die Intellektuellentheorien von Bourdieu und Gramsci werden das Paradox der weiblichen bzw. das Tabu der feministischen Intellektuellen herausgearbeitet. Auf der Grundlage einer Skizze der fruhen politischen Ideen der Neuen Frauenbewegung wird abschliesend eine veranderte Genealogie der Intellektuellen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland gefordert. Schlusselworter: Intellektuelle, Neue Frauenbewegung, Intellektuellentheorie, Bourdieu, Gramsci ----- Female, feminist, intellectual: Paradox or taboo? Summary This article examines why female and feminist intellectuals are still not included in the historiography and sociology of intellectuals. The assumption is that there is an area of tensions related to this social role based on the dimensions of recognition, definition, authorization and belonging. In view of the origins of the second women’s movement and taking recourse to explanatory approaches to feminist theorists and to Bourdieu’s and Gramsci’s social theories of intellectuals, it is possible to elaborate the paradox of the female and the taboo of the feminist intellectual. Based on a draft of the early political ideas of the second women’s movement, the article calls for a new genealogy of intellectuals in Germany. Keywords: intellectuals, second women’s movement, social theory of intellectuals, Bourdieu, Gramsci ----- Bibliographie: Dackweiler, Regina-Maria: Weiblich, feministisch, Intellektuelle: Paradoxie oder Tabu?, GENDER, 3-2015, S. 12-30. https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v7i3.20840

Zusammenfassung Auf der Grundlage eines Intellektuellenbegriffs, der Forschungen jenseits von normativen Festschreibungen und Selbstentwurfen perspektiviert, beschaftigt sich der Beitrag mit der Historikerin Annette Kuhn. Die Frage nach Spuren „Eingreifenden Denkens“ steht dabei im Zentrum. Im Sinne aktueller historischer Intellektuellenforschung wird zur Diskussion der zentralen Thesen ein biografischer Zugang mit zeitgeschichtlichen und wissenssoziologischen Perspektiven verknupft; hierzu werden Denkbewegungen, Moglichkeitshorizonte, Ereignis- und Handlungskonstellationen seit den 1960er Jahren rekonstruiert. Schlusselworter: Intellektuelle, Geschichte, Geschichtswissenschaft, Didaktik, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Annette Kuhn ----- Interventional thinking – the historian Annette Kuhn in the German historical discourse since 1964 Summary Based on a definition of “intellectuals” which conceptualizes research beyond normative fixations and self-representation this article focuses on the historian Annette Kuhn. It aims to trace “interventional thinking” and, with a view to recent intellectual research, combines a biographical approach with perspectives from contemporary history and sociology of knowledge to discuss its key assumptions. To that end, movements of thought, ranges of options and constellations of events and actions since the 1960s are reconstructed. Keywords: intellectuals, history, science of history, didactics, women’s and gender research, Annette Kuhn ----- Bibliographie: Schmidt, Uta C.: Eingreifendes Denken – die Historikerin Annette Kuhn im Geschichtsdiskurs der Bundesrepublik seit 1964, GENDER, 3-2015, S. 44-60. https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v7i3.20842

The Civic Academy Foundation and its Memorial of the Victims of Communism and of the Resistance emerged in the mid 1990s as one of the most prominent actors of the memorialization and decommunization discourse in Romania after 1989. Considering the political context that was then dominated by the National Salvation Front, a party known for its political reluctance to dealing with the communist past, the Foundation’s success is astonishing. Contrariwise to the studies that focus on the discourses of the actors who made it, the purpose of our article is to analyze this endeavor from a sociological perspective. Through paying attention to the biographical trajectories of the main groups involved in the creation of the Civic Academy, the aim of this study is to bring to light their specific interests when addressing the communist crimes after 1989. Furthermore, this article establishes the connections between the social and professional positions of the intellectuals who launched the Memorial and a specific decommunization discourse that conquered the Romanian political life from 1996 onwards.

"Der Autor untersucht die Rolle progressiver Intellektueller Afrikas fünfzig Jahre nach der Unabhängigkeit und im Kontext postkolonialer politischer und ökonomischer Bedingungen. Die Intellektuellen Afrikas wurden durch den Staat marginalisiert; gleichzeitig waren progressive Intellektuelle bei ihren Bemühungen um Anerkennung nicht geeint. Der Autor versucht, das Potenzial intellektueller Autonomie und internationaler Solidarität aufzuzeigen, indem er an das blühende intellektuelle Leben in Tansania und die Leistungsfähigkeit des dortigen Verlagswesens nach der Unabhängigkeit erinnert. Das Ende dieser Ära und der Niedergang des Verlagswesens, insbesondere auch des Publizierens in afrikanischen Sprachen, haben sich negativ auf die ökonomische und intellektuelle Emanzipation ausgewirkt. Der Autor plädiert daher für internationale Solidarität unter den progressiven Intellektuellen Afrikas." (Autorenreferat) "In this contribution, the role of progressive African intellectuals fifty years after independence in the context of African postcolonial, political and socio-economic conditions is examined. African intellectuals have been marginalized by the African state, and progressive intellectuals have been disunited in their struggle for relevance. The possibilities for African intellectual autonomy and international solidarity are shown through a recollection of the flourishing intellectual environment and local publishing output of post-independence Tanzania. The end of that era and the demise of publishing, including in African languages, has negatively impacted African economic and intellectual emancipation and can only be addressed by international solidarity among progressive intellectuals." (author's abstract)

Left-wing intellectuals in Britain and the US had long repudiated the Soviet regime. Why was the collapse of the Eastern Bloc experienced as a shock that destabilised their identities and political allegiances then? What happened to a collective project that had started out to formulate a socialist vision different from both really existing socialism and social democracy? This study endeavours to answer both questions, focusing on generational networks rather than individuals and investigating political academic journals after 1989 to paint the picture of a Left deeply troubled by the triumph of a capitalism unfettered by any counter-force.

This essay is the first stage in a larger project that investigates an inter-imperial history of knowledge production through the prism of Baḥrī's activities and networks at various imperial sites in the Dutch, British and German empires as well as the French imperial nation-state. In this essay, I begin by asking how we can tell the history of the nationalist, journalist, author and traveller Yūnis Baḥrī (ca. 1901-1979) - once known in Arab-speaking populations from Europe across the Middle East to South East Asia as the "Iraqi traveller" (Arabic al-sāʾiḥ al-ʿirāqī) - by acknowledging his inter-imperial life and activities. Taking the archives of the German Foreign Office as examples, I seek to render these inter-imperial coordinates of his life visible. Previous research on Baḥrī has neglected these inter-imperial connections. Due to this reduction, Baḥrī's case could be described as a dualistic story of "Middle Eastern-German" relations. Thus, he could be a symbol for an ideological proximity of Arab nationalists and National Socialism. In this essay, I want to move away from the civilizational lens underlying such arguments by developing a broader methodological outlook. If Baḥrī's story forms part of the historical relationship between Arab nationalists and National Socialism, it is also an element of wider inter-imperial histories. To bring out these histories requires reading practices of the archives that do not follow civilizational or national logics. I therefore take what the archives of the German Foreign Office tell about Baḥrī as a starting point to tease out how his activities transgress civilizational historio graphical frameworks. In conclusion, I explain how the conceptual shift involved in my argument leads to a both broader and denser account of the politics that governed Baḥrī's life and other actors like him.

