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Tryphonin, Papinian and the regard for immaterial losses in the law of obligations. Contrary to the first impression given by the sources, there is no dispute among late classical lawyers as to whether a creditor can obtain compensation for an immaterial loss. Rather, the only disputed issue is whether a creditor can demand compensation for performance of monetary value even if it had benefitted a third party. Papinian and Paul affirm this with reference to the precept of bona fides. Tryphonin focuses on the creditor’s freedom of disposal: If the creditor can claim his interest in a hypothetical sale of the object of performance, he must also be entitled to do so if he wants to pass it on free of charge and thus prove his generosity.

Despite some unwanted and unforeseen conditions and events, the robot RoboBeggar received mainly positive reactions from users with regard to its functionality, its interactive tasks and its ability to create fun and amusement during the interactive learning process. The robot was successful in its essential fundraising and supportive purposes. An analysis of the assembled data (from interviews, the newspaper article and from user and participant feedback) highlights the reasons why and the mechanisms by means of which the robot was transformed into a social totem that elicited some highly emotional reactions. It is apparent that the humanoid appearance of the robot and its verbal skills and appeal were among the main elements that elicited emotional responses from people and influenced their subsequent behaviour. This research tends to confirm that is through the agency of human imagination and perception that a robotic tool (in our case, the RoboBeggar) can be transformed into a totem of social value and effectiveness. It also became clear to the researchers that it is not only design and implementation that are important for the successful operation of a fundraising robot but that the robot's selfpresentation and social aura are also crucially important factors for an overall understanding of why such a robot may be successful. The test case conducted in the Kupittaa Mall clearly shows how presentation and social aura compensated for the partial failure of the RoboBeggar's implementation. It is also clear that interpersonal and cultural elements influenced the way in which people perceived, accepted and responded to the robot as a potential personal interlocutor. It is now clear that future developers of this model might do well to look at the possibility of technological improvement in the interface and e-learning modules. It is also clear that additional studies are required to investigate the emotional and psychological responses of users to advanced technological equipment that elicits emotional responses in human beings. It is also fundamentally important to be able to define exactly how influential both the hardware and software are in human-robot interactions so that effective guidance can be given to the designers of anthropomorphic robots of this kind. It is also important to be able to define the effect that particular physical environments and locations have on the efficiency of a humanoid robot's function so that it will be possible to place a robot in optimal situations for interacting with human beings.

‘Faith’ is one of Christianity's most significant, distinctive and complex concepts and practices, but Christian understandings of faith in the patristic period have received surprisingly little attention. This article explores two aspects of what Augustine terms fides qua, ‘the faith by which believers believe’. From the early second century, belief in the truth of doctrine becomes increasingly significant to Christians; by the fourth, affirming that certain doctrines are true has become central to becoming Christian and to remaining within the church. During the same period, we find a steady growth in poetic and imagistic descriptions of interior faith. This article explores how and why these developments occurred, arguing that they are mutually implicated and that this period sees the beginning of their long co-existence.

Summary During the late Middle Ages, the organisation of voluntary jurisdiction in the customary regions of the Southern Low Countries was strongly determined by local developments. While it thrived in the major bishoprics of Liège and Tournai as well as in the commercial centers of Flanders and Brabant, historiography long assumed that the notary public failed to integrate into society in the rural county of Hainaut. Competition with the more dominant aldermen and comital vassals or hommes de fief supposedly prevented notaries from institutionalising their role as private legal intermediaries. Yet, the long-held top-down perspective disregarded interactions between, and the mutual competition among these different ‘agents’, thus creating a unilateral view that emphasised the importance of existing or indigenous alternatives. This contribution aims to better comprehend the organisation of late-medieval voluntary jurisdiction in Hainaut, taking the co-existence of public notaries and hommes de fief into consideration. From a bottom-up approach, relying on contemporary documentary writing practices, it will demonstrate how they both employed pragmatic literacy to gain authority, claim fides publica, and consolidate their own institutional position as such. This paradigm shift offers a framework that nuances previous insights regarding the reception of and developments within the notarial office in late-medieval Hainaut.

El presente artículo realiza un sucinto repaso a la trayectoria de Cn. Pompeyo Magno en las distintas localizaciones donde estuvo destinado, constatando la creación de múltiples lazos de clientela con particulares, comunidades e incluso provincias y reinos. Estos vínculos son contrastados con el papel que este tipo de clientelas jugaron en el decisivo enfrentamiento contra Julio César a partir del año 49 a. C. Mediante este análisis, se propone valorar la verdadera utilidad que este tipo de relación de dependencia tuvo a lo largo del conflicto, así como la eficacia de la clientela provincial como herramienta de control, gestión e integración de individuos y colectivos por parte de determinados personajes en el seno del Estado romano tardo-republicano. This article makes a brief review of the trajectory of Pompey the Great in several locations where he served, noticing the creation of multiple client relationships that he established with individuals, communities and even provinces and kingdoms. These links are examined on behalf of the role that clientelae played in the decisive confrontation against Julius Caesar from the year 49 BC. Through this analysis, we propose the assessment of the true usefulness that this type of dependency relationship had throughout the conflict, as well as the effectiveness of foreign clientelae as a means for control, management and integration of individuals and groups by certain characters within the late-republican Roman state. El autor del artículo participa como miembro del plan de trabajo del proyecto «Espacios de integración en la Roma republicana (II): El NE de la Hispania Citerior y su conectividad (133-72 ANE)» (PGC2018-098991-B-100).

