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Abstract This article is an analysis of the Black liberation struggle in the context of current capitalist crisis. The past forty-plus years since 1968 is the periodization embodied in this framework. The analysis is partially a rumination on the current state of Black America and the Black liberation struggle. Some discussion of an emergent black left and the United States Social Forum as a process for social transformation is considered. It is, as well, a look into Black feminist interventions in the Black freedom struggle. Core here is the feminist demand to center race, class, gender in intersectionality. Finally, some thought is given to the interplay and complexities surrounding class and the Black right in the US with implications for the current period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WHAT CONSTITUTES PROLETARIANIZATION? The conventional answer to this seemingly simple question often stresses waged labour. Yet many workers, past and present, are routinely unable,to secure paid employment, in part because of the persistence of capitalist crises of various kinds. This study of indigent workers in Toronto from the 1830s to the 1930s is premised on an understanding of proletarianization as dispossession, on the one hand, and, on the other, of the ways in which capitalism necessarily produces recurrent crises, leaving many workers wageless. It addresses how wagelessness and poverty were criminalized through the development of institutions of ostensible charitable relief, such as the Toronto House of Industry, in which those seeking shelter and/or sustenance were required to chop wood or, more onerously, break stone in order to be. admitted to the ranks of those 'deserving' of such support. By the end of the nineteenth century-resistance to such "labour tests" was increasingly evident. Protests took place in Toronto, where the black flag was carried in demonstrations demanding "work or bread." Refusing to "crack the stone" and demands that relief be administered differently were common features of mobilizations of the wageless in the opening decades of the twentieth century, in which socialists often took the lead. By the time of capitalism's devastating collapse in the Great Depression of the 1930s, Toronto's wageless were well situated to mount an outcasts' offensive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines historical trends in health inequalities over the 20th and 21st centuries. Drawing on studies from the United States, United Kingdom, Sweden, and Western Europe, it concludes that there is evidence of a u-shaped curve in (relative) health inequalities. These trends in health inequalities broadly parallel those identified by economists with regards to the u-shaped curve of income and wealth inequalities across the 20th and 21st centuries. The article argues that—as with income inequalities—health inequalities generally decreased across the twentieth century through to the early 1980s. They then started to increase and accelerated further from 2010, particularly in the United Kingdom and the United States. The article sets out four distinct policy periods that shaped the evolution of trends in health inequalities: the Interbellum Era, 1920–1950; the Trente Glorieuse, 1950–1980; Neoliberalism, 1980–2010; and the Crisis Age, 2010–present. The u-shaped curve of health inequalities over this period suggests that social policies, health care access, and political incorporation have driven changes over time. Taking this long view of changes in health inequalities emphasizes the importance of politics and policy for future health improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Comintern’s Third Period, 1928–1934, based on Stalin’s ‘second revolution’ in Russia, capitalist crisis and the claim that social democracy and fascism were twins, generated sectarian, ultra-left politics which proved inimical to Communist activity in trade unions. This article sheds new light on that issue by exploring three connected episodes: the British party’s (CPGB) renewed turn to the unions, heralded in the January resolution of 1932; the roles the Comintern and CPGB leader Harry Pollitt played in this initiative; and the subsequent attempt by Pollitt to revise the politics of union work. This triptych reviews both primary sources and recent historiography. It argues that some accounts have overestimated the novelty of the January resolution, blurred its meaning and exaggerated Pollitt’s part in it. The resolution did not attempt to change the line but its application. Its impact was limited. Bids to go beyond it were muddled and unsuccessful. The 1933 move towards the united front, and subsequently the popular front, was of greater significance in creating an effective Communist presence in trade unions than the events of 1931–1932. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Primitive accumulation is the historical foundation and logical premise of the capitalist social relations. Accumulation by exploitation presupposes the existence and expanded reproduction of the doubly free labourer as a propertyless surplus value producer. Contrary to the conventional view of primitive accumulation as a period of transition to capitalism, its concept is constitutive of capital as a real economic abstraction. It is the foundation of the economic categories of value, commodity, money, accumulation by exploitation and crisis. For the critique of political economy the conceptuality of capital entails the separation of living labour from its means. As such, primitive accumulation brings to the fore the secret history of the capitalist social relations, which is the everyday struggle for access to basic material things, by which the free labourer reproduces herself as society's surplus value producer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can the idea of eternal return tell us about contemporary financial society? In this essay I follow Nietzsche by deploying it as an existential provocation, linking the prospect of endless recurrence to the daily routines of the asset economy. This entails a departure from simple notions of cyclical time, typically associated with political economy and the study of economic history, in favor of a more complex view that sees recurrence and return as figures that organize and reflect the experience of life under the sign of finance. In particular, I argue that the reordering of class around the axis of asset ownership has produced two seemingly distinct structures of feeling—one based on the thrill of endless turnover and return on capital, the other on the drudgery of recurring payment schedules and debt rollovers. Though on the surface at odds with each other, both are anchored in a deeper libidinal economy associated with the asset form and ultimately nihilistic in character. The asset economy should therefore be seen as producing a very peculiar form of eternity based on the abolition of time through repetition. I conclude by foregrounding questions of culture and imagination, exploring these in connection with contemporary forms of on-demand television and the possibility of a time beyond the bad eternity of the asset economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to position the debate on the Labour Aristocracy, an important one during the early years of the Society for the Study of Labour History, within the wider controversies of the 1970s and 1980s on the future of the Labour Party and the adoption of post-modernist methodology. Its objective is to return discussion to the usage of the term as originally developed by Marx and Engels. This, it is argued, was not essentially about income differentials. Its central focus was on the active process of working-class formation and fragmentation. It assumed that working-class consciousness in the full sense was a historically rare though socially transformative phenomenon, usually constrained by the apparent inevitability of capitalist relations, and requiring a specific conjunctural analysis of working-class challenge and capitalist crisis and response. The article seeks to re-establish the validity of this approach using recent research on the Chartist movement and its decline. It takes issue with the interventions by Gareth Stedman Jones and argues for the continuing relevance of Marx's cultural analysis, as elaborated by David Harvey, for the understanding of social stereotyping and class fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the worsening climate crisis, we argue that our present conditions require a particular approach to the past in order to disrupt current intellectual trajectories. We enrol Walter Benjamin's concept of history, via the writings of Svetlana Alexievich and Margaret Atwood, with the aim of bringing a criticality to the present to make us reconsider the ways we think about and act in our present world. Based on Alexievich and Atwood's work, we develop research conceptualizations of forgotten and alternative histories to open up a space to consider a future climate-changed world beyond the dominant tropes of inevitable dystopian apocalypse and clever technological adaptation. We offer the concept of 'hope without optimism' in encouraging management and organization studies scholars to develop a discipline fit for the Anthropocene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Parallels have been drawn between the 'Great Depression' of the 1930s and the more recent 'Great Recession' that followed the 2007/8 financial crisis. Austerity was the common policy response by UK governments in both time periods. This article examines health inequalities at a local level in the 1930s, through a historical case study. Methods Local and national historical archives, Medical Officer for Health reports, and secondary sources were examined from 1930 to 1939 to obtain data on inequalities in health (infant mortality rates, stillbirths and neonatal mortality rates, 1935 and crude overall mortality rates, 1936) and ward-level deprivation (over-crowding rates, 1935) in Stockton-on-Tees, North-East England. Results There were high geographical inequalities in overcrowding and health in Stockton-on-Tees in the 1930s. Rates of overall mortality, in particular, were higher in those wards with higher levels of overcrowding. Conclusions There were geographical inequalities in health in the 1930s and the most deprived areas had the worst overall mortality rates. The areas with the worst housing conditions and health outcomes in the 1930s remain so today - health inequality is extant over time across different periods of austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on power struggle between political view of philosopher Gramsci. Topics include Gramsci's analysis of the war of position is based, he asserts, on his reading in early nineteenth-century European politics and its historiography; his opinion on the war of position; and impasse is associated especially with difficulties within parliamentary politics. It also mentions that subjective conditions can never be missing when the objective conditions exist.

'Bolshevization' and 'Stalinization' have been used variously by historians of American and British Communism to designate and date the processes by which the Comintern and national parties were subordinated to Soviet policy. Despite their pervasive influence on the American and British left, this literature reveals little curiosity or consensus about the politics of Bolshevism and Stalinism, their history and relationship, indeed, these labels have sometimes been employed inexactly and interchangeably. In some narratives, Bolshevization dates from 1924 and was completed from 1929. In others, the Comintern and its affiliates were Stalinized from 1924, in still others, from 1929. The historiography of the Soviet Union, in contrast, includes forensic interrogation of Bolshevism and Stalinism, their meaning, periodization and consequences as well as the continuities and disjunctures between them. This work has been overlooked by historians of the American Workers' Party and the British Communist Party. The present article assesses both literatures. It utilizes insights from Sovietologists to argue that Stalinism constituted a politics and practice connected with but distinct from Bolshevism. Reviewing Comintern and party history, it proposes a specific periodization. State Bolshevism, 1919–1923, saw subjugation of the American and British parties to Russian imperatives. Incipient Stalinism, 1924–1928, witnessed restructuring of the politics of subordination. From 1929, Stalinization accomplished a distinctive subordination. It enthroned a politics and practice foreign to that of Lenin and the Bolsheviks which endured, through different phases, until the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how contemporary theories of gentrification improve our understanding of past urban change. Discussing municipal housing statistics and local newspaper coverage from late-19th-century Berlin, it first illustrates the tremendous increase in rents that the German capital witnessed in the second half of the century. Rather than focusing on the rise of highly segregated neighbourhoods as urban historians usually do, the article then studies to what extent the growth of industrial cities like Berlin was accompanied by physical displacement in existing proletarian and middle-class quarters. Based on a methodologically innovative use of historical address books, it thus portrays an uneven geography of inner-city transformation. By compiling samples of socio-demographic change on the micro-level of individual streets, this article reveals that historical patterns of displacement followed a peculiar logic that affected socio-economic groups very differently. The article indicates that there exists a contentious pre-history of gentrification that has been utterly neglected in urban studies so far. At the same time, it epitomises the potential of historical research for the advancement of urban theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the 18th and 19th century history of the state, federalism, slavery, capitalism, and economics up until the start of the U.S. Civil War, taking into consideration English-speaking North America. Topics include British colonial policies, governance, the interrelationship between authority and locale, social history, nation states, and state formation.

The article discusses the legitimacy of the U.S. government in relation to capitalism. Topics include the relation of U.S. imperialism to capitalism, the economic impact of financialization, and the influence of racism and the history of slavery on U.S. politics. The notion of a political crisis in the U.S. political system is addressed.

Our political world is impoverished by the lack of the category ‘imperialism’. Academic and media languages have succeeded in consigning it to history. Use of the category imperialism to describe our present condition is often met with derision; it is seen in the bourgeois tongue as too simplistic, as outdated, as Leftist bombast. But what other category do we have to explain the kinds of extra-economic institutional coercion meted out to the Third World during the 1980s debt crisis or to Greece in its ongoing tragedy? Academic and media languages would like to measure these political conflicts in the terms of mainstream social science – as state failure and economic mismanagement, as the imbalance between the greed of unions and the sensibleness of the bankers. Empirical description takes the place of theoretical understanding – a mass of data and information clogs up the arteries, while careful theoretical assessment of the problem is set aside. The Left is on the defensive, unable to explain why the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) wants to bomb this country or why the International Monetary Fund wants to extract its pound of flesh from that country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing attention to the governing role of capital accumulation and its interaction with the state, this study examines the dynamics of the new wave of suburbanization in China, which is characterized by the development of new towns. New towns essentially function as a spatial fix in China's contemporary accumulation regime. Rather than resulting from capital switching from the primary to the secondary circuits, new towns help to collect funds for the leverage of industrial capital and thus simultaneously sustain both circuits. Meanwhile, the development of new towns is also a process of territorial development, in which municipal governments expand the space of accumulation under strengthened fiscal and land controls and develop a metropolitan structure. Underlying the specific form and dynamics, however, is the worldwide trend of capital switching from declining manufacturing industries in developed countries to the new investment frontier in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Maynard Keynes’s essay “Relative Movements of Real Wages and Output” is widely believed to be an important amendment to his General Theory because, in this essay, Keynes relaxed his core assumption of decreasing marginal returns to labor. I discuss the reasons that prompted Keynes to do so and then examine the consequences of replacing decreasing with non-decreasing returns for the model of effective demand from chapter 3 of the General Theory. I conclude that non-decreasing marginal returns do not sit comfortably with the principle of effective demand. The view that Keynes’s 1939 essay constitutes an important amendment to his General Theory has thus to be put into perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the world system emerged in the mid-19th century, the stages of capitalist development have all been initiated by economic crises. But unlike the crises of 1873, 1929 or 1973, that of 2007 did not signal the end of the neoliberal stage, but rather its continuation in more extreme forms. This break in the previous pattern requires us to periodize neoliberalism itself and understand how the cumulative effect of the policies implemented during the ‘vanguard’ and ‘social’ periods prepared the way for the current ‘crisis’ period, by restricting the options available to political and state managerial representatives of capital. By reorganizing political economy in such a way that states respond to short-term demands by key sectors of capital rather than the needs of the system as a whole, neoliberalism has inadvertently undermined the accumulation process, producing permanent ‘states of exception’ as the only means of containing the resulting social crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay, in two parts, argues for the centrality of historical thinking in coming to grips with capitalism’s planetary crises of the twenty-first century. Against the Anthropocene’s shallow historicization, I argue for the Capitalocene, understood as a system of power, profit and re/production in the web of life. In Part I, I pursue two arguments. First, I situate the Anthropocene discourse within Green Thought’s uneasy relationship to the Human/Nature binary, and its reluctance to consider human organizations – like capitalism – as part of nature. Next, I highlight the Anthropocene’s dominant periodization, which meets up with a longstanding environmentalist argument about the Industrial Revolution as the origin of ecological crisis. This ignores early capitalism’s environment-making revolution, greater than any watershed since the rise of agriculture and the first cities. While there is no question that environmental change accelerated sharply after 1850, and especially after 1945, it seems equally fruitless to explain these transformations without identifying how they fit into patterns of power, capital and nature established four centuries earlier. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the rise of ‘bioeconomy’, trees are receiving increasing attention. This contribution conducts a preliminary analysis of the trajectories and the main drivers of change in the rise of new, flexible and multiple uses of trees. It assesses the political dimensions involved in this transformation, which is simultaneously ongoing, anticipated and imagined. Notes are offered on the issues to be considered when the flex-crop framework is operationalized to include the study of trees, and additional conceptualizations that help in analyzing the political economy of tree uses are provided. Areas needing further empirical study are identified and a preliminary research agenda is suggested. The flexible and multiple use of trees and tree-derived commodities is having a large impact on power relations in the global political economy of forestry and the forest industry, the asymmetry of which is based on who is best able to flex or de-multiply, thereby controlling commodity webs and processing technology. It is argued that while flexing seems to increase diversity, in practice it typically increases this only for the processing industry; the converse occurs in terms of the unification of the productive base into monocultures. However, these two processes go hand in hand, and illustrate how flexing is a deeply capitalist process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico experienced the twentieth century’s first social revolution, a decade of struggle from which emerged a new political regime – a post-revolutionary authoritarian or single-party state one – with President Lázaro Cárdenas as leader by 1934. This post-revolutionary creation included organized labor and peasants, a strong interventionist state and a hegemonic party. Cárdenas’ U.S. counterpart, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, too, was leading dramatic ‘New Deal’ institutional and political revolution in the 1930s and 1940s that spawned