El presente trabajo analiza el rol de la intelectualidad liberal-conservadora argentina ante la última dictadura, el "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" (1976-1983). El libro estudia las posiciones e intervenciones de un conjunto de catorce actores: Álvaro Alsogaray, Alberto Benegas Lynch, Germán Bidart Campos, Horacio García Belsunce, Jorge Luis García Venturini, Mariano Grondona, Juan Segundo Linares Quintana, Mario Justo López, José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz, Víctor Massuh, Jaime Perriaux, Ambrosio Romero Carranza, Carlos Sánchez Sañudo y Ricardo Zinn. La elección de estos nombres implica considerar un abanico amplio de trayectorias que componen figuras intelectuales de diversidad, unidas sin embargo por muchos más vínculos que la adscripción política. La obra se interna en la historia político-intelectual de un espacio ideológico aún poco explorado desde los estudios sobre la intelectualidad, las derechas y la propia dictadura, reponiendo los diversos espacios ocupados por estos hombres, sus proyectos, coincidencias, polémicas y desencantos en un momento clave de la historia argentina.

The predominant “story” about the Slovenian nationalism before the collapse of the SFRY is simple: The Slovenian nationalism (negative perception) or “the Slovenian spring” (positive perception) “ap-peared” in the 1980s, it identified itself as “anti-Yugoslavism” and reached the climax in 1991 with the Slovenian independence. Yet, historical sources - both archival and publicist - expose different story: the relation between Slovenian nationalism and Yugoslavism is much more ambiguous and complicated. Why is the Slovenian Yugoslavism of the 1980s a relevant topic for international com-parative historiography of the second Yugoslavia and its successor states? I would point out two rea-sons. First, I claim that Yugoslavism of any kind could not exist without Slovenianism, especially since the creation of the first Yugoslavia in 1918. The history of Slovenian Yugoslavism (or Sloveni-an nationalism in general) is not just relevant for “the Slovenian national historiography”, without “the Slovenian component” we cannot understand Yugoslavia or Yugoslavism in general, which could be understood only in historical context. Although almost all authors recognize the significance of the Slovenian-Serbian conflict for the Yugoslav collapse: they assign surprisingly little attention to Slovenian intellectual circles. They are almost always mentioned, but rarely properly analyzed. Sec-ondly, most of historical analysis is preoccupied with the reasons for the collapse of the Yugoslavia. As H. Grandits and H. Sundhaussen have pointed out, if we research the history of a state that does not exist anymore, we unintentionally “search for” elements of the past, which explain why the state had failed. This is also the reason why Slovenian historians – those who consider the methodology of the academic historiography – are mainly focused on the “processes of independence” or the “process-es of democratization”. Slovenian Yugoslavism is not in the spotlight of attention, furthermore, it is mostly seen as an insignificant side-effect of the official Yugoslav ideology of “brotherhood and uni-ty”, not as something genuinely Slovenian.

Based on my postdoctoral monograph project focused on one of the main voices in the totalitarian debates during the first decades of the Cold War, the article retrieves the political and intellectual biography of the Romanian-British sociologist Zevedei Barbu (1914-1993). The main goal is to apprehend and deconstruct the canvas of apostasy related to the humanist Leftist intellectual turned into an important antitotalitarian thinker. Furthermore, the article discusses Barbu's main contributions to the field of historical psychology and conceptual framework.

Zusammenfassung Intellektuelles Engagement wird in Frankreich haufig mit mannlichen Akteuren und einem couragierten Eintreten fur die universellen Werte der Aufklarung assoziiert. Schon im fruhmodernen Frankreich des 17. Jahrhunderts waren jedoch auch Frauen – entgegen bestehender Standes- und Geschlechterkonventionen – intellektuell tatig. Als Schriftstellerinnen und Salonbetreiberinnen thematisierten einige von ihnen die Ungleichheit von Frauen und Mannern und entwarfen Modelle fur respektvollere Geschlechterbeziehungen. Eine dieser – sowohl in anerkennendem wie auch in spottischem Sinne – als „Preziose“ bezeichneten Frauen war die Schriftstellerin Madeleine de Scudery. Da sie sich in ihrem literarischen Werk und auch in ihren personlichen Lebensentscheidungen in unkonventioneller und reflektierter Weise mit fur Frauen sehr problematischen Themen wie „Bildung“, „Ehe“ oder „Schreiben und Publizieren“ auseinandersetzte, stellt sie gleichzeitig eine Ausnahmefigur ihrer Zeit und den Prototyp einer fruhen Intellektuellen dar. Schlusselworter: Intellektuelles Engagement, Frankreich, 17. Jahrhundert, Autorinnenschaft, Ehe, Preziose, Scudery ----- Madeleine de Scudery – an intellectual woman in early modern France Summary In France, the idea of intellectual endeavour is closely associated with male actors defending the universal values of the Enlightenment. However, women already led an intellectual life back in 17th century France, notwithstanding contemporary social and gender-related conventions. As writers and salon hostesses, several of these women pleaded for more respectful gender relations and criticized existing inequalities between women and men. Madeleine de Scudery was one of these women, who were called precieuses by their contemporaries. In both her literary writing and the choices she made in her personal life she confronted difficult topics for women, such as “education and knowledge”, “marriage” and “female authorship”. Madeleine de Scudery adopted unconventional positions and took unorthodox personal decisions, and engaged in a profound reflection of women’s living conditions, which made her both an exceptional figure in her time and the prototype of an early intellectual. Keywords: intellectual endeavour, France, 17th century, female authorship, marriage, precieuses, Scudery ----- Bibliographie: Hergenhan, Jutta: Madeleine de Scudery – Intellektuelle avant la lettre?, GENDER, 3-2015, S. 61-76. https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v7i3.20843

"Focusing on open source software the origin, development and organisation of a process of de-commodification is examined in an industry that usually relies on strong provisions to protect intellectual property. Open source denotes a cooperative and voluntary mode of software development cross-cutting organisational boundaries and transcending relations of market exchange. Starting with the Open Systems Movement in the late 1970s, which was driven by business strategic and industrial policy interests and complemented by a spirit of mutual support in professional communities, a social movement type of collective action has emerged which develops knowledge as a public good. Competent communities share the norms of the hacker culture and cooperate in informal relations challenging the boundaries between private and public goods. But the open source idea has also been transformed into a business strategy by companies who provide basic software products for free and make money with complementary products and services." (author's abstract)

The Romanians in Transylvania accomplished in the 19th century the transition from the old self-sufficient rural society to a society dominated by bourgeoisie values. The intellectual elite, trained in the educational institutions of the Habsburg Empire, in Vienna, Budapest, Oradea, Cluj, Schemmitz, is the expression of the assumption of these new values. Overall, more than 2041 Romanians studied in the first half of the 19th century in the colleges and universities of the Empire.