There are concepts within the New Testament canon that are engaged perennially in scholarship because of their diversity of uses, their nuances in various cognates, and their strong mark upon 2000 ...

Juvencus’ epic portrayal of Christ establishes a new kind of Christian heroism, a concept refined through intertextual engagement with the Old Latin Bible, the Aeneid, and imperial Latin epic. Christ-as-verbum, The Word, wields verbal power against the furor of the enemies of salvation. His virtus, transcending and redefining the martial valor of the Vergilian tradition, is derived not from human achievement but from the vertical economy of grace—it is a gift (munus, donum) of God the Father streaming abundantly from heaven to earth. Juvencus takes advantage of the expanded semantic range of virtus in late antiquity to subvert and repurpose the heroic core of Latin epic: the miracles (munera, dona) of Jesus expose the helplessness of humanity, and restore it to physical and spiritual health through forceful word-deeds (vitalia gesta, vitalia verba). Through its close identification with fides, Christ’s expansive virtus imparts heroic stature to even the weakest disciple.

The rise of the Kingdom of Dahomey in the first quarter of the eighteenth century was a watershed event in the political history of precolonial West Africa. This article draws on a newly rediscovered copy of William Snelgrave’s diary who visited King Agaja of Dahomey in April 1727. The diary provides the fullest account to date of Agaja’s motives for invading Whydah in March 1727. In addition, the Diary provides the earliest evidence confirming the bona fides of Bulfinch Lambe’s 1731 mission to England to establish commercial relations with King George II.

Good faith has often been discussed in the science of Roman law, from the emergence of fides publica in the Early Republic until the generalisation of good faith in all obliga- tions in the Early Modern continental ius commune. In this article, we stress that it had no religious dimension in Antiquity. A judgment e bona fide meant that the judge had to take all former relations between litigants in account. The association of bona fides with Christian faith and ethics is due to the medieval canonists. The continental generalisa- tion of good faith as applying to all obligations was a consequence of the nationalisa- tion of the consistory courts by the monarchs of the Early Modern Times. ispartof: Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis-Revue d Histoire du Droit-The Legal History Review vol:86 issue:1 pages:1-12 status: published

In his Paraphrases on the synoptic gospels, Erasmus stages the voice of the evangelist speaking in the first-person singular to address the reader in the second-person singular. Such a marked interlocutorial setting is absent in Scripture, with the exception of Luke’s brief address to a certain Theophilus. More than a strategy to forestall criticisms directed at the author of the paraphrase, this direct engagement between biblical author and reader reveals a deeper concern for the transfer of gospel faith and gospel philosophy to the minds of his contemporaries. This essay examines the ways in which the evangelist’s voice engages the implied reader in the Paraphrases on Matthew, Luke, and most notably Mark. It focuses on the reliability (fides) of narration and narrator, the emotional, sensory, and homiletic engagement between speaking voice and reader, and the role of drama and performative elements. The paraphrastic staging of the evangelist’s voice reflects each gospel’s unique challenge in conveying Philosophia Christi to the reader and in the Paraphrase on Mark illustrates in particular the literary dimension of reader-oriented imitatio.

El artículo estudia cómo evolucionó la diplomacia romana desde la monarquía y también las peticiones de asistencia militar; y analiza las implicancias de la deditio y la capitulatio en los diversos datos que nos muestran las fuentes.

The Podmaniczky Mansion in Aszod was built in 1727– 1730 by Janos Podmaniczky (1691–1743). In 1767–1772 the building was extended by his sons, Janos (1716–1786) and Sandor (1723–1786), who resided with their families in the eastern and western wing of the mansion. In 1776 Sandor Podmaniczky commissioned Johann Lucas Kracker and his assistant, Joseph Zach, specialised in trompe l’oeil architectural painting to fresco the ceremonial hall of the mansion, located at the southern end of the western wing. The ceiling painting features in the centre the allegorical female figure, a Justifying Faith (fides iustificans), holding the Holy Script with the inscription Sola scriptura. She is surrounded by allegories of different virtues, such as Divine Mercy (Caritas Dei), Humility, Generosity, Hospitality, Temperance, Self-restraint and Right Judgement. On the right of the ceiling the female figure of Wisdom is to be seen striking down the Vices. In the four corners of the ceiling further four virtue-allegories are l...

This article explores the role of the şeyhülislam, the mufti of Istanbul and the head of the Ottoman religious-legal hierarchy, as a diplomatic intermediary and introduces the concept of “fetva diplomacy.” Anyone of any confession could request a fetva (Arabic: fatwa), a non-binding legal opinion, from the şeyhülislam. From the late sixteenth century, this openness to all comers led foreign powers’ representatives to cultivate close ties with the şeyhülislam, often seeking his intercession and his fetvas to support their interests. Examining the diplomatic aftermath of a 1624 corsair raid on Venetian territories, this essay shows how fetva diplomacy worked in practice and how the legitimacy and religious bona fides of the şeyhülislam were harnessed to give Islamic legal sanction to pragmatic political and diplomatic decisions.