a new order of expanded federal government, a renovated Democratic Party, and new movements and interest groups, notably, labor. Both nations featured the same major actors: the state, political parties, and organized labor. Both presidents calculated that preserving labor alliances was crucial for formation and legitimization of a new political order, for maintaining conditions conducive to private-sector investment and economic growth, and for political and economic crisis management. Labor’s growing role reshuffled corporatist alliances within and between international neighbors. This study places Mexico and the United States in comparative context in the early twentieth century and analyzes elite control and inclusion of organized labor in transformation of political landscapes in two different political regimes – a democratic one couched in an established constitution and a post-revolutionary authoritarian one born of a bloody upheaval. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The predominantly unfavorable and restrictive socio-spatial conditions of squatting in Prague, have been shaped by the socialist past and post-socialist transformation. Temporarily facilitated by the fluid and liberalized nature of the early post-1989 era, the emergence of the first squats in Prague was inspired by the international squatters' movement, and alienated from the enthusiastic acceptance of capitalism by Czech society. Progressing neoliberalization nevertheless contributed to the gradual decline of the local squatters' scene, as well as to its consequent renaissance in the aftermath of the global economic crisis, demarked by the end of the 2000s. Gaining new legitimacy for their activities in the context of crisis, the local squatters' scene started to engage in protest and an open, radical critique of the capitalist system. Societal support was gained for Klinika, a squatted autonomous center, which in turn opened a debate on the future of squatting in the Czech Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on Margaret Radin's theorization of 'contested commodities' to explore the process whereby informal housing becomes formalized while also being shaped by legal regulation. In seeking to move once-informal housing into the domain of official legality, cities can seldom rely on a simple legal framework of private-law principles of property and contract. Instead, they face complex trade-offs between providing basic needs and affordability and meeting public-law norms around living standards, traditional neighbourhood feel and the environment. This article highlights these issues through an examination of the uneven process of legal formalization of basement apartments in Vancouver, Canada. We chose a lengthy period-from 1928 to 2009-to explore how basement apartments became a vital source of housing often at odds with city planning that has long favoured a low-density residential built form. We suggest that Radin's theoretical account makes it possible to link legalization and official market construction with two questions: whether to permit commodification and how to permit commodification. Real-world commodification processes-including legal sanction-reflect hybridization, pragmatic decision making and regulatory compromise. The resolution of questions concerning how to legalize commodification are also intertwined with processes of market expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of social work in any country around the globe has its own context that is significantly different from one environment to another. For example, Walton (Williams, 1975) has identified the role of British women and their contributions as one main factor affecting social work development in the British context along with three other factors: the influence of U.S. trends, international events, and patterns in British social work. The current article has identified a set of different factors affecting the development of social work education in Egypt. These factors are the influence of nongovernmental and private education of social workers, the efforts of the early Egyptian social reformers, political factors, and efforts of social work educators. It is concluded that private social work education, the strong practitioners-established and -led professional organizations, the contributions of indigenous social reformers and the Egyptian people, and the institutional and collective efforts of social work educators are cornerstones of the development of social work education in Egypt. As Watts (1995) said: when social work education in a specific country has been examined, a great deal about social work education elsewhere will be learned. Through comparisons, some fresh ideas on social work education have been gleaned. For example, an idea or program in this specific country could be adapted for use in another country. Other countries could learn from the social work education experiences of Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An essay is presented which discusses the economic aspects of U.S. imperialism during the Philippine-American War, including the role that capitalism played in the war and U.S.'s efforts to establish the U.S. dollar currency, based on the gold standard, in the early 20th century U.S. Philippine colony. An overview race relations between Americans and people of the Philippines is provided.

This article calls for increased dialogue between social and environmental historians through an examination of the unintended inequalities caused by New Deal relief efforts in the United States during the Great Depression era. It does so not by exploring those directly involved in New Deal relief programmes, but rather by analysing the impact of such programmes on residents of local communities situated near New Deal work project sites. In particular, it traces how a dozen Civilian Conservation Corps camps in a state park thirty miles from New York City transformed the local environment, and in turn influenced the economies and political relationships of nearby local communities. The article argues that while working-class residents were unable to benefit financially from nearby New Deal relief work, middle- and upper-class business owners proved more successful. As a result of such economic inequalities, while working-class locals became increasingly critical of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, middle- and upper-class residents became grudgingly supportive. The article concludes by urging both social and environmental historians to undertake ‘histories from the ground up’ that pay as much attention to nature as they do to race, class, ethnicity and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The interview that follows revisits some of the theses developed by Alain Badiou concerning the revolts of the Arab Spring in his 2011 book Le Réveil de l'Histoire in light of subsequent events. The interview touches on a number of themes, including the relation between recent revolts and the on-going global economic crisis, and the way the reconfiguration of global value circuits impacts upon both tactical and strategic questions for rioters in Europe, North America and beyond. It also examines the way an analysis of the class composition of those involved in contemporary mass movements offers keys to understanding their failures and successes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the Iraq War was a space in the ongoing geographical extension of global capitalism linked to US foreign policy. Was it simply the decision by a unitary, hegemonic actor in the inter-state system overriding concerns from other states? Was it an imperialist move to secure the ‘global oil spigot'? Alternatively, did the use of military force reflect the interests and emergence of a transnational state apparatus? We argue that the US imperium needs to be conceptualised as a specific form of state, within which and through which fractions of national and transnational capital operate. In so doing, the Iraq War is assessed as a moment in the extension of global capitalism in which the interests of a national fraction of capital within the US state form was dominant, thereby placing processes of class struggle and their relation to wider spaces of imperialism at the centre of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Piketty has offered, and many have desperately snatched at, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money of our epoch. Piketty's affinity with John Maynard Keynes and his groundbreaking 1936 landmark is largely unreflexive. But the ties that bind him to Keynes are powerful, and manifest themselves at many levels in Capital in the Twenty-First Century. The epistemology, the political stance, the methodological commitments, and the politics resonate in imperfect but remarkable harmony. This is no accident, because the world in which Piketty's book appeared is saturated with the specifically capitalist form of anxiety that Keynes sought to diagnose, and fix, the last time it made the richest economies in the world tremble. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the central role of the West German state in the transition from the golden to the global age of capitalism in the crisis decade of the 1970s. I argue that in order to keep the world economy open for its exports and shore up its competitive position, German crisis managers pursued a grand economic strategy that sought to defeat the interventionist and expansionary responses of the European left and to commit the United States to monetary discipline. The success of this strategy had contradictory consequences: It stabilized the social consensus inside Germany but undermined it in states whose economies did not stand to benefit from austerity measures. Germany's particularistic way of coping with the crisis thus contributed decisively, though not deliberately, to the 'disembedding' of the liberal international economic order. This argument challenges existing explanations of neoliberalism as an Anglo-American imposition on a passive Western Europe and Japan or as an ideological conversion of policymakers. I conclude with an alternative interpretation that highlights the interplay of divergent and opposing strategies of crisis management as the principal driver of social and world order change in the 1970s and potentially today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that popular revolution was closely tied to the establishment of capitalism. Contrary to the revisionist George V. Taylor's view that the Revolution had nothing to do with the advance of capitalism because financial and productive capital were divided from one another, this article contends that the Revolution played a critical role in tying them together. Prior to the Revolution financiers began to make limited investments in wholesale trade, manufacturing and mining. But during the revolutionary crisis the sans-culottes pushed the Jacobins to create a national money and to curb speculation in order to foster production and exchange and reduce unemployment. With speculative activity blocked by popular resistance and state interference, bankers and other capitalists increasingly turned to productive investments and forged a link between financial and productive capital which proved crucial to further capitalist accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the potential for the creation of an international, civil society-based socialist movement in the 21st century, looking at lessons from the history of such efforts and focusing on South Africa and on the interconnected issues of climate change and economic distress. The author notes the intensity of class struggle in contemporary South Africa, reflected in the high number of strikes. Topics include the history and political shifts of the African National Congress (ANC) during and after the apartheid era, the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) for AIDS treatment, and the working-class xenophobia reflected in the 2008 anti-immigrant riots. The economic policies and foreign relations of emerging markets countries such as Brazil and India are also discussed.