This study addresses the changing strategies of social inclusion, which the Hungarian elites in Romania pursued after WWII. The establishment of communist rule in Romania involved the members of the Hungarian ethnic minority in very different ways. As early as 1946, inner tensions and debates occurred inside this community, while groups from its elite organized manifestations of resistance against the new rulers. After 1947, the communist leadership of Romania dramatically changed its policies with regard to the ethnic Hungarians, and this caused a great disillusion to those who believed that the collective rights of minorities would be guaranteed in the new political framework. The events of 1956 reshaped the way the cultural elites of that ethnic group related to the communist regime. Later, the manifest nationalistic propaganda of late communism in Romania generated political dissent among the members of a new generation of Hungarian intellectuals. It is in that period that the post-1989 political strategies of this community originate. When the cultural elite of the Hungarian minority had to assume the role of building a representative political structure in the transition to democracy, its representatives continued to a great extent to act like in late communism.

This article presents the tumultuous story of the Romanian Department at the Pázmány Péter University (later Eötvös Loránd University) in Budapest in the aftermath of the Second World War. For this purpose, it follows the intricate connections between political regime changes, and personal feuds, ideologies, as well as the impact of trends and vogues in historical and philological research on the institutional and research agenda of this department. The study focuses particularly on major personalities connected to the department and the Hungarian-Romanian Association, such as Lajos Tamás and László Gáldi.

This article focuses on the specific forms of power that are embodied in the properties and functions of formalised language, as it was used by Jiang Zemin in crucial political documents on the Party's policy towards intellectuals. This inquiry illuminates various possibilities for the normalisation and inculcation of formalised language in the understudied decade of the 1990s, when the mantra “without stability, nothing can be achieved” became a tautology. The internal constitution of the selected texts is examined with an eye to the dialogic interaction with the production and reception of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping's political discourses on intellectuals (Mao 1942; Deng 1978). The analysis of language practices and discursive formations in a comparative perspective sheds light on the respective socio-political and historical contexts. It also reveals the extreme involution-devolution of formalised language in the Jiang Zemin era, when “preserving stability” was reaffirmed as a crucial concern of the Party leadership with the ultimate aim of preserving its monopoly of power.

Das politische Fernsehen hat in seiner Entwicklung eine Reihe archetypischer Akteursformen hervorgebracht, in der der sogenannte „Experte“ das vorerst letzte Glied darstellt. Er scheint die gesellschaftliche Funktion des Welterklärers zu erfüllen, die früher einem anderen Typus zugeschrieben wurde: Dem Intellektuellen. Dieser verliert mit der Expansion der telemedialen Kommunikationspraxis mehr und mehr an Bedeutung und macht Platz für die omnipräsenten Diskussionsrunden, in denen sich semiprofessionelle Studioakteure in Gemeinplätzen ergehen. Die Ursachen für sein Verschwinden wie für jenes hochgradig inszenierte Spektakel liegen in einer Auflösung der klassischen bürgerlichen Öffentlichkeit begründet, die einer postmodern-massendemokratischen Denkfigur weicht. Es manifestiert sich im Fernsehen ein Primat der Struktur, das den Intellektuellen nur in verschiedenen Verfallsformen zulässt, die hier theoretisch verortet und anhand empirischer Fallstudien verifiziert werden.

"Der Beitrag stellt eine neue Sozialfigur der Gegenwart vor: den Expertenintellektuellen. Bislang wurden in den Sozialwissenschaften Experten und Intellektuelle als grundsätzlich unterschiedliche Kategorien konzipiert. Jüngst ist jedoch eine Transformation des Intellektuellen zu beobachten, die ein Mischkonzept nahelegt. Die vor allem an Universitäten und Think Tanks beheimateten Expertenintellektuellen verfügen einerseits über spezialisiertes Wissen, sehen jedoch andererseits ihre Rolle mit politischer Verantwortung verbunden. Ihre öffentlichen Stellungnahmen zielen auf die Formung des Meinungsklimas ab, womit sie sich aus der Rolle des reinen Experten begeben. Um empirisch zu prüfen, inwiefern Expertenintellektuelle die klassischen Funktionen des Intellektuellen erfüllen, wird eine Inhaltsanalyse prominenter Gastkommentatoren des weltweit größten Zeitungssyndikats ('Project Syndicate') durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse legen nahe, dass der neue Intellektuellentypus weder mit dem begrifflichen Instrumentarium Bourdieus noch mit jenem Foucaults ausreichend beschrieben werden kann. Ausgehend von der Analyse öffentlicher Interventionen wird daher eine Überarbeitung der vorhandenen Phänomenologien über den Intellektuellen angeregt." (Autorenreferat) "The contribution presents a new type of the intellectual: the expert intellectual. Up until now, experts and intellectuals were considered two distinct categories in the social sciences. Recently, however, we witness a transformation of the classical concept of the intellectual that can be analyzed only by using hybridization methods. Expert intellectuals, who typically work for universities or think tanks, possess specialized knowledge and envision their social role to be charged with political responsibility. They strive to fashion public opinion in their statements, which is unusual for pure experts. In order to empirically examine whether expert intellectuals fulfill some of the classical functions of the intellectual, the author conducts a content analysis of op-eds written by the most prominent contributors for the world's largest newspaper syndicate ('Project Syndicate'). All the results obtained indicate that the new type of intellectual cannot be sufficiently captured in the sociological terms suggested by Bourdieu or Foucault. Ergo, the author concludes with a plea to extend the given phenomenologies of the intellectual on the basis of an empirical guided investigation into the styles of public interventions." (author's abstract)

The paper provides the ideal-typical narrative of European integration manufactured by Romanian intellectuals and the official national Church (Greek-orthodox), that could be summarized as follows: in the realm of the spirit, Europe would have survived mainly in the East, shepherded by such intellectuals as the Romanian ones and by the spiritual legacy of the Orthodox Church; in political and economic terms, European Union is monitored according to secularist and relativist guidelines by the bureaucracy in Brussels. Whatever the latter, together with their Romanian counterparts, may have realized in the course of European enlargement is of little concern for the former. Both the Church and the mainstream intellectuals are engaged now in an operation that should have defined them long before the fall of state socialism: to boost intellectual non-conformity with respect to the political dominant discourse as a way of refusing the debate by taking it seriously. And they do it by means of the same narrative device that kept them silent under communism: they tell the story of the prevalence of culture and the spiritual over everything political.