espanolEn la epoca del desarrollo inicial del notariado publico en Castilla, el cabildo de San Salvador de Oviedo sigue validando sus documentos con los medios tradicionales: cartas partidas y sobre todo sellos. Pero a fines del siglo XIII aparece Simon Perez suscribiendo sus documentos como escribano de cabildo. Son los primeros sintomas del desarrollo de los escribanos publicos de la Iglesia de Oviedo, ya con plena fides publica, a principios del siglo XIV. Este articulo estudia la produccion documental de ese primer escribano tratando de comprenderlo en el contexto del desarrollo del notariado publico en el reino. EnglishDuring the development of the public notariate in Castile, the chapter of San Salvador de Oviedo still authenticated its documents with the traditional means: chirographs and seals. However, by the end of the 13th Century, Simon Perez started to subscribe his documents as the chapter scribe. These were the first symptoms of the development of the public scribes of the Church of Oviedo, entitled with full fides publica by the beginning of the 14th Century. This paper will study the documentary production of this first scribe, aiming to understand him within the context of the development of the kingdom public notariate.

Ralph Ellison’s “Hickman Novel”—upon which Three Days Before the Shooting… is based—reveals that the Popular Front-era radicalism largely effaced from Invisible Man continued to fuel Ellison’s imagination. Although he had established his bona fides as a cold warrior in Invisible Man , Ellison retained certain leftist ideas and insights that both inspired and obstructed his attempts to pull together his second novel. His fidelity to a novelistic timeline anchored in the Jim Crow, the Depression, and the early civil rights movement would be disrupted by the felt need to draw in international antifascist activism during World War II.

Old Scotland shall feel proud ere long, When time your worth unfurl, That she you crowned the Queen of Song Was but a Factory Girl. Ellen Johnston, "An Address to my Brother Bards" (ll. 45-48) (1) Thou lovely verdant Factory! What binds my heart to thee? Why art thou centered in my soul, twined round my memory? Why dost thou hover o'er my dreams my slumbers to beguile? When falsehood of the deepest dye has doomed me an Exile. Ellen Johnston, "The Factory Exile" (ll. 1-4) As of thirty years ago, the works of nineteenth-century Scottish factory worker and poet Ellen Johnston, known to her readers as "The Factory Girl" and the "Queen of Song," had all but disappeared. Thankfully, though, scholars dedicated to reclaiming the historical and literary legacy of working-class writers have reintroduced Johnston and a handful of her literary peers into Romantic and Victorian studies. Selections of her work now can be found in anthologies, online archives and databases, and collections of autobiographies; in addition, she has been the subject of a Dictionary of Literary Biography entry, an Oxford Dictionary of National Biography entry, and one scholarly monograph. (2) In 2007, the US-based Kessinger Publishing, through their Legacy Reprint Series, made available a facsimile reprint of the 1867 first edition of Johnston's only volume Autobiography, Poems and Songs. Johnston's work has been received primarily in socio-historical terms, delving into the ways in which she enriches our understanding of nineteenth-century working-class life and writing. Studies devoted to Johnston address similar concerns: discourses of gender and class, domesticity, dialect writing, recovery work, periodical publication, working-class literary expression, autobiography. (3) Thus, Johnston's poetry has been revived in valuable ways, to be sure, but in nonetheless limited ways. As a power-loom weaver turned published poet, Johnston wrote of subjects ranging beyond the obvious ones open to "The Factory Girl." Uniquely possessed of the necessary bona fides to speak to her fellow workers in the pages of the Penny Post, she wrote about the pains and glories of mid-century working-class life: finding and securing work, making a life in the cities, struggling for acknowledgment as a laborer and credibility as a writer. At the same time, she also wrote of things familiar to many: raising children, falling in love, losing a loved one, strength in the face of defeat and despair. But for the Factory Girl, becoming the "Queen of Song" by engaging with the literary world was a risky act, one with the potential to harm her when others sought retribution not for what she wrote, but for her writing at all. Her poetic persona, shaped by being "The Factory Girl" and "The Queen of Song," is equally shaped by her experiences as "The Factory Exile." As a victim of sexual abuse at the hands of her stepfather, the mother of an illegitimate daughter, and a factory-girl turned poet, Johnston found herself exiled, sometimes violently, from numerous communities. She was sent out to factory service at age ten in an attempt to curb what her stepfather in particular viewed as her slipshod, dreamy, bookish ways. Following the birth of her daughter, Mary Achenvole, she found herself abandoned not only by the child's father, but also by her family members. Jealous fellow factory workers physically assaulted her in retribution for what they considered her pretensions to artistic creation and intellectual pursuits. Her lack of formal education and vernacular voice disqualified her from serious consideration within the literary world. Consequently, Johnston's exilic experiences function on numerous levels: professional, personal, and artistic. But there is another aspect to Johnston's exile, one that this essay seeks to remedy. Like that of so many of her working-class peers, Johnston's poetry still suffers from a marginalized existence in literary criticism and nineteenth-century scholarship. …

On January 29, 1655, Van Aitzema informed Milton that he had commissioned a Dutch translation of Milton’s Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce for two reasons: (1) In Fides publica, Alexandre Morus, a leading French Calvinist minister co-opted by the Royalist exiles in the Dutch Republic, had attacked Milton for his newfangled interpretations of scripture on divorce. As Morus himself was not only suspected of Amyraldian heterodoxy but had seduced Madame Salmasius’ lady-in-waiting while a guest in the Salmasius household, there was lively gossip not so much about Milton’s character as Morus’ disgraceful behavior. (2) Many Dutch were indeed interested in how Milton argued in favor of dissolving marital unions. Three of the most powerful regent families in the United Provinces were even then affected by interrelated domestic scandals, the last of which was just devastating a renowned noble family famous in Dutch military history during the Eighty Years’ War. As Van Aitzema stated, there was in fact muc...

Philosopher and educator Mortimer J. Adler’s affinity for Catholicism began in the 1920s, yet he did not become a Catholic until 1999. Reason and faith battled throughout his life; his long conversion process made Adler—a liberal modern individualist—a better philosopher and provided him an intellectual community, but his conversions to Christianity and Catholicism were, ironically, personal and emotionally therapeutic. He fell in love with Aquinas’s Summa Theologica in the mid-1920s, which transformed his subsequent work. That love grew even as Adler’s ethnic, familial Judaism, evolved into agnosticism. Due to chance encounters and historical circumstance his first important book, Art and Prudence , applied neo-Thomism to the topics of censorship and morality in the cinema. Book-related correspondence reveals Adler’s deepest attractions to, and hesitations about, the Catholic faith. Shortly thereafter his national profile rose in relation to promotion of the “great books” movement, making questions about Adler’s faith a public issue. His two spouses encouraged a long-term membership in the Episcopal Church beginning in the late 1920s, but Adler saw that as a mere affiliation until a 1984 illness prompted a full conversion to Christianity. Twenty-five years later, he converted again, this time to Catholicism.

Jean Mabillon'sDe re diplomatica, whose importance for diplomatics and the philosophy of history is well recognized, also contributed to the seventeenth-century European debate over the relationship among documents, archives, and historical or juridical proof. This article juxtaposes early works on diplomatics by Mabillon, Daniel Papebroche, and Barthélémy Germon against Germanius archivitheorists including Rutger Ruland and Ahasver Fritsch to reveal two incommensurate approaches that emerged around 1700 for assessing the authority of written records. Diplomatics concentrated on comparing the material and textual features of individual documents to authentic specimens in order to separate the genuine from the spurious, whereas theius archiviemphasized thepublica fides(public faith) that documents derived from their placement in an authentic sovereign's archive. Diplomatics' emergence as a separate auxiliary science of history encouraged the erasure of archivality from the primary conditions of documentary assessment for historians, however, while theius archivi's privileging of institutional over material criteria for authority foreshadowed European state practice and the evolution of archivistics into the twentieth century. This article investigates these competing discourses of evidence and their implications from the perspective of early modern archival practices.

John Maynard Keynes focused famously on a perceived sharp methodological divide between Malthus ‘the inductive and intuitive investigator’ and Ricardo ‘the abstract and a priori theorist.’ This sharp contrast is unjustified. I establish Malthus’s bona fides as a leading theorist by reference to his land-based growth model; his perception of an aggregate-demand problem, independent of the scarce land constraint; and his Physiocratic perspective (ultimately abandoned) on the source of surplus in agriculture. Malthus is also shown to proceed with supreme caution when addressing policy issues where factual circumstance relating to time and place are of the essence. But here too a sharp contrast with Ricardo is unjustified.

November 2012 marks the fiftieth anniversary of the first publication of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's novella Odin den Ivana Denisovicha (One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich) in the Moscow journal Novyi mir. In this article, Andrew Wachtel considers Solzhenitsyn's pathbreaking work in its original publication context. It examines the editorial preface and the two orthodox contemporary works of Soviet socialist realism the editor chose as bookends for One Day, illustrating the ways in which the surrounding literary context serves to emphasize the socialist realist bona fides of the then unknown Solzhenitsyn. The intertextual links connecting One Day with the works that surround it help to demonstrate that at this point in his career, far from being a dissident, Solzhenitsyn could plausibly be read as an appropriate, albeit unusual, representative of official Soviet literature.

Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine are best known for their epic clash over the French Revolution. Indeed, at the popular level the battle played out between Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and Paine’s Rights of Man (1791) has been christened “the birth of right and left.” My object in this essay is not to trouble this once elementary writ of common wisdom; to the contrary, since it assumes that Burke was in fact a conservative—something increasingly out of vogue among contemporary scholars—I agree with it at the most basic level. Rather, my aim is to argue that Burke and Paine’s theoretical antipathy extended well beyond rival interpretations of the French Revolution, to issues of the theoretical legitimacy and desirability of the British Empire, and British imperialism. In this regard, the essay focuses on the issues of empire and colonialism, which have been central to comparative political theory, as can be seen in this volume in the contributions of Katherine Gordy and Megan Thomas. The goal of this essay is to serve as a corrective to what I regard as the persistent—and growing—tendency to read Burke as some sort of anti-imperialist thinker. At the same time, I seek to recover Thomas Paine’s bona fides as a wholesale opponent of the British Empire, in an attempt to reorient scholarly discussion on these specific figures, and on the topic of the Enlightenment and empire more broadly. Like Thomas and Jennifer London, I wish to suggest that within any given tradition (in this case “the Enlightenment”), there are in fact multiple approaches to confronting “the Other,” and that these approaches often cut in very different directions. Furthermore, my argument is that Burke and Paine, who are often regarded as “canonical” thinkers in Western political thought, are in fact themselves engaged in an early form of “comparative political theory.” That is, the theoretical encounter with non-Western peoples is itself inseparable from and essential for understanding Burke and Paine’s own political theorizing. Since this is the case, engaging with what Burke and Paine have to say about India and North America illuminates understudied dimensions of both thinkers’ work.

The article investigates internal motives and ways of realization of Anselm of Canterbury’s program fides quaerens intellectum. The author, basing on contemporary lite-rature, strives to reveal the structure of Anselm’s argumentation and to consider the main lines of its up-to-date interpretations. Is the principle sola ratione a choice in favor of a pure rationality? Or, on the contrary, Anselm's rational arguments are internally connected with the orientation of faith? Does Anselm’s thought consider religious experience as the basic condition of thinking? Or it rather goes about universal experience of thinking as the basis of proof of the truths of faith (truths of Revelation)? The author shows the ambiguity of assessments of Anselm’s intellectual heritage. In the article Anselm's argumentation is treated in its unity and dynamics, as a movement of a sole argument (already in "Monolo-gion"). The Benedictine thinker opts for «the most convenient way» of thought – the way of striving for the good, inherent in any person. An advancement on this way allows to reveal the nature of the Highest Good and reveal its main attributes. There is not a purely theoreti-cal research, but rather meditation, intellectual exercise which should lead to certain practic-al consequences. The analysis of this base aspiration opens to us an idea of human destina-tion: the person is called for conscious life which opens the way to true happiness. Faith, rationality and mystical experience are for Anselm various aspects of a single effort which is expressed in the well-known formula fides quaerens intellectum. References Аверинцев С. София-Логос. Словарь. – К.: Дух і літера, 2006. Ансельм Кентерберийский Сочинения. – М.: Канон, 1995. Берман Г. Дж. Западная традиция права: эпоха формирования. – М.: Норма, 1998. Гайденко В. Ансельм Кентерберийский. // Католическая энциклопедия в четырех томах. Том 1. – М.: Издательство Францисканцев, 2002. – С. 266–269. Дейвіс Б. Вступ до філософії релігії. – К.: Основи, 1996. Декарт Р. Метафізичні розмисли. – К.: Юніверс, 2000. Європейський словник філософій. Лексикон неперекладностей. Том другий. – К.: Дух і літера, 2011. Жильсон Э. Философия в средние века. От истоков патристики до конца XIV века. – М.: Республика, 2004. Коплстон Ф.Ч. История средневековой философии. – М.: Энигма, 1997. Памятники средневековой латинской литературы X – XII веков. – М.: Наука, 1972. Adams M. Anselm on faith and reason // The Cambridge Companion to Anselm / (Еd.) Davies Brian and Brian Leftow. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004. Anselm Basic Writings. Edited and Translated by Thomas Williams. – Indianapo-lis/Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2007. Anselm of Canterbury The major works / Edited with an Introduction by Brian Davies and G.R. Evans. – Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998. Anselmo Monologion / Introduzione, traduzione, note e apparati di Italo Sciuto. – Milano: Rusconi Libri, 1995. Balthasar H.U. von Chwala. Estetyka teologiczna. Tom 2. Modele teologiczne. Cześc 1. Od Ireneusza do Bonawentury. – Krakow: WAM, 2007. Flasch K. Das philosophische Denken im Mittelalter. Von Augustin zu Machiavelli. Stutt-gart: Reclam, 1995. Flasch K. Kampfplatze der Philosophie. Grose Kontroversen von Augustin bis Voltaire. – Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 2008. Gersh S. John Scottus Eriugena and Anselm of Canterbury // Routledge History of Philoso-phy. Volume III. Medieval Philosophy. Edited by John Marenbon. – London and New York: Routledge, 1998. – P. 120–149. Gilbert P.P. Wprowadzenie do teologii średniowiecza. – Krakow: WAM, 1997. Grzesik T. Anzelm z Canterbury. – Warszawa: Wiedza powszechna, 2004. Heinzmann R. Anselm von Canterbury // Heinrich Fries, Georg Kretschmar (Hrsg.). Klassi-ker der Theologie I. – Munchen: C.H.Beck, 1981. – S. 165–180. Heinzmann R. Filozofia średniowiecza. – Kety: Wydawnictwo Antyk, 1999. Henrich D. Der ontologische Gottesbeweis. Sein Problem und seine Geschichte in der Neuzeit. – Tubingen: J.C.B.Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1960. Hindrichs G. Das Absolute und das Subjekt. Untersuchung zum Verhaltnis von Metaphy-sik und Nachmetaphysik. – Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 2008. Liebeschutz H. Anselm of Canterbury: the philosophical interpretation of faith // The Cambridge History of Later Greek and early medieval Philosophy. Edited by A.H. Armstrong. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2008. – P. 611–642. Loffler W. Anselm von Canterbury – Das ontologische Argument fur Gottes Existenz // Klassiker der Philosophie heute. Herausgegeben von Ansgar Beckermann und Dominik Perler. – Stuttgart: Reclam, 2005. – S. 121–142. Mojsisch B. Anselm von Canterbury. Gottesbeweise // Theo Kobusch (Hrsg.). Philosophen des Mittelalters. – Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2000. – S. 42–53. Onofrio G. D’. Historia teologii II. Epoka średniowieczna. – Krakow: Wydawnictwo M, 2005. Plantinga A.C. Bog, wolnośc i zlo. – Znak: Krakow, 1995. Plantinga A. (ed.) The Ontological Argument. – Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1965. Rod W. Der Gott der reinen Vernunft. Die Auseinandersetzung um den ontologischen Gottesbeweis von Anselm bis Hegel. – Munchen: Beck, 1992. Schmitt F.S. Anselm of Canterbury // New Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 1. – Washington: The Catholic UP of America, 2003. – P. 495–497. Schrimpf G. Bausteine fur einen historischen Begriff der scholastischen Philosophie // Philosophie im Mittelalter. Entwicklungslinien und Paradigmen. Herausgegeben von Jan P. Beckmann, Ludger Honnefelder, Gangolf Schrimpf und Georg Wieland. – Hamburg: Felix Meiner Verlag, 1987. – S. 1–25. Viola C.E. Anzelm z Aosty. Wiara i szukanie zrozumienia. – Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009. Visser S. & Williams T. Anselm. – Oxford: Oxford UP, 2009.

This analysis argues that Thomas More’s Richard III is a work of what Cicero would call studia humanitatis, designed to educate “first citizens” about human nature, the requirements of political life, and the arts needed to fashion justice, liberty, peace, and prosperity. Special attention is given to More’s use of Ciceronian vocabulary (respublica, humanitas, libertas, princeps, privates, fides, consilium) and the vocabulary of centuries-old London institutions (mayor, sheriff, alderman, recorder, independent courts, sanctuary, “senate,” “forum”). The article ends with a summary of young More’s solutions to England’s problems of civil war.

The anonymous “Incipit fides Nicaena” is a unique, though much ignored, Latin text from the later fourth century. Its only critical edition, from a sole ninth century codex, was first prepared in 1913 by Cuthbert H. Turner, under the title of Commentarius in Symbolum Nicaeanum.1 Turner's version was reprinted in the first volume of the Patrologiae Latinae Supplementum (1958).2 There has been almost no further scholarly work done on this text since Turner's edition, nor has it been translated into any European language.3 As a result, no questions have been asked about the bearing of this work on post-Nicene doctrinal history as our understanding of the Nicene-“Arian” conflicts has been reformulated over the last two decades. In this essay, I want to address this gap in our understanding, although it must be said that there are more questions than answers raised by the existence of this small document. Specifically, we will see how this unique text sheds light on the theological influence that the Nicene Creed began to have in western churches in the second half of the fourth century. An attempt will also be made to demonstrate how this primitive explanation of the Creed offers an indication of its own approximate date and context.

In which historical constellation and with which meaning one erected the most accurate copy of the early classical group of the tyrannicides near the Fides temple on the Capitoline hill in Rome? As the copy of the early classical group of the tyrannicides remained on the Capitoline hill until medialval times, a widespread acceptance may be assumed. It is unlikely that Augustus was tolerating the statues of his enemies Brutus or Sulla. In fact there was on the capitoline hill a tradition to keep a balance of statues, erected for the leader of different political parties, which only the summi viri of the Augustusforum ostensible still pursued. The copy of the famous group is probably an initiative of Pammenes from Marathon, a descendant of the tyrannicides, and probably represents Eleuteria/Libertas, won in the civil war by Augustus Soter and Agrippa Euergetes. The term Demokratia, closley linked with the Tyrannicides and Eleuteria, became the key word substituting the aristocracys’ demand of political participation at the beginning of the Principate.

The article analyzes the Roman notion of des publica and its reception by Grotius and Locke. The Romans considered des publica a general standard of behavior for all those invested with state power. It was regarded as a legal norm with moral connotations, which applied especially, though not exclusively, to exceptional situations, such as wars. Grotius appears to have been the first since Antiquity to rediscover the notion of des publica as a fundamental norm of public law; for him, it became especially valuable as a criterion for determining the legality of civil war and resistance. This understanding of des was also adopted by Locke, who argued that the people had a right of resistance in case the government structurally violated its trust. Contrary to the dominant view in the literature, this article shows that Locke's concept of trust was influenced not only by peculiarly English ideas about political trusteeship, but also by the Roman notion of des publica.

Though the obvious understanding of Thomas More’s Epigrammata, initially published with the 1518 edition of Utopia, is that of the poetic portfolio of a rising statesman, the intensity of the proceeding dispute with the French poet Brixius indicates a significance beyond the poems at hand. As his letter in response to Brixius explains, More writes with a particular concern for the plight of poetry and the character of the poet. Though he criticizes Brixius for cheap imitation of the ancients, he adapts and composes lines capable of containing both the mockery and the moralizing of his Latin and Greek predecessors. While it is undoubtedly More’s wit that commends his collection to his contemporaries, it is his commitment to truth that proves transformative in the development of the Renaissance epigram. These often-neglected poems and their commitment to laughter and learning may inform our understanding of the author and his ever-celebrated works.

The oath of loyalty in 32 BC put Octavian ahead of an alliance which was led by Italy, seconded by western provinces and it was ready to fight against Mark Anthony, who was seconded by Cleopatra and eastern territories. Suetonius, Dio Cassius and Augustus himself talk about this oath. The original text does not survive so the modern historians have compared this oath with republican and imperial oaths. Our objective is study how developed this oath, itscontents and analyse other oath of loyalty seem this of 32 BC. By this oath, Italy and the Roman West joined politically Octavian with a view to the imminent war against Mark Anthony and this struggle would be the way from the Republic to the Principate. El juramento de fidelidad del año 32 a. C. situó a Octaviano al frente de un bloque, liderado por Italia y secundado por las provincias occidentales, preparado para enfrentarse a Marco Antonio, quien estaba secundado por Cleopatra y por los territoriosorientales. Suetonio, Dión Casio y el propio Augusto en las Res Gestae Divi Augusti nos han transmitido la existencia de este juramento. El texto original no se conserva por lo quese ha comparado con otros juramentos de fidelidad, tanto de época republicana como imperial. Nuestro objetivo es estudiar cómo se gestó este juramento, en qué consistía y analizar otros juramentos de fidelidad parecidos al del año 32 a. C. Con este juramento, Italia y Occidente quedaron unidos políticamente a Octaviano de cara al inminente enfrentamiento de éste contra Marco Antonio cuya consecuencia será el paso de la República al Principado.

“Privileged” Sicilian Cities during the Republican Period In Cicero’s time, only eight Sicilian cities enjoyed a privileged status; this paper proposes to identify motivations (such as the strategic importance of the site, faithfulness to the Roman cause, family ties with Urbs, individual merits of the cities, and persuasive capacities of their ambassadors) that suggested to the Romans that the inhabitants of one city should be favored rather than those of another., All’epoca di Cicerone, solo otto città siciliane godevano di statuti privilegiati; il presente studio mira a ricercare le ragioni che spinsero i Romani a favorire gli abitanti di un centro piuttosto che quelli di un altro. Tra le motivazioni appaiono particolarmente rilevanti la fedeltà alla causa romana, i legami di parentela con l’Urbe, l’importanza strategica dei siti, i meriti dimostrati dalle città, ma anche, come si è cercato di dimostrare in questa sede, la capacità suasoria dei loro ambasciatori., Cités siciliennes « privilégiées » à l’époque républicaine À l’époque de Cicéron, seules huit cités de Sicile jouissaient de statuts privilégiés ; cette étude vise à rechercher les motivations (parmi lesquelles l’importance stratégique des sites, la fidélité à la cause romaine, les liens de parenté avec l’Urbs, les mérites propres à ses cités et la force de persuasion de leurs ambassadeurs) qui incitèrent les Romains à favoriser les habitants d’une ville plutôt que d’une autre., Soraci Cristina. Città siciliane “privilegiate” in epoca repubblicana. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 42, n°1, 2016. pp. 97-136.

Deutsch1215 entscbied das vierte Laterankonzil in einer Kontroverse zwiscben Tbeologen und luristen uber die Pt1icbt zur Ruckerstattung. Diese etbiscbe Pt1icbt war nicbt durcbwegs recbtlicb anerkannt.Das berubte auf der Begrenzung dieser Ansprucbe, die die luristen aus dem Romischen Recht ableiteten (C. 7.39.3) und als longissimi temporis praescriptio bezeichneten. Ausgebend von der Uberlegung, dass ein Gesetz, das ohne Verderben fur die Seele nicht befolgt werden kann, korrigiert werden muss, fuhrte das Konzil die Regel ein, das s die Person, die im Besitz der Sache war, aucb nicbt wissen durfte, dass die fraglicbe Sacbe jemandem anderen gehorte. Die Konsequenzen fur die Praxis mogen gering gewesen sein, den n die Kanonisten stellten die Regel auf, die Unkenntnis des Besitzers nacb dreil3ig labren unangefochtener possession sei zu vermuten. Es war dann Sache der Gegenseite, also des Klagers, diese Vermutung zu widerlegen. Selbst wenn ausnahmsweise eine Vermutung des Gegenteils anzunebmen sein sollte, konnte der Beklagte, der sicb auf praescriptio berief, den Beweis seines guten Glaubens durcb Eid vermeiden, denn in diesem Fall ergab sicb die Vermutung seines guten Glaubens aus dem Zeitablauf und dem Titel (titulusi seines Besitzes EnglishIn 1215, tbe Fourtb Lateran Council settled a controversy between theologians and jurists witb regard to tbe duty to make restitution. Tbis moral duty was not always recognized at law because oftbe limitation of claims, wbicb tbe jurists derived from Roman Law (C. 7.39.3) and wbich tbey termed as longissimi temporis praescriptio. Hence, correcting a statute that cannot be observed witbout peril to one' soul, tbe council required that the person wbo prescribes, must not know at any time that tbe object belongs to someone else. Tbe effect in legal practice may bave been minor, for the canonists presumed the possessor 's ignorance after tbirty years of uncontested possession. It was to tbe otber party, tbe claimant, to disprove tbis presumption. Even if, by exception, tbere was a presumption to tbe contrary, the defendant invoking prescription could avoid proving bis good faitb by oath, for tbe presumtion then derived from tbe combination of the lapse oftime and a proper cause (titulus) ofbis possession

This essay challenges the criticism usually levelled at the early Fathers prior to Augustine for not articulating a view of justification by faith that corresponded with Pauline Christianity as reflected in the formulas of the sixteenth-century reformers. Not only is such a view anachronistic and tends to assume that there was (or is) a uniform definition of justification, but there is evidence that Latin theology before Augustine promulgated the tenets of unmerited grace and the necessity of righteousness that come only through justifying faith. In particular, the Matthew commentary of Hilary of Poitiers explicitly formulates a biblical theology of ‘fides sola iustificat’, and probably contributed to a revival of interest in the Pauline Epistles by the end of the fourth and early fifth centuries.

There are good reasons why bona fides should be seen as a requirement for the acquisition of ownership through specificatio. Firstly, the specificator produces something new, a res aliqua, and is therefore given the right to incorporate the product in his property by occupatio. Secondly, if the specificator knew he was working with foreign raw material, and therefore knew that by his performance he was depriving the owner of the material of his property, the specificator would commit a furtum. A res nova, the origin of which is chained with a furtum, can never be res habilis. When balancing the respective interests of the specificator on the one hand and the owner of the material on the other hand, one finds that accepting bona fides of the specificator as a requirement for his acquisition of ownership is convenient to ensure both legal certainty and the free movement of goods.

This paper argues that a close reading of Tacitus Histories 1.12-49 is crucial for understanding the work as a whole, since this unit of narrative functions very much as a paradigm for the account of all the phases of the civil wars in 69. Throughout this section, Tacitus uses sententiae about fundamental themes concerning fides, amicitia, and adulatio to structure his account of Galba's fall and Otho's rise and to draw attention to issues that will become increasingly important in the subsequent phases of the civil war. Certain episodes, such as Galba's speech to his newly adopted heir Piso (Histories 1.15-16) are especially useful for articulating and foreshadowing the breakdown of traditional values among all groups involved in the struggle for power at Rome. At the same time, these episodes pick up on and develop central historiographical themes explored previously by Thucydides and Sallust. The paper focuses especially on the warping of fides and amicitia played out amongst Galba's own circle of disreputable advisors, comparing the account with Plutarch's version to bring out what is especially Tacitean about it.

Brussels manuscripts B. R. 197 and 409 belong to a legendary compiled at Rouge-Cloitre in the third quarter of the 15th century. The compiler considered it useful to add another prologue of his own composition before the preface of the Legenda aurea (Brussels, B. R. 409, f. 4r-v). In fact it is a patchwork of hagiographic topoi (from the Passiones of Chrysanthus and Daria, of Fides, Spes and Caritas, and of Cecilia; from the Vita of Maria of Oignies) with the intention of justifying the reading and imitation of the acts of the saints.

Some years ago a group of French Baptists began to form an archive and to research their history. As often elsewhere, although overall numbers were small, there were several disparate Baptist groupings to complicate the story. A young scholar, both historian and sociologist, Sebastien Fath, drew on and extended this research for his doctoral studies, and produced his pioneering and magisterial history, Une autre maniere d’etre chretien en France: socio-histoire de l’implantation baptiste (1810-1950) (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 2001. 1222 pages. ISBN 2-8309-0990-9). Drawing on plentiful resources since ‘les Baptistes ... ecrivent beaucoup’, he set about showing how Baptists as a body have been implanted in the nation’s life.

The faith commitments and historical impulses of Donald G. Davis, Jr., provide distinctive foundations for his contributions to the library profession. Convinced of the authenticity of core elements in the Christian message, he has sought to integrate faith into the circumstances of his life, a process complemented by a longitudinal perspective that informs current practice. Don has developed a highly personalized, well-defined theology that he has applied to academic librarianship, intellectual freedom, collection management, and teaching and research. One sees this theology worked out in his pronouncements on controversial topics and in his relationships with students and colleagues.

Grotius has a rudimentary theory of sociability. Only with hindsight has a remark about appetitus societatis been promoted to the starting point of a theory that flourished in the writings of later natural jurists. In this article, I address the issue of the appearance in Grotius's natural law of sociability [as the 1715/38 English translation of John Morrice renders appetitus societatis, following Barbeyrac's sociabilite]. Writing in the just war tradition, Grotius is first of all interested in finding out the conditions for peace, and although injustice is a condition of war, it is not per se true that injustice is a perversion of society. Apparently, not all societies are perfect and the violence of war and the legal actions of peace are both instruments for achieving a greater modicum of justice in this world. Yet appetitus et custodia societatis is called the foundation of justice. Grotius achieved this context for sociability in phases, through a series of writings from c. 1600 until De iure belli ac pacis of 1625, and its revision of 1631. In this development the notion of fides plays an intriguing role, through which we can obtain a better understanding of the meaning of appetitus societatis in the later work. The present article is a sequel to a previous publication, on fides in De iure praedae (Ms. 1604/5). Analysing the genesis of appetitus societatis in De iure belli ac pacis, I argue that Grotius was changing his strategy over the years, without however arriving at a definitive solution to the question of what commits men to the pursuit of justice.

When Constantine first entered Rome after his defeat of Maxentius in October 312, he encountered a rich and complex Christian community and a bishop whose position was precarious. Centuries of growth and a long religious peace had resulted in the development of a large number of locally based communities in Rome with their own centres of worship - the tituli. Constantine needed to convince these communities of his bona fides as a Christian emperor. The bishop of Rome, Miltiades, was the ruler of a relatively newly unified see, recently fractured by persecution and controversy. Miltiades' relative weakness was to Constantine's political advantage, especially since it made him eager to receive the vast ocean of generosity which Constantine began to pour into the Roman Church. The particular and immediate beneficiary of this generosity was the bishop, who gained a vast and lavishly appointed cathedral, and a palace to go with it.