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Autori u članku tematiziraju anonimni mletački kolonijalni novac za Kandiju u vrijednosti od 2 ½ soldina ili 10 torneza (talijanski: due soldini e mezzo o 10 tornesi). Kovan je u drugom desetljeću 17. stoljeća, a ponekada ima i naknadno utisnutu kontramarku. O takvom anonimnom kolonijalnom novcu za Kandiju već je pisano u stranoj stručnoj literaturi, međutim većinom kao o numizmatičkoj pojavi. On se sada sagledava i kroz topografski i povijesni kontekst. Naime, u ovome radu autori upućuju na 12 komada sa šest sjevernodalmatinskih nalazišta, raspravljaju o vremenu nastanka kontramarke na toj vrsti numizmatičke građe te nastoje pronaći terminus post quem i općenito ulogu dolaska tog novca na šire zadarsko područje., In northern Dalmatia, 12 coins of anonymous Venetian money for Candia with a nominal value of 2 soldini or ten tornesi (cat. no. 1-12) have been found so far. They were discovered individually at six sites (Map 1). It is one of the two fractions of Venetian coinage for Crete, which is to a lesser extent represented in our area. It was minted in the second decade of the 17th century. Interestingly, some specimens were subsequently countermarked by the Venetian military administration in besieged Candia to pay the military salaries. It is most often a GM countermark. Four pieces with this imprinted abbreviation were found in northern Dalmatia (cat. no. 2, 7-8, 12). Uncountermarked Venetian coins for Candia had reached the Dalmatian area by trade before 1645, or at the latest by the beginning of the Candian War, where it circulated until its demonetization (before 1669). On the other hand, countermarked Venetian coins for Candia were never, nor could they be, in circulation in Dalmatia. Their use was exclusively limited to the payment of veterans in Candia. The authors believe that the coinage with subsequently imprinted markings came with the Venetian army, which was allowed to pass after the city's fall into Turkish hands. It is pretty logical to expect that some mercenaries on their way passed along the eastern coast of the Adriatic or were transferred to one of the northern Dalmatian fortifications. That said, this countermarked coinage reached the wider Zadar area after September 1669. It was not used here as a legal tender, so its appearance should chronologically be placed at the very end of that year. In any case, it is a curiosity in studying the phenomenon of Venetian coins in northern Dalmatia, and this study has the task of expanding the horizons and knowledge of this type of early modern numismatic material.

It is quite likely that all five inscriptions from Neoklaudiopolis/Vezirköprü presented in this paper are acclamations. They originate from Christian context. The objects on which they are placed – apart from one capital – cannot be identified with absolute certainty. In one case, it is probably a sarcophagus, in another a part of a pilaster, in the other two cases plinths – or, although less likely, weights of wine or oil presses. Four of the objects are decorated with crosses, whereby in two cases the cross is interpreted as The Tree of Life. The motif ›The Cross as Tree of Life‹ is quite common in Neoklaudiopolis. It is depicted in several designs, especially on sarcophagi and on architectural elements such as capitals and on a slab that may be regarded as an altar screen. This is documented by photographs. The sarcophagi that are known from the territory of Neoklaudiopolis and that can be identified as Christian are compiled in an appendix. They are all decorated with crosses in different design varieties. In one extraordinary case, the head of a bovine is depicted between two crosses. In a second appendix, stones decorated with crosses originating from the territory of Neoklaudiopolis are presented. It is certain that two of them are press weights, another two are very likely to be press weights, and with others it is at least arguable. The recording of the inscriptions, sarcophagi and press weights was done by Eckart Olshausen and Gerhard Kahl between 1988 and 1990.

The issue of collaboration has provoked much debate since the end of the Second World War. Appearances of collaboration, diversity depending on geographical location, plans of the Third Reich for a particular country and others were some main phenomena analyzed. However, to adequately study the form of collaboration, it is necessary to start from the legal framework that defined the phenomenon itself. In the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Belgrade City Administration was part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The institution of the same name was formed after the beginning of the occupation in 1941. However, it was established in multiple violations of The Hague Conventions and following the decisions of the Third Reich. Organizational changes made to the Belgrade City Administration adjusted it to the occupation system. All of this was against the provisions of The Hague Conventions, which were supposed to determine the form of occupation and be compulsory for Germany. The purpose of this article is to examine the establishment and functioning of the Belgrade City Administration under occupation from the perspective of international law. The legal framework is put in the context of the historical facts and used to analyze comparative experiences in the case of France and Belgium. Thus, the global context of the plans of the Third Reich and the executive practice in the creation of occupation systems in the west of Europe, are compared to the establishment of the Belgrade City Administration, as an occupation institution of domestic origin.

The paper presents 29 relative caritive constructions identified in Serbian language thanks to a search of the Serbian National Corpus, from which they are excerpted. Detailed analysis has shown that most of the excerpted constructions consist of a preposition, noun in a certain case, conjunction-preposition complex ‘ili bez’ and, often, a noun or pronoun in genitive. The analysis has also shown that 29 types of the excerpted constructions consist of 9 different prepositions on their left side which give the information about the absens, and that inclusion and action of the absens in concrete situations are relativized. Nevertheless, there are 5 non-prepositional constructions and 2 constructions that have complex prepositional expressions ‘u suprotnosti sa’ and ‘u saglasnosti sa’ on the left side. Regular caritive constructions negate inclusion of the absens on the right part of the construction, but these (analyzed in the paper) are specific because the conjunction ‘ili’ slightly neutralizes caritive semantics of the preposition ‘bez’. It should be said that among excerpted constructions we identified 11 with anaphoric features that are discussed in the paper as well. In general, the conducted analysis showed that caritive semantics in Slavic languages (i.e. in Serbian and Russian) is not grammaticalized, which means that there are many grammatical and lexical resources for its presentation that need to be registered and described.

The focus of this article is on Dostoevskii’s story “Bobok” [“Bobok,” 1873] and Petrushevskaia’s novel Nomer Odin, ili V sadakh drugikh vozmozhnostei [Number One, or In the Gardens of Other Opportunities, 2004]. These dialogical narratives explore the theme of life after death; they portray death as a transition to life that includes several stages, and focus on the process of dying, living in a different form, and dying again. I discuss how these radical views on death are expressed in “Bobok” and Nomer Odin (with some reference to Dostoevskii’s Zapiski iz podpol’ia [Notes from Underground, 1864] and Petrushevskaia’s Vremia: Noch’ [Time: Night, 1992]): from the “getting naked” (“zagolimsia,” “obnazhimsia”) preached and practised by the decaying corpses in Dostoevskii’s text, to transitions between different stages after death in Petrushevskaia’s novel, such as metempsychosis, as well as tropes used to denote these transitions.

Up to now, about 140 funerary inscriptions were known from the territory of Neoklaudiopolis/Vezirköprü. In this contribution, 14 more are presented, one of which, however, may be attributed to Amaseia/Amasya (no. 4). They were recorded between 1988 and 1990 by Eckart Olshausen and Gerhard Kahl. All of them date back to the Roman Imperial period. One of the stelae stands out for its unusually high-quality stone carving (no. 8); it was erected by a veteran for his wife. Three other stelae are either composed in a way unusual for Neoklaudiopolis or contain decorative elements, which, until now, are not attested for grave stelae from the territory of this polis: at nos. 1 and 2 a depictive field was inserted between the pediment and the inscription field being separated from the latter by a moulding, at no. 4 a garland is placed above the inscription. Two of the inscriptions use metric language (nos. 4 and 9). Some of them contain rarely attested personal names (nos. 1, 2, 7, 9, 12 and 14). Age information is found in at least two (nos. 10 and 11, possibly also in no. 12). No. 2 and no. 13 are particularly interesting in terms of content. No. 2 mirrors the fate of a man and his mother. In no. 13, the donor of the stele explicitly refers to his deceased wife as his relative – for whatever reason. Finally, in the light of inscriptions nos. 13 and 14, we discuss an inscription published by Christian Marek in an appendix.

This article investigates the Ili Rebellion in Xinjiang (1944–49). Relying primarily on Chinese sources, the author identifies variations in the rise and fate of non-Han ethnic guerillas, and the patterns of military conflict in different regions during the expansionist stage of the Ili Rebellion from 1944 to 1946. The article argues that neither a nationalist nor a geopolitical explanation adequately account for such variations. Rather, the overlapping and intersecting geopolitical influence (both the Soviet Union and the two Chinese regimes) as well as local conditions (including local ethnic composition and social structure) explain such patterns. Finally, this article discusses broader implications of the role of nationalism and geopolitics in revolutions in small and dependent states.

Autor raspravlja o pitanju kada je točno Ilirik bio podijeljen na dvije zasebne provincije, Dalmaciju i Panoniju. Posebno se analizira funkcija prepozita (praepositus) koju u svom narativu Velej Paterkul pripisuje Valeriju Mesalinu (praepositus Illyrico) i Vibiju Postumu (praepositus Delmatiae), a najveća se pozornost usmjerava na analizu različitih prijepisnih inačica natpisa CIL III 1741 iz Epidaura. Za njega se u stručnoj literaturi bespogovorno smatra da spominje provinciju Gornji Ilirik (Superior provincia Illyricum), zbog čega se i uzimao kao ključni dokaz da je Ilirik bio podijeljen na dvije zasebne provincije već krajem Augustova ili najkasnije početkom Tiberijeva principata. Međutim, epigrafske nelogičnosti općeprihvaćene verzije natpisa te njegove različite prijepisne inačice dovode do sasvim drukčijeg zaključka., The author discusses the issue of the precise dating of the division of Illyricum into two separate provinces, Dalmatia and Pannonia. Emphasis is laid on the function of the praepositus, which Velleius Paterculus in his narrative attributes to Valerius Messallinus (praepositus Illyrico) and Vibius Postumus (praepositus Delmatiae), while the vast majority of attention is given to the analysis of different transcript versions of the inscription CIL III 1741 from Epidaurum. Scholarly literature undisputedly agrees that it mentions the province of Upper Illyricum (Superior provincia Illyricum), due to which it was held as key proof that Illyricum had been divided into two separate provinces as early as the end of Augustus' or the beginning of Tiberius' principate at the latest. However, epigraphical inconsistencies of the generally accepted version of the inscription, along with its variant transcripts lead to an entirely different conclusion from the assumptions submitted to date. Based on the analysis of the mentioned transcripts, the author concludes that the inscription was most probably erected by the upper communities of the Province of Illyricum (civitates superiores provinciae Illyrici). Consequently, it is concluded that, in the formal and legal sense, until the reign of Flavian emperors, Illyricum remained a separate province (provincia Illyricum), divided into two exercitus(Dalmatian and Pannonian), under indirect rule of the emperor's legates of consular rank. An analogy with this kind of provincial organisation may be found in Hispania Tarraconensis, and especially in Germania.