U radu se skicira moguća tipologija lika iseljenika u hrvatskoj književnosti 19. i 20. stoljeća. Kako gotovo ne postoje slični radovi u hrvatskoj književnoj historiografiji, to se metodološki upozorava na dvije razine i dvije odvojene teme – tretiranje navedene teme domicilne i egzilne literature. Načelno se razlikuje tip lika ekonomske provenijencije – zgrtalački mentalitet, uz nostalgičara doma – te lik intelektualca umjetnika koji odlazi van iz kulturnih potreba i konačno lik političko-ideološkog utemeljenja, kojim se više bavila egzilna literatura., The paper outlines a possible typology of immigrant characters in 19th and 20th century Croatian literature. Since there are almost no similar articles in Croatian literary historiography, the author warns methodologically of two levels and two separate issues – the treatment of these topics in local and exile literature. Generally, there is the type of character of economic provenance – with a hoarding mentality, along with the home nostalgic – as well as the figure of the artist intellectual who emigrates to fulfil his/her cultural needs, and ultimately, the politically and ideologically charged character, which was more in the focus of attention of exile literature., Der Verfasser skizziert in seiner Arbeit eine Typologie von Emigrantenfiguren in der kroatischen Literatur des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Da Untersuchungen über dieses Thema in der kroatischen Literaturwissenschaft so gut wie nicht existieren, begleitet der Verfasser seinen Text mit dem methodologischen Verweis, dass man dabei zwei verschiedenen Ebenen bzw. zwei gesonderten Themen Rechnung tragen müsse: der einheimischen Literatur einerseits und der Exilliteratur andererseits. Grundsätzlich lassen sich drei Typen kroatischer Auswanderer erkennen: 1. der Wirtschaftsemigrant, dem es nur auf die Anhäufung materieller Güter ankommt und der seiner Heimat in Nostalgie verbunden ist; 2. der Typ des Intellektuellen und Künstlers, der aus kulturellen Bedürfnissen heraus sein Land verlässt, und 3. der Typ des politisch-ideologisch motivierten Emigranten, der überwiegend in der Exilliteratur thematisiert wird.

Erziehungswissenschaftliche Revue (EWR) 9 (2010) 2, Rezension von: Sylke Bartmann / Axel Fehlhaber / Sandra Kirsch / Wiebke Lohfeld (Hrsg.): „Natürlich stört das Leben ständig“, Perspektiven auf Entwicklung und Erziehung, Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften 2009, 185 S.

Even in the Renaissance, there were not that many Renaissance men. But if it was hard to live many lives in one even for the best placed of Renaissance Europe it is surely harder in contemporary republican Brazil. And yet Fernando Henrique Cardoso or FHC achieved it. How was this possible and at what cost in terms of conflict between the different specialized roles he occupied? What does this tell us about "politics as a vocation" in twenty-first century democratic Brazil? And what light does it shed on the scope for and limit of political leadership in contemporary democracies? To understand how choices are made we need to consider what motivated the career; what baggage the leader brought into office; what team of ministers were assembled and how their talents were used; what rivals (or enemies) spurred the leader into self-definition; what ethics were in play. These strands are not arbitrary or beyond systematic analysis. They are what mostly explain how democratic leaders behave, one of the most vital dimension of democratic performance., Fernando Henrique Cardoso o FHC puede ser considerado un hombre del Renacimiento en el Brasil contemparáneo republicano. ¿Cómo es posible y a cual costo en forma de conflicto entre los diferentes roles especializados que ocupó? ¿Qué nos puede decir sobre "la política como una vocación" en el Brasil democrático del siglo veintiuno y sobre el margen o límite del liderazgo político en democracias contemporáneas? Para entender las deciciones tomadas tenemos que considerar qué motivó la carrera; qué "equipaje" el líder trajo al oficio; qué equipo de ministros fue instituido y cómo se usaron sus talentos; qué rivales (o enemigos) incentivaron la auto-definición del líder; qué sistema de ética se implementa. Estos ramales políticos no son arbitrarios o más allá de un análisis sistemático. Son lo que más explican como líderes democráticos se conducen, una de las dimensiones más vitales de la calidad democrática.

Untersuchungen langfristiger Prozesse liefern ein Verständnis für gegenwärtige soziale Probleme und die Entwicklungen der Gesellschaft. Eine spezifische, oft vernachlässigte und als wissenschaftlich irrelevante Datenart stellt die populärwissenschaftliche und Ratgeberliteratur dar. Diese besondere Textgattung kann sich für eine soziologische Inhaltsanalyse als gewinnbringend erschließen lassen. Der Aufsatz untersucht in Form einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse dieser Texte vom 18. Jahrhundert an exemplarisch die Hervorbringung zeitgenössischer Verhaltensideale über die Geschlechterbeziehungen. Unter Rekurs auf das theoretische, prozesssoziologische Etablierte- und Außenseiter-Modell von Norbert Elias und John L. Scotson wird dadurch die Persistenz geschlechterstereotyper Konstruktionen von Führung deutlich. Methodologisch erfordert dies innerhalb der möglichen Fülle einer sehr breiten Datenbasis Klassifikationsmerkmale, Fragestellung, Hypothesen, theoretische Einbettung u.a. zu extrapolieren und strukturelle Eigentümlichkeiten der ausgewählten Texte aufzuzeigen. Als ein Teilbereich dieses gesellschaftlichen Strukturwandels wird die Geschlechterbeziehung herausgegriffen und auf die Frage konzentriert, wie das Thema der Erwerbstätigkeit, Wissensfähigkeit und Wissenschaftstätigkeit von Frauen verarbeitet wird. Die inhaltsanalytische Auswertung der Fragestellung bezieht sich auf n=86 als Grundgesamtheit ausgewählter Sittenlehren, Anstands- bzw. Benimmbücher und moderner (Frauen-)Ratgeberbücher., Studies in long-term figurational approaches provide explanations for social problems and the development of society. A specific but often neglected kind of data in Social Science Research is the so-called popular literature being regarded as non-scientific. But it was and actually is still playing an enormous role in social life. The paper discusses how we can use this literature as a source for studying long-term processes. The presented case observes the work relations between the sexes and the contemporary behavioural ideals. Several research methods and theoretical models are adopted: the qualitative content analysis refers to 18th century books on etiquette and present-day career guides reconstructing the persistence of women's under-representation in leadership posts. It moreover refers to a model of gossip and gossip control from Elias/ Scotson to explain social inequalities between groups. This demands to extrapolate within a very broad database of classification profiles, hypotheses, theoretical imbedding and to point structural peculiarities out of the selected texts. In this context I examine the example of the intellectual women and how the topic of women's and men's employment, knowledge ability and scientific activity is processed. The content analysis refers to n=86 as main unit of selected etiquette books and modern career guides. Some of the works are present in single, some in repeated edition. A minimum and maximum text component is the prologue, preface, chapter titles etc. covering the question of erudition, education and profession as well as the sex characteristics., Historical Social Research Vol. 34, No. 1 (2009): Special Issue: Linking Theory and Data Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

Nach den ersten Forderungen nach einer Gesellschaftsreform in der DDR im Oktober 1989 entwickelten sich die Ziele des Volkes und der sozialistischen Intellektuellen seit November auseinander. Die Mehrheit des Volkes forderte die Wiedervereinigung, die Intellektuellen plädierten für einen demokratischen Sozialismus in einer unabhängigen DDR. Das brachte sie in die Nähe der SED und verdarb ihre Aussichten, als neue Führungselite vom Volk akzeptiert zu werden. Seit dem November setzte das Volk daher seine Hoffnungen auf westliche Politiker und deren Repräsentanten im Osten, die die Wiedervereinigung befürworteten und so zum Fürsprecher der Hoffnungen des Volkes wurden. Daher konnte die CDU die ersten demokratischen Wahlen in der DDR im März 1990 klar für sich entscheiden. (ICEÜbers), 'After in October, 1989, there had at first been demands for a reform of society in the GDR, from November on the goals presented by the people on the one hand and by socialist intellectuals on the other became inceasingly different. If a majority of the people was now demanding German unity, intellectuals mostly spoke out for democratic socialism in a still independent GDR. This way they actually came closer to SED positions and thus spoilt the opportunity to be accepted as the new leading elite by the people. From November on, the latter rather set their hopes on Federal Republican politicians and their East German representatives who by supporting the German unity made themselves the advocates of the people's wishes. Due to this, most of all the CDU was able to clearly win the first democratic elections in the history of the GDR in March, 1990.' (author's abstract)

Young intellectuals close to Indonesia’s biggest Islamic organisation, the Nahdlatul Ulama, are advocating an “Islam of the natives” (Islam Pribumi) which has developed in Indonesia over the past centuries and differs from Islam as it is practiced in the Arab world in many ways. This selfconfident discourse emphasises Indonesian cultural and religious practice and distances itself from “Arab” traditions perceived as foreign. The article explores this discourse in the light of the role Indonesians of Arab descent play as leading figures in radical Islamic organisations, which, according to the young intellectuals of the Nahdlatul Ulama, carry out an “Arabisation” of Indonesia. The article investigates this thesis of an Arabisation by analysing the position of the Arab community in the wider Indonesian society., Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, Vol 1 No 1 (2008): Islam in South-East Asia

The article is an attempt to draw a brief historical comparison between censorship in interwar and in communist Romania respectively. Paradoxically, there are not too many genuine scientific studies on censorship, in a country well-known for its repressive approach against culture during its recent and not so recent history. The analysis uses the works of the novelist and historian of religions, Mircea Eliade, as an illustrative case study among other prior to 1989 examples, especially in order to prove the much harsher nature of the communist regime.

ZEP : Zeitschrift für internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspädagogik 31 (2008) 1, S. 38-41, Drawing upon research findings and practise in the fields of international development education and anti-discrimination, the article calls for an increased relevance of interlinking theory and practise in the fields of migration and global education. He points out that there is a lack of concentrated exchange of ideas among researchers and practitioners engaged in this field. There is an urgent need react on the fact of under-representation of the Southern and migrant populations in research and practise of global education undertaken in the North. The author develops a model of different types of activists in the field of international development education. (DIPF/Orig.), Bezug nehmend auf Forschungsergebnisse im Kontext internationaler Entwicklungspädagogik und Anti-Diskriminierung plädiert der Autor in seinem Beitrag dafür, der Verbindung von Theorie und Praxis im Feld Globalen Lernens und Migration mehr Bedeutung zu geben und dabei die Perspektive von Akteurinnen und Akteuren mit Migrationshintergrund oder aus Ländern des Südens stärker einzubeziehen. Der Autor entwickelt ein aus verschiedenen Phasen bestehendes Modell zu unterschiedlichen Akteurstypen im Feld internationaler Entwicklungspädagogik. (DIPF/Orig.)

Located in Transylvania, one of the most multi-denominational regions of Europe, the University of Kolozsvár/ Cluj/ Klausenburg had 4000 students graduating from its Humanities and Science faculties in the period under examination. The ratios regarding the religious background of these graduates are: one third Roman Catholic; one third Calvinist, one eighth Lutheran, and the rest were affiliated with the small Unitarian Protestant and Jewish denominations of the region. Members of Eastern churches (Greek Catholic and Greek Orthodox) were also present in small numbers. The principal means of estimating the under- or over-representation of religious denominations in the student body was analysing the religious composition of graduates from Transylvania only (almost 60% of graduates). Concerning the mainly Hungarian denominations, Unitarians were four times over-represented among graduates, Calvinists 2.7 times, and Catholics 1.8 times. In national surveys, Calvinists and Roman Catholics tended to be under-represented, but it seems this was counter-balanced in Transylvania by the urban nature of the ethnic Hungarian population. Lutherans were over-represented by a factor of 1.7. Most members of this group were Transylvanian Saxons living in German-speaking towns. An over-representation of Jewish students, which applied to both Budapest University and the country as a whole (on account of the sheer number of students attending Budapest University), could not be observed here. Indeed, Jewish graduates were under-represented by a factor of 0.9. The representation indices for the Greek Catholic population (0.16) and the Greek Orthodox population (0.07) effectively demonstrate that Romanians had little chance of graduating from the faculties examined. The analysis of temporal changes in the denominational composition of the student body reveals that Catholics - both Roman and Greek - reduced their participation over time, perhaps turning away from Transylvania in favour of Budapest. As a result, Kolozsvár University became increasingly Calvinist. Transylvanian Jews underwent the most rapid process of modernisation, progressing from almost total exclusion to over-representation. The reason for Jewish under-representation - as shown by the initial survey - was that Transylvanian Jews lagged behind Hungary's urban Neolog Jewish communities. Similar over- an under-representation data demonstrate the differencia specifica of the Faculty of Humanities vs. the Faculty of Science, the differences regarding the social background of non-Transylvanian students, the success at the doctoral level, the recruitment of the elite, etc., Historical Social Research Vol. 33, No. 2 (2008): Special Issue: Elite Formation in the Other Europe (19th-20th Century) Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

Der Beitrag behandelt den Zusammenhang von Geist und Macht im NS-Regime und im SED-Staat. Im Mittelpunkt des Systemvergleichs stehen die Ideologien und intellektuellen Konzepte, auf die sich beide Systeme in unterschiedlicher Weise beziehen. Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich vor allem mit engagierten Intellektuellen, die mit ihren Konzepten einen politischen Einfluss ausüben wollten. Diese Intellektuellen entschieden sich nicht aus rein opportunistischen Gründen für oder gegen eine politische Karriere; sie standen nicht in Opposition zu dem jeweiligen politischen System, sondern sahen sich als intellektuell überlegene Vertreter philosophischer Prinzipien, gegen deren machtpolitische Reduzierung sie arbeiteten. (ICEÜbers), 'The essay deals with the relation of intellect and power during the NS regime and in the SED state. For this, the value of those ideologies and intellectual concepts to which both systems refered in different ways is in the focus of the comparison of systems. The text focuses on the comparison of committed intellectuals who tried to influence politics by way of their concepts. Not only for opportunistic reasons they tried to make careers or to stay out of politics, and they did not consider themselves opponents of their respective political systems but intellectually superior representatives of the respective philosophical principles against whose power-political reduction they worked.' (author's abstract)

This paper presents empirical (both statistical and prosopographical) data about the professional cluster of women medical doctors in Bulgaria from the establishment of Bulgarian Nation State till the Second World War. Medical doctors in Bulgaria were a main part of national intellectual elites, formed as a professional group of the Bulgarian intelligentsia during the 1830s-1870s. The first Bulgarian woman graduated from a university in the very beginning of national independence (1878) and she was a medical doctor, Anastassia Golovina. 1) This paper deals with the education and training of Bulgarian women medical doctors. Data regarding their number, educational centers and migrations would be summoned in order to explain if the relevant social transformation was influenced by foreign experience. The paper summarizes facts concerning the professional career of Bulgarian women medical doctors: employment opportunities, career interruptions, discriminatory appointment and promotion practices, cultural stereotyping. Also their professional activity in promoting hygiene and vaccination, in school medical care and as pioneers in the fields of neurology and gynecology will be commented. Some biographical examples should be presented there. The paper dwells upon the social, political and cultural activities of women medical doctors. They were members and leaders of feminist, charity and Social-Democratic organizations, as well as gifted translators and publicists. The paper makes an attempt to compare the 'Bulgarian case' of women doctors with the experience of women doctors in the same period in the Southeastern and the Western Europe., Historical Social Research Vol. 33, No. 2 (2008): Special Issue: Elite Formation in the Other Europe (19th-20th Century) Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

In the success stories of Estonians across several generations we can speak about certain regularities. The career which moved the person out of the taxpayers' status could be started in governmental (often half-military) educational establishments and was related to civil or military service. The way from leaving the countryside for town and to become a white-collar employee would happen no sooner than within 2-3 generations. A large part of the first generation intellectuals in 19th century left for Russia. It was hard to assimilate into well-established structures of the local society, but the vast Russian empire offered various possibilities to ambitious young people. Estonians, once having accepted to act like Germans, could in Russia make a career as engineers of factories, doctors in chief of military hospitals, chemists, headmasters of schools, veterinarians, land surveyors, postal or railway clerks, Lutheran pastor in the vast spaces of Siberia. The mere size of the Russian empire guaranteed extended job opportunities. At the beginning of the 20th century emigrants tried to come back home and use the knowledge and skills obtained in Russia for the (Estonian) public weal. When Estonia became an independent state, 40.000 persons came back and they had a great impact in the building of Estonian professional elites., Historical Social Research Vol. 33, No. 2 (2008): Special Issue: Elite Formation in the Other Europe (19th-20th Century) Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

From the beginning of the modern era, Western universities played the most important role in preparing the Romanian elite. We cannot talk about a Romanian higher education network before 1864, when the universities of Iasi and Bucharest were set up, to which two more universities were added in 1919 in Cluj and in Cernauti. Even so, due to the weakness of the Romanian higher education system, for a long time the 'other Europe' was the only reliable and respected source of education for the Romanian youth with higher intellectual, social and political aspirations. Relevant is the fact that due to the deficiencies of Romanian higher education, as well as the mirage of Western countries, foreign universities held a monopoly in the formation of the local intellectual elite. One can estimate, without exaggeration, that between 1860-1918, almost all ministers, members of ministerial cabinets, university professors and other high state officials had been educated abroad. Only by taking into account this fact can we explain the rapid transformations of Romanian elites and the gradual changes of all other, more deep-seated layers of society and the way changes of content and spirit in the national culture were possible following Western models, which up to that point were strongly influenced by the Oriental and Orthodox world. The explanation is more complex, not only taking into account the ethno-psychological features of Romanians, but also the post-war strategy of France. In other words, France manifested a profound desire to compensate the decline of French military and economic power with cultural preeminence, encouraging the presence of foreign students in its universities. After 1920 the Romanian students participated in this strategy as the promoters of French customs and lifestyle in their home country. Romanian students were most numerous in the faculties of law and medicine, and they were almost invariably the most represented foreign group in all faculties during the interwar period., Historical Social Research Vol. 33, No. 2 (2008): Special Issue: Elite Formation in the Other Europe (19th-20th Century) Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

'Brazil today is considered, on the international scene, as an 'emerging nation', doted with an integrated industrial complex, as well as on a modern system of education and research and on means of communication (telephone, radio, television, internet, etc.) which permit the rapid and efficient circulation of information. None of these characteristics would have been valid prior to 1930, when the country presented an economy dominated by the exportation of tropical products, political power was fragmented into more than twenty federal units with no real coordination by the central government installed in Rio de Janeiro, intellectual life was restricted to a few old exportation ports. This paper aims at a better understanding of how Brazil transformed itself during the 20th century, from a structured archipelago around 'islands' of agro-industrial plantations (coffee, sugarcane, etc.) to a 'continent' marked by fast industrialization. Beside these evolutive perceptions of Brazil's space, we must take into account the social and intellectual courses of the key leaders during the 1930's uprising, such as Juarez Távora and José Américo de Almeida from the North, or Getúlio Vargas and Osvaldo Aranha from the South, the most significant figures of the national movement. All these leaders come from the same social background of agrarian elites, but they had established political parties supporting very different ideologies, from nationalism to the acknowledgement of the US hegemony, from the labour party to liberalism. The paths of these elites show fairly well the diverse alternatives which have marked state-building and nation-building in contemporary Brazil.' (author's abstract)

'Thema sind die diskursiven Konstruktionen von Gender im von den USA angeführten Krieg gegen Afghanistan im Kontext von Laura Bushs präsidentischer Radioansprache (Nov 2001), in der von namhaften US-Intellektuellen publizierten Erklärung der Kriegsgründe in 'What we are fighting for' (Feb 2002) und das Plädoyer für die Bombardierung im Namen der Rechte unterdrückter Frauen Afghanistans aufseiten eines Segments des US-Feminismus (Jean Bethke Elshtain, Catharine A. MacKinnon; Feminist Majority Foundation). Der feministische Schulterschluss mit einem patriachalischen Imperialismus der US-Regierung reicht dabei über einen bloß strategischen Essentialismus hinaus. Deren gemeinsamer symbolischer Rahmen wird durch die moralischen Naturrechte der Amerikanischen Unabhängigkeitserklärung gebildet. Mittels dieser werden qua retrospektiver Rationalisierung die binären Oppositionen von männlich/ weiblich, Kämpfer/ Zivilbevölkerung, il/ legitimer Krieg und Zivilisierte/ Wilde erneut bestätigt. Damit ist die Ungleichheit der Geschlechter im und durch Krieg nicht nur einer ungenügenden Umsetzung von Rechten zuzuschreiben, sondern liegt auch in deren Diskursivierung und Kategorisierung begründet.' (Autorenreferat), 'This article traces the discursive constructions of gender in the US war against Afghanistan. Its focus is on Laura Bush's presidential address (Nov 2001), the document 'What we are fighting for' (Feb 2002) signed by major US intellectuals in support of the war, and some US feminists joining them in the name of liberation of the women of Afghanistan (Jean Bethke Elshtain; Catherine A. MacKinnon; Feminist Majority Foundation). Yet this uncanny coalition between feminism and US patriarchal imperialism goes beyond mere strategic essentialism in which the differences between women are temporarily erased. Insofar as moral natural laws of the American Declaration of Independence (1776) constitute their shared symbolic framework, binary oppositions such as male/ female, soldiers/ non-combatants, it/ regular warfare, civilized/ savage are reified. Thus gender inequality by and in times of war results from its specific discursivization and categorization and cannot be attributed exclusively to an incomplete implementation of rights.' (author's abstract)

The study reports on the conclusions of a fundamental research devoted to the formation of the intelligentsia (doctors, attorneys, lawyers, engineers, secondary school professors, teachers, state, municipal and company clerks) in Moravia and Silesia in the 2nd half of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century. The project was carried out in selected locations: Moravian Ostrava (a new administrative centre of an industrial region), Opava (regional capital city of Austrian Silesia), Olomouc (administrative city, centre of church administration, garrison city), Mistek (stagnating town with textile industry) and Vitkovice (dynamically developing municipality). For all locations, extensive research was carried out from the census of 1857 to 1910, on the basis of which databases were prepared, containing detailed evidence about members of the intelligentsia living in the respective towns for the census concerned. According to the evidence obtained we can draw conclusions not only on the quantitative development of the monitored social groups, but describe more specifically their composition by nationality, confession, professional specialization, territorial mobility as well as their standard of living. Based on other sources the author will deal in brief with the typical professional careers of representatives of individual professions. The study also covers the problem of the engagement of intellectuals in municipal politics and associations active in the nationalization process. Attention is also paid to the high proportion of Jews among doctors and lawyers as well as aspects of the everyday life of the social groups under scrutiny., Historical Social Research Vol. 33, No. 2 (2008): Special Issue: Elite Formation in the Other Europe (19th-20th Century) Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

'Obwohl es auch in Rumänien Dissidenten gab, beförderten deren Aktivitäten weder die Revolution von 1989, noch stellten sie während des frühen Postkommunismus eine Alternative zum Neo-Kommunismus bereit. Der vorliegende Aufsatz betrachtet die bemerkenswertesten Resistenz-Handlungen von Persönlichkeiten aus dem intellektuellen Milieu wie solche der Arbeiterschaft, um die Besonderheiten der politischen Subkulturen des mit Polen oder der Tschechoslowakei nicht vergleichbaren Widerstandes in Rumänien herauszuarbeiten. Wichtig ist, dass es solche Resistenzbewegungen auch hier überhaupt gab, obwohl eine Tradition der Teilhabe an der politischen Kultur völlig fehlte. Aus dieser Perspektive dienten im Dezember 1989 kritische Intellektuelle der großen Mehrheit dann doch als Beispiel.' (Autorenreferat)

'Der Verfasser schildert auf breiter Quellengrundlage - vor allem den Prager Staatssicherheitsakten - die Kontakte zwischen den CSSR- und den DDR-Bürgern in der Zeit zwischen 1968 und 1989. Einmal geht er den Kontakten der Oppositionellen beider Länder nach, zum anderen schildert er die gegenseitige Wahrnehmung der 'normalen' Menschen in der CSSR und der DDR. Dabei geht er von der These aus, dass sich beide Gesellschaften ähnlicher gewesen seien als es zunächst erscheine. Schon seit den 60er Jahren gab es einen regen Austausch zwischen evangelischen Kirchenleuten von der Basis aus beiden Ländern. Dieser diente auch der Herausgabe bzw. Beschaffung von Schrifttum. An den Protestaktionen gegen die Niederschlagung des 'Prager Frühlings' beteiligten sich bekanntlich auch Intellektuelle aus der DDR. Über diese Aktionen erhielt die DDR-Opposition eine erste Profilierung, und es kam zur grenzüberschreitenden Zusammenarbeit der Opposition in Ostmitteleuropa. In allen Fällen blieben diese Kooperationen und die daraus erwachsenden Aktionen auf einen kleinen Personenkreis beschränkt. Dabei nahm die Intensität der gemeinsamen Protesthandlungen in den letzten Jahren der Diktatur deutlich zu. Eine wichtige Rolle für die Opposition spielte die Unterstützung durch das tschechoslowakische Exil. Unter den 'normalen' Bürgern beider Länder herrschten gewiss gegenseitige Vorurteile, die das Regime noch nährte. Aber es gab auch viele Sympathien - etwa im Zusammenhang mit dem 'Prager Frühling' - wie die Staatssicherheit registrieren musste. Einige DDR-Bürger unterstützten auch aktiv die tschechoslowakische Freiheitsbewegung. Seit 1972 - der Einführung des pass- und visafreien Verkehrs zwischen der CSSR und der DDR - trafen sich miteinander verwandte oder befreundete Deutsche aus Ost und West vorzugsweise in der CSSR. 75 Prozent aller Versuche, die Grenze zu überwinden und in die Bundesrepublik zu gelangen, erfolgten vom Territorium der CSSR aus. Während die tschechischen Grenzpolizisten solche Versuche zu vereiteln trachteten, gab es auch tschechische Bürger, die den Fluchtwilligen Unterstützung zuteil werden ließen. Aber auch solche DDR-Bürger, die keine Fluchtabsichten hegten, besuchten gerne die CSSR, weil deren kulturelle Szene bunter und verlockender schien als die heimische. Umgekehrt meinten Tschechen und Slowaken, in der DDR herrschte ein größeres Konsumangebot und die wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen seien besser als im eigenen Land. Insgesamt konstatiert der Verfasser, dass die Kenntnisse über das jeweils andere Land und die Leute eher lückenhaft waren.' (Textauszug), 'Based on archival materials, this essay includes descriptions of connections between opposition groups as well as civic contact between citizens in Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic between 1968 and 1989. This pertains, on the one hand, to the goal-oriented, transnational cooperation in the interest of changing society in both countries, while on the other it is about personal relationships that developed while people were on vacation and opportunities for G.D.R. citizens to meet West German family members in Czechoslovakia or to use it to stage their escape from the republic. Finally, the essay seeks to answer the question as to what the national governments of both countries thought of the contacts.' (author's abstract)

This study of the social circumstances of Japanese intellectuals in the last quarter of the eighteenth century is based on biographical data concerning 173 individuals. It deals with the image of intellectual life of that period in current scholarship, and with the self-image and ethos of scholars, authors, poets and artists. That self-image and ethos, however, often clash with the realities of their everyday lives. This prosopographical investigation offers a new look at intellectual life on a basic level. The current image of intellectual life in the Tokugawa period is one of dissatisfaction and withdrawal, whereas the image that results from this study is one of dynamism and interaction.

"Im Rahmen einer Soziologie der Gewalt kommt, bezogen auf das 20. Jahrhundert, der Avantgarde eine wichtige Rolle zu. Die künstlerische Avantgarde war seit dem ersten Drittel des 20. Jahrhunderts, abgesehen von den Beiträgen für die ästhetische Moderne, Impuls gebend für die Gesellschaftskritik. Der Avantgardismus einer kommunistischen Vorhut bei Marx, Engels und Lenin und die politischen Splittergruppen in der Weimarer Republik sowie nach dem Ende des 2. Weltkrieges waren einflussreich innerhalb der politischen Kultur Deutschlands und anderer europäischer Gesellschaften. Dabei bestanden enge Wechselwirkungen zwischen politischen und künstlerischen Avantgarden. Bezogen auf das 20. Jahrhundert sollen Verbindungen, Parallelen und Wechselwirkungen zwischen politischer und künstlerischer Avantgarde untersucht werden - so z.B. die Verankerung des Avantgarde-Prinzips in den romantischen Bewegungen des 19. Jahrhunderts, Grenzüberschreitungen zwischen symbolischer und destruktiver Gewalt, utopische, ideologische und eschatologische Aspekte und soziale Trägerschaften wie etwa die Beziehungen zwischen Intellektuellen und Avantgarde, Avantgarde und Masse, etc. Es wird diskutiert, wieweit die Ideologiebildungen nach dem Ende des 2. Weltkrieges (kalter Krieg, Abgleiten von Teilen der 1968er Bewegung in terroristische Gewalt) als Ende eines Avantgardismus mit gesellschaftskritischer Stoßrichtung zu versehen sind. In den Beiträgen der Ad-Hoc-Gruppe sollen die künstlerische und die politische Dimensionen und, auf einer zweiten Ebene, die Aspekte der kreativen Erweiterung des Handelns und der Ideologiebildung systematisch herausgearbeitet werden. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit soll gelegt werden auf die Diskussion grenzüberschreitender Vorstellungen (Projektionen) und deren Bedeutung etwa als latente Potentiale Gewalt. In diesem Zusammenhang wird auch die Frage nach Bedeutung und Einfluss einzelner - verselbständigter - Ideologeme aus den Avantgarde-Bewegungen für die charismatische Herrschaft in den diktatorischen Regimes des 20. Jahrhunderts diskutiert werden." (Autorenreferat)

"Das Konzept der Generation erlebt derzeit eine große Renaissance, es wird bisher aber nur selten in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte angewendet. Dies ist erstaunlich, wenn man bedenkt, dass Mannheim selbst die Bedeutung von Generationseffekten für die Dynamik der Geisteswissenschaften betont. Was diese ihm zufolge von den Naturwissenschaften unterscheidet, ist gerade deren enge Verbindung mit der 'alltägliche(n) Lebenserfahrung'. Die Fruchtbarkeit der Anwendung des Generationenbegriffes in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte soll am Beispiel der Gruppe der New York Intellectuals (NYI) verdeutlicht werden. Zu dieser 'family' (Norman Podhoretz) von Intellektuellen zählten neben verschiedenen Schriftstellern, Literatur- und Kunstkritikern, Historikern, Philosophen und Theologen auch die Soziologen Daniel Bell, Nathan Glazer und Seymour M. Lipset, die sich während des Studiums am 'City College New York' (CCNY) kennen lernten. Die These lautet, dass dieser Kreis seine gemeinsame, generationsspezifische Prägephase in der Depression und der Weltwirtschaftskrise hatte, was zunächst zu einer Radikalisierung und zu einer Beschäftigung mit sozialistischen und marxistischen Ideen führte. Die Enttäuschung über das russische Regime nach den stalinistischen Schauprozessen 1937/38 und dem Nichtangriffspakt der Sowjetunion mit dem nationalsozialistischen Deutschland führte zu einer Abwendung vom Marxismus und einer Übernahme liberaler Positionen. Der bestimmende Einfluss dieser frühen Zeit wird dadurch deutlich, dass sich schon hier die für das spätere Schaffen der Gruppe der CCNY charakteristischen Themen ausbilden." (Autorenreferat)

"Das sozial- und geisteswissenschaftliche Konzept der 'Generation' ist ein Produkt der langen Jahrhundertwende zwischen 1875 und 1930. Karl Mannheims klassisch gewordener Aufsatz über das 'Problem der Generationen' stand 1928 am Ende dieser ersten Phase einer theoretischen Ausformulierung des Konzepts. Sie hatte in den 1870er Jahren eingesetzt, als erstmals der Versuch unternommen wurde, das Generationskonzept zur tragfähigen Basis einer Analyse des sozialen und kulturellen Wandels auszubauen. In Deutschland war dabei Wilhelm Dilthey federführend, der den Begriff der Generation 1875 als eine Bezeichnung für ein Verhältnis der Gleichzeitigkeit von Individuen definierte, die in den Jahren der Empfänglichkeit dieselben leitenden Einwirkungen erfahren haben. Vor diesem Hintergrund rekonstruiert der Beitrag die Entwicklung des wissenschaftlichen Generationskonzepts von Dilthey bis Mannheim in der gleichzeitig entstehenden Intellektuellenkultur des späten 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts. Er folgt dabei der leitenden These, dass der Generationsbegriff in der Kulturkrise der langen Jahrhundertwende eine doppelte Funktion erfüllte: Zum einen sollte er nach der als krisenhaft erfahrenen Auflösung traditioneller sozialer Bindungen eine neue Kategorie der Zugehörigkeit stiften und durch seine temporale Struktur Orientierungsmarken im beschleunigten gesellschaftlichen Wandel setzen. Zum anderen diente er der sozial auf spezifische Weise ungebundenen Schicht der Intellektuellen sowohl als Kategorie der Selbstbeschreibung wie als Parole der Selbstmobilisierung. Die Annahme, dass der Generationsbegriff als Selbstbeschreibungskategorie von Intellektuellen zu verstehen ist und auf diesem Weg Eingang in den Wissenschaftsdiskurs gefunden hat, wird besonders anhand seiner Verbindung zur Wissenssoziologie überprüft, deren Entstehung ebenfalls auf Dilthey und Mannheim zurückgeführt werden kann." (Autorenreferat)