U radu se na osnovu dostupnih objavljenih i neobjavljenih arhivskih izvora prevashodno sovjetskog i jugoslovenskog porekla, kao i relevantne istoriografske i memoarske literature analizira pitanje postojanja sovjetskih namera za vojnu intervenciju u Jugoslaviji u vreme sukoba između nje i zemalja Informbiroa. Predstavljene su ekonomske i demografske okolnosti koje su uticale na kreiranje sovjetskog pristupa razvoju sopstvenih i „satelitskih“ vojnih snaga. Posebno su razmatrane promena geopolitičkog položaja Jugoslavije usled sukoba s ranijim saveznicima i vojnog i političkog približavanja zapadnom svetu, kao i zapadna percepcija jugoslovenske vojne ugroženosti i sposobnosti jugoslovenskih oružanih snaga da se odupru eventualnoj sovjetskoj agresiji. The beginning of the conflict between Yugoslavia and the countries gathered around the Soviet Union had different political, ideological, economic, and military dimensions. In the moments of the flare-up of the conflict in the autumn of 1949, the Yugoslav side became convinced that the state was facing the threat of military intervention by the Soviet Union and its “satellites”. Therefore, the question arises whether it was a real threat of armed aggression, fear that arose as a result of confronting erstwhile allies, or the political means of Western countries that were supposed to deepen the existing conflict and bring Yugoslavia closer to the Western world? The escalation of the conflict, the intensity of the anti-Yugoslav campaign in the media of the Eastern European countries, frequent border incidents and the strengthening of Soviet and “satellite” military forces in the area, made the Yugoslav military authorities suspect preparations for military intervention. At the same time, appraising that Yugoslavia could find itself under the auspices of the Western world only in the event of a sense of danger from the East, the United States and Great Britain sought to strengthen the fear of Soviet military engagement in the Balkans through various political, military, and psychological propaganda measures and thus accelerated the process of a comprehensive Yugoslav “road to the West”. An analysis of Soviet and Warsaw Pact sources clearly indicates that there was no plan for military intervention in Yugoslavia and that the military buildup in the “satellite” countries was in response to the creation of the North Atlantic Alliance.

In the sixteenth century, the Sibe people emerged as a unique ethnic group, and they remained a unique ethnic group after their migration to the Ili River basin. In the Republic of China, a time when many ethnic systems were created, the Sibe gained official recognition for being an independent ethnic group. Although the creation of a written script is an act of ethnic construction, the Sibe written language could never break free of its close relation to the Manchu written language. The construction of ethnic groups and the creation of written scripts stimulated vigorous development of ethnic histories compiled by the Sibe scholars, and it is their textual research of ethnic origin that best illustrates the birth of this new ethnic group.

The crucial role that Xinjiang played in cultural communication across the Eurasian steppe in prehistory is evidenced by the large number of copper-based objects that represent the early metallurgical technologies found across this region. Our research adds new chemical and isotopic analyses of 44 copper-based objects dated to the early Iron Age of Ili in Xinjiang, western China. As noted in a number of publications, tin bronze and arsenic copper/bronze were the dominant alloying types across Xinjiang during the second and first millennium BC, whereas some specific types of objects such as cauldrons are often made from pure copper. The western Tianshan Mountain, including the well-known mining site Nulasai, is the most likely copper source for the Ili metalworking. Meanwhile, a combination of lead isotopes, lead concentrations and trace elemental data reveals new evidence for the mixing and recycling of different sources of copper.

In our age “without the emperor”, fascination with empires and with the emperor mystique continues. Take for witness Tolkien and his Return of the King, the third sequel of The Lord of the Rings, or the television serial Game of Thrones. In the background, of course, is the lingering memory of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, “a revolution which is still felt by all nations of the world”, to quote Edward Gibbon. It comes as a surprise that in this dramatic moment of its history, in times marked by political, economic and spiritual crisis that shook the very foundations of the Empire during the 3rd century, historians and art historians have recognized the revival of plebeian culture (arte plebea, kleinbürgerliche Kultur). It was the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, talking at the XI International Congress of the Historical Sciences in Stockholm in 1960, who introduced a new paradigm: the “democratization of culture”. In the light of the historical process in the late Roman Empire, when growing autocracy, bureaucracy, militarization and social tensions leave no doubt as to the real political character of the government, the new paradigm opened up fresh approaches to the phenomenon of decadence and decline of the Roman world. As such, it stands against traditional scenario of the “triumph of barbarism and Christianity”, which was made responsible for the fall of the Roman Empire and the eclipse of the classical civilization of ancient Greece and Rome. It is not by accident that the new paradigm appeared around the middle of the 20th century, at the time when European society itself underwent a kind of “democratization of culture”, faced with the phenomenon of mass culture and the need to find new ways of evaluating popular art. Today, more than anything else, the notion of “democratization of culture” in late Roman Empire forces us to acknowledge a disturbing correspondence between autocratic and populist forms of government. It may come as a shock to learn that the very emperors who went down in Roman history as villains and culprits (such as Caligula, Nero or Commodus), were sometimes considered the most “democratic” among Roman rulers. Do we need to feel certain unease at this historical parallel?

In recent German history, several events unfolded on 9 November with far-reaching consequences. Some of them, like the fall of the Berlin Wall, symbolize the end of the Cold War and of Germany divided. In addition to political implications, the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the events that preceded and followed it, also caused dilemmas on whether it was a (peaceful) revolution, (just) a turning point, or a refolution – pressure from below and reforms from above. The paper analyses events prior to and following the fall of the Berlin Wall, as well as the terms used for them in basic programs of the parties represented in the 19th electoral term of the Bundestag and the curricula of different school subjects in German states. It is concluded these parties use different terms for the events of 1989/90 on the territory of the former GDR, in accordance with their ideological positions, and that the events are inconsistently described in the curricula. The character of events was a revolutionary one, as they thoroughly changed the social and political relations in the GDR in a very short time. Despite this, the phrase “peaceful revolution” is still not present in the German language as a widespread, general term, but the rather vague “turning point” or “reversal” is more common., Devetoga studenog u novijoj njemačkoj povijesti odigrali su se događaji koji su imali dalekosežne posljedice za Njemačku, a neki od njih, poput pada Berlinskoga zida, simbol su završetka hladnog rata i podjele Njemačke. Osim političkih implikacija, pad Berlinskoga zida, odnosno događaji koji su mu prethodili i uslijedili, uzrokovali su i nedoumice radi li se o (miroljubivoj) revoluciji, (samo) o preokretu ili pak o refoluciji – pritisku odozdo i reformama odozgo? U radu se analiziraju događaji uoči i nakon pada Berlinskoga zida, njihovi nazivi u temeljnim programima stranaka zastupljenih u 19. sazivu Bundestaga te u kurikulima nastavnih predmeta u njemačkim pokrajinama. Zaključuje se da stranke različito nazivaju zbivanja 1989./90. godine na području bivšeg DDR-a, i to s obzirom na svoje ideološke pozicije te da se ta zbivanja vrlo neujednačeno opisuju i u kurikulima nastavnih predmeta. Ti su događaji imali revolucionarni karakter, budući da su u vrlo kratkom roku potpuno promijenjeni društveni i politički odnosi na području DDR-a, ali usprkos tome sintagma miroljubiva revolucija ipak nije ušla u raširenu opću jezičnu uporabu u njemačkom jeziku, već se uvriježio sadržajno neodređeniji pojam preokreta, tj. obrata.

`İli Bölgesi ve Tarançiler (17. – 20. Yüzyılla)` adlı çalışmamız Giriş kısmı dâhil olmak üzere üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. Giriş bölümünde, Hunlar döneminden Cungar hâkimiyetine kadar İli Bölgesi'nin kısa tarihi ve bölgede yaşayan Bozkır kavimleri hakkında bilgi vermeye, bununla birlikte, Tarançi adının ortaya çıkışını ve kökenini açıklamaya çalıştık. Birinci bölümde, Tarançi adının tarih sahnesinde ortaya çıkmış olduğu Cungar Hanlığı'ndan resmî belgelerde bu adın kullanımının kaldırıldığı 20.asrın ortalarına kadar olan sürece ve Tarançileri etkileyen siyasî güçlerin 300 senelik tarihine değindik. İkinci bölümde ise Cungar döneminden başlayarak 20.asrın ortalarına kadar olan dönemde Tarançilerin sosyal, kültürel ve idarî yapısındaki gelişmeler ve değişiklikleri kısıtlı tarihî belgelerle açıklamaya gayret gösterdik. Bu bölüm çalışmamızın omurgasını oluşturmaktadır. Tezimizin ek kısmında Tarançilerin faaliyet merkezi olan İli bölgesi ve Tarançiler hakkında fotoğraf ve bölgenin siyasî tarihiyle ilgili haritaları koymayı faydalı gördük. Sonuç olarak pek bilinmeyen ve çalışılmayan Tarançilerin ortaya çıkış sebeplerini ve Tarançi kimliğinin nasıl bir süreç içinde ilerlediğini ve bununla Doğu Türkistan'daki çeşitli şehir veya bölge merkezli kimlik çatışmalarının gönümüze kadar olan etkisini ortaya koyduk. Our thesis named `İli Region and Taranchis (17th – 20th Centurier)` consists of an introduction and two chapters. In the introduction, we tried to make brief statement about short history about Ili region and the Steppe tribes lived there from Huns period to dominance of the Cungar. And we offer the origin of the name `Tarançi` and the process of its appearance. In the first part, the time period from dominance of the Cungar, that the name `Tarançi` appeared, to middle of the 20st century, that the name disappeared and 300 years of history of the political forces that affected Tarançies were evaluated. At the second part, were given information about the developments in social, historical and administrative structure of Tarançies from Cungar period to middle of the 20st century relying on limited historical documents. And the work has been viewed in terms of philosophy and though. In the additional part of thesis, we have found useful to give as examples, what some of the pictures of Tarançies and of Ili region which Tarançies activity center and maps about the regions political history. As a result, we present the reason of appearing of Tarançi and how the Tarançi identification advanced and the impact of city or region-based identity conflicts at East Turkistan. 139

Fırat nehrinin doğal bir sınır oluşturduğu Anadolu yarımadasının doğusunda bulunan Malatya, sahip olduğu bu coğrafî konumuyla eski çağlardan süregelen stratejik önemi haiz bir kenttir. Roma-Sasani savaşlarının akabinde VII. yüzyılda başlayan İslâm-Bizans mücadelesinde büyük bir tahribata uğrayan Malatya ve çevresi Sugur merkezi olarak jeostratejik önemini devam ettirmiştir. Malazgirt Zaferi sonrası oluşan siyasî boşluktan istifade eden Bizans’ın eski komutanı Phileratos Brachamios’un hâkimiyet sahasındaki Malatya, 1102’de Danişmend Beyi Gümüştekin Ahmet Gazi tarafından fethedilmiştir. Bu tarihten itibaren Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti ile Danişmend ve Artuklu Beyliklerinin mücadele sahasında kalan Malatya ve çevresindeki kalıcı Selçuklu hâkimiyeti 1178’de Sultan II. Kılıçarslan tarafından sağlanmıştır. Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti’nin 1243’teki Kösedağı Savaşı’yla başlayan inkıraz sürecinde Malatya İlhanlı valilerince yönetilmeye başlanmış ve 1361’de Memlûk hâkimiyetine girmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti tarafından ilk kez 1399’da ele geçirilen Malatya, yaşanan Timur felaketi sonrasında tekrar Memlûk’a tabi Dulkadir Beyliği’ne bağlı kalmıştır. Mercidabık Savaşı öncesi 1515’te Osmanlı Devleti tarafından Malatya ve çevresi ilhâk edilmiştir. Osmanlı idarî sistemi içinde sancak konumunda olan Malatya’ya bağlı Gerger ve Kâhta, ilk yıllarda müstakil livalar olarak teşkil edilmiş olmakla birlikte Kanuni Sultan Süleyman döneminde doğrudan Malatya sancağına bağlanmıştır. Şûre-ili nâhiyesine ait ulaşılan en erken tarihli bilgiler 1519 yılına ait tapu tahrir defterinde mevcuttur.

U znanosti i nastavi humanističke orijentacije sve je vidljivija favorizacija kvantifikacije, mjerljivosti, birokratizirane organizacije sadržaja i neopozitivizma, neo u smislu statističke obradivosti podataka, čime se evidentno prati logika računalne prezentacije informacija (umjesto znanja), a preko toga kapitalističko discipliniranje i nadziranje Gorzovog „nematerijalnog rada“. Internetom, filozofijom mreže, hipertekstom i hiperinformacijskim overloadom fragmentirana, disperzirana i dekontekstualizirana digitalna kultura zaziva u teoriji i praksi opozicijsku reakciju u pravcu reafirmacije klasične priče ili storytellinga kao arhetipske forme humaniziranja, organiziranja i osmišljavanja ljudskoga iskustva i znanja. Međutim, kada Amazon najavljuje da će autora honorirati onoliko koliko je stranica njegova teksta pročitano zahvaljujući aplikacijama za praćenje takvih rezultata, kada Christian Salmon otkriva storytelling kao novi instrument korporativnog businessa, kada storytelling postaje imperativ komercijalne književnosti i sredstvo industrijalizirane standardizacije književnosti, čemu se izlazi u susret trendom radionica za kreativno pisanje, pitanje je kome i čemu priča danas služi. Nije li prošlostoljetna (post)modernistička dekonstrukcija teksta i dezintegracija njegova ideologiziranog smisla bila onoliko humanija koliko se činila nečitljivom, za razliku od današnjeg zavođenja konzumerističkog objekta atrakcijama fabuliranja iz pera „dobavljača sadržaja“?, In science and humanistic teaching, the precedence of quantification, measurability, bureaucratic content organization, and neopositivism – neo in terms of statistical data processing – is increasingly visible. It evidently follows the logic of a computerized presentation of information (instead of knowledge), and thus the capitalist disciplining and controlling of Gorz’s “intangible labor.” With the Internet, network philosophy, hyper- text, and hyperinformation overload, a fragmented, dispersed, and decontextualized digital culture invokes in both theory and practice an oppositional reaction towards reaffirming the classic story or storytelling as an archetypal form of humanizing, organizing, and conceiving human experience and knowledge. However, when Amazon announces that the author will be paid an amount corresponding to the amount of pages of his text that are read through apps for tracking such results, when Christian Salmon discovers storytelling as a new instrument of corporate business, when storytelling becomes an imperative of commercial literature and a means of industrialized standardization of literature, all facilitated by the trend of creative writing workshops, the question is to whom and to what purpose the story serves today. Was the last century’s (post)modernist deconstruction of the text and the disintegration of its ideologized meaning not as humane as it was unreadable, as opposed to today’s seduction of the consumerist object through fabrications from the pen of “content providers”?

Demografik yapı özelliği farklı olan yerlerde, izlenen metotlara göre değişkenlik gösterebilecek, tarih öğretimi problemleri çıkabilir. Bunu etkileyen unsurlar olarak, toplum yapısı, eğitim politikaları, öğretmen ve okul tutumları vb. sayılabilir. Bu prob

Köy odaları, Anadolu’da halk mimarisi içinde ele alınmaktadır. Köy kültüründe önemli bir yere sahip olan bu odalar, bazen evlerin yakınlarında, bazenköy meydanlarında bezen de cami yakınlarında yer almaktadır. Misafirperverliğin simge yapılarından biri olan odalar, ayrıca kırsalda sosyal ve kültürelhayatın vazgeçilmez öğelerinden biridir. Anadolu’daki köy odalarının menşei, “yurt tipi çadır”a dayanan Türk Evi’ndeki çekirdek birim “oda”nın mekânsalözelliklerine dayandırılmaktadır. Türkler, Orta Asya’da sürdürülen bu geleneği Anadolu’ya taşımış, İslam dini ile birlikte misafire, konukseverliğe verilen büyük özeni içeren ayet ve hadislerde dikkate alınarak bu gelenek devam etmiştir. Yöre sakinleri ve ileri gelenleri tarafından konuk ağırlamak bir dini hizmet ve sosyal prestij olarak değerlendirilmiş ve oda yaptırmak-misafir ağırlamakiçin yarışılır hale gelinmiştir. Çalışmamızda Altıntaş ilçesine bağlı köylerdetespit edilen köy odalarının çoğunun terk edildiği ve işlevsiz oldukları tespitedilmiştir. Orta Asya’da başlayıp Anadolu’ya taşınan konukseverlik, birlik veberaberliği simgeleyen, kültürel ve sosyal hayatın merkezi konumundaki köyodaları işlevleri ile somut olmayan kültürel mirasın somutlaştığı yapılardır. Buyapıların bugün işlevsiz kalması bu mirasa sahip çıkamadığımızın bir kanıtıdır., Village rooms are considered within the folk architecture in Anatolia. Theserooms, which have an important place in village culture, are sometimes locatednear houses, sometimes in village squares and sometimes near mosques. Beingone of the symbols of hospitality, the rooms are also one of the indispensableelements of social and cultural life in the countryside. The origin of the villagerooms in Anatolia is based on the spatial characteristics of the core unit “room”in the Turkish House, which is based on the “dormitory type tent”. The Turkscarried this tradition, which was continued in Central Asia, to Anatolia, andthis tradition continued by taking into account the great care given to guestsand hospitality along with the religion of Islam in verses and hadiths. Hostingguests by local residents and dignitaries has been considered as a religiousservice and social prestige, and it has become a competition to build rooms andentertain guests. In this study, it was determined that most of the village roomsidentified in the villages of Altıntaş district were abandoned and dysfunctional.Village rooms, which symbolize hospitality, unity and solidarity, which startedin Central Asia and moved to Anatolia, are the center of cultural and sociallife and are structures where intangible cultural heritage is embodied. Thenon-functioning of these structures today is a proof that we cannot claim thisheritage.

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This article examines the early Republican writings of a Daur man from Heilongjiang named Donjina who spent the second half of his life among the Sibe of Ili. It argues that Donjina developed a sense of pan-Manchu identity in dialogue with racial theories that came into vogue in late Qing and Republican China, but also drew on an older vision of Manchu identity tied to participation in the Qing imperial project. Donjina’s writings demonstrate the continued significance of the Manchu language on the Qing frontier into the twentieth century and challenge us to move beyond the physical spaces of the garrison communities of China proper in attempting to understand the development of Manchu identity. Donjina embraced the language of race, yet rejected the ideology of nationalism, offering an intriguing Manchu response to the rise of the Han Chinese nationalist movement and the founding of a Chinese nation-state.

Bu araştırmanın amacı sınıf öğretmenlerinin tarih bilincine ilişkin görüşlerini incelemektir. Araştırma fenomenoloji (olgu bilim) modelinde yürütülen bir çalışmadır. Araştırmanın çalışma grubunu Ağrı ili merkez ilçesinde görev yapan 20 4. sınıf öğretmeni oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmanın veri toplama aracı yarı yapılandırılmış görüşme formudur. Verilerin analizinde betimsel analiz ve içerik analizi kullanılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda sınıf öğretmenlerinin tarih bilincine dair bilgi düzeylerinin genel olarak iyi bir seviyede olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Ancak tarih bilincinin bilişsel boyutunda özellikle kronoloji hususunda öğretmenlerin kuramsal bilgilerinde eksiklikler olduğu belirlenmiştir. Diğer taraftan ilköğretim sosyal bilgiler ders kitabında öğretmenlere göre önemli sorunlar olduğu bulgulanmıştır. Bu önemli sorunların kronoloji bilgisinin, milli mücadele dönemi kahramanlarının ve çocuk oyunlarının yetersizliğinden kaynaklandığı saptanmıştır. The purpose of this research; to examine the views of classroom teachers on historical awareness. The research is a study carried out in the phenomenology model. The study group of the research consists of 20 4th grade teachers working in the central district of Ağrı. The data collection tool of the research; is a semi-structured interview form. Descriptive analysis and content analysis were used in the analysis of the data. As a result of the study, it was understood that the knowledge level of classroom teachers about historical consciousness was generally at a good level. However, it has been determined that there are deficiencies in the cognitive dimension of historical consciousness, especially in chronology, in the theoretical knowledge of teachers. On the other hand, according to the teachers in the primary school social studies textbook, it was found that there were important problems. It was determined that the chronology knowledge of these important problems stemmed from the insufficiency of heroes and children's games of the national struggle period. 181

Handing out pamphlets denouncing the work of state institutions in the interwar period for the purposes of the new communist authorities was not at all uncommon in the period right after the liberation of Belgrade, in October 1944. The document described here is one such. What makes it special is that it was attached to the personal file of a high-ranking interwar diplomat and novelist Ivo Andrić. A subsequent Nobel Prize winner in literature, he was known to the expert community for notable passive resistance to the occupier, with likely contacts with the Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland. A scholarly critique has been used in the paper to clarify that Andrić had not authored the pamphlet. The paper also sheds some light on the anonymous author, as well as the time and purpose of the release of his writing. The pamphlet was clearly designed to defame the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (occasionally dubbed the “Yellow House”), levelling serious accusations against the descendants of elite families working at the Ministry, and the key figures in the institution. In the best gutter-press tradition, the document criticized indolence and inefficiency, crimes and espionage, inadequacy and corruption, without giving an opportunity to the targets of criticism to respond in any way. It is noteworthy that the labelled were (almost) exclusively Serbs. Even though most of the ministry staff were Serbian nationals, the criticism carefully bypassed all other ethnicities, along with the people that might have been close to the new authorities. The bias and clear intention to slander the old regime notwithstanding, the document does have historical significance insofar as it provides insight into a rather hazy period, in which the new Serbian authorities took over, and into the general working environment the Kingdom’s diplomatic and consular representatives had coped with in the years between the two wars.

Моё выступление посвящено рождению подпольного писателя Абрама Терца (двойника известного критика Андрея Синявского), – писателя, значение которого в развитии русской литературы послесталинского периода, на мой взгляд, до сих пор недооценено. Но, поскольку я хотел бы выступить не только как литературовед, но и как свидетель эпохи полстолетней давности, которую многие из присутствующих знают только по книгам (и конечно по рассказам моих сверстников), позвольте мне начать с двух личных воспомин...

Les auteurs analysent la representation qui est faite de la toute puissante republique de Novgorod dans les ecrits historiques et politiques russes du xviii e – debut du xix e siecle. Dans la tradition europeenne, la republique classique est une republique militaire, qui s’appuie sur le modele de la republique romaine militairement puissante. En opposition, la republique commerciale est consideree comme un petit Etat, inferieure militairement aux grandes monarchies. La pensee sociale russe, a commencer par celle developpee par A.I. Mankiev, identifie Novgorod a une republique mais demeure ambivalente dans l’evaluation de sa puissance militaire. Sous l’influence de l’imagerie romaine et du discours general « de gloire et de grandeur » de la fin du xviii e siecle, un canon s’est mis en place, qui fait de l’ancienne Novgorod « une republique militaire » tout en conservant la republique commerciale comme outil conceptuel pour l’analyse de l’histoire ulterieure de la ville. La reconnaissance d’un pouvoir militaire a la republique de Novgorod sape l’un des arguments cles en faveur de la monarchie, selon lequel seule une monarchie est capable de controler et defendre efficacement un large territoire. De ce fait, l’evaluation de Novgorod en tant que republique militaire marque une etape importante dans l’apparition dans la societe russe du xix e siecle d’une alternative republicaine a un monarchisme apparemment inebranlable.

This paper examines Pan-Mongolism, a socio-cultural and political phenomenon negatively perceived from the outset. This notwithstanding, Pan-Mongolism occupied a special place in ethnic Buryatia. Its development was strongly influenced by the Buryat national movement in the early twentieth century that pursued national autonomy as its major goal. To a great extent the development of Pan-Mongolism was intensified by the foreign policy interests of Russia in Asia, particularly, in Tibet, and by the religious, diplomatic and public activity of Dalai Lama 13th mentor Agvan Dorzhiev, a proponent of a “great Buddhist confederation” that ensured positive attitude of the principal hierarch of Buddhism toward Russia. External factors that contributed to the emergence of the idea of national-cultural autonomy and “cultural Pan-Mongolism” in the period when various political groups and autonomist scenarios shaped played an important role in the evolution of Pan-Mongolism. All this led to the fact that “cultural Pan-Mongolism” became a catalyst of development of humanitarian knowledge, a basic element of the further construction of national state of the Mongols. In the process of discussion Pan-Mongolism went beyond the Buryat area and started to ripen as a Pan-Mongolian movement that gradually grew into Pan-Mongolist ideology.

Türk kültürünün kıymetli bir parçası olan Ahıska Türklüğü iki bin yılı aşkın süredir Ahıska'yı yurt bilmiştir. Önemli bir geçiş güzergâhında bulunduğu için de doğal olarak farklı Türk ve diğer etnik gruplar ve kültürlerle de etkileşim içinde olmuştur. Ancak bu Rusların ve Gürcülerin etnik asimilasyon çabalarının da bir parçası olan melez bir toplum iddiaları Ahıska Türk toplumunun tarihine, sahip olduğu maddi ve manevi kültür değerleriyle çelişmektedir.Ahıskalı Türkler birçok sürgün ve göç yaşamışlardır. Sürgün ve göçe bağlı olarak yaşadıkları coğrafyalar değişmiş olsa da kendi kültürlerinden taviz vermemişlerdir. Hatta gittikleri coğrafyalara kültürel miras bırakıp; yaşadıkları coğrafyalardan faydalanarak kültürlerini genişletmişlerdir. Bağlı bulundukları devletlerin dillerini öğrenmiş lakin kendi dil yapılarında tahribata izin vermemişlerdir.Ahıskalı Türklerin sosyal ve kültürel yaşamlarının incelendiği bu çalışma, Erzincan'ın Üzümlü ilçesinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. 3 Ana Bölümden oluşan çalışmanın 1. Bölümünde, Ahıskalıların Üzümlü ilçesine gelinceye kadar yaşadıkları tarihi göçler anlatılmıştır. 2. Bölümde, Üzümlü ilçesinde bulunan Ahıskalıların sosyal hayatları; 3. Bölümde ise kültürel yaşamları incelenmiştir. Görüşme, gözlem ve doküman analizi teknikleriyle elde edilen verilerden, Ahıskalı Türklerin Üzümlü ilçesinde uyum sorunu yaşamalarına rağmen Türkiye'yi vatanları olarak kabul ettiği; defalarca göç ve sürgün edilmelerine rağmen gelenek-göreneklerini günümüze kadar ulaştırabildikleri sonucuna varılmıştır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Ahıskalı Türkler, Göç, Sosyal Hayat, Kültürel Yaşam, Üzümlü Ahıska Turkishness, which is a precious part of Turkish culture, is over two thousand years Ahıska Turks has been knowing as a homeland the Ahıska region. As it is located on an important transit route, it has been naturally interacted with different Turkish and other ethnic groups and cultures. However, the claims of a mixed society, which is also part of the ethnic assimilation efforts of these Russians and Georgians, contradict the history of the Ahiska Turkish society with its substantial and spiritual cultural values.Ahıska Turks have experienced many exiles and migrations. Although the geographies they lived due to exile and migration have changed, they have not compromised their own culture. Even leaving cultural heritage to the geographies they go to; they have expanded their culture by making use of the geographies they live in. They learned the languages of the states they belong but they did not allow destruction in their language structures.This study, which examines the social and cultural lives of the Ahıska Turks, was carried out in the Uzumlu district of Erzincan. This study consists of 3 main chapters. In the first chapter, the historical migrations that the people of Ahiska lived until the town of Uzumlu are explained. In the second chapter, social life of Ahiska people in Uzumlu district; In chapter third, their cultural life is examined. Interview, observation and Ahıskalı from the data obtained by document analysis, technical compatibility problems despite living in the district of Uzumlu Turkey, they have accepted Turkey as their homeland; it has been concluded that although they have been exiled and exiled many times, they have been able to reach their traditions until today.Keywords: Ahiska Turks, Migration, Social Life, Cultural Life, Uzumlu 113

1950'li yıllarda siyasal anlamda çok partili hayata geçiş yaparak önemli bir değişim geçiren Türkiye'nin aynı zamanda gündelik hayatında da büyük değişim ve dönüşümler yaşanmıştır. Bu dönemde Demokrat Parti iktidarı öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen Amerikan yanlısı politikalar gündelik hayatta da yankısını bulmuş ve toplum modernleşme çatısı altında Amerikan değerlerini benimseyerek tüketim toplumuna evrilme yoluna girmiştir. Bu bağlamda 1950'li yıllarda Türkiye'de gündelik hayat pratiklerinde; yeme-içmeden kılık kıyafete, dayanıklı tüketim mallarından eğlence ve müzik anlayışına Amerikanlaşma terimi ile ifade edilebilecek bir dönüşüm yaşanmıştır. 1950'lerde Türkiye'de yaşanan bu sosyal dönüşümün en net görülebildiği yerlerden birisi Adana'dır. Adana'nın bu dönemde yaşanan değişimi derinden hissetmesinde en büyük etken şehirde kurulan İncirlik Üssü'dür. İncirlik Üssü'nde çalışmak üzere Adana'ya gelen Amerikalı askerler ve aileleri uzun bir süre Adana halkıyla iç içe yaşamışlardır. Böylece Adana halkı Amerikan yaşam tarzı ile doğrudan bir etkileşim içinde olmuştur.Bu çalışmada, Türkiye'de ve özellikle Adana'da 1950'lerde kaydedilen ve modernleşme olarak ifade edilebilecek bu değişimler Lefebvre'nin teorik çerçevesinden okunacaktır. Zira, Lefebvre gündelik hayatın modernlikle ortaya çıktığını ve modern kapitalist toplumların bir özelliği olduğunu belirtir. Türkiye'de 1950'ler Lefebvre'nin bahsettiği kapitalist tüketim toplumlarının bir özelliği olan ve modernlikle gelen gündelik hayatın gözlemlenebildiği yıllardır. Bu bağlamda Türkiye'nin 1950'li yılları Lefebvre çerçevesinden değerlendirilebilir. Bu değerlendirmeyi gerçekleştirebilmek için sıradan insanların hayatlarından yola çıkan, onların anılarına ve deneyimlerine odaklanan bir yöntem olan sözlü tarih seçilmiştir. Bu bağlamda katılımcıların anlattıklarından özellikle İncirlik Üssü Amerikalılarının etkisiyle Adana'nın gündelik hayat pratiklerinde, yeme-içme, kılık-kıyafet, eğlence ve müzik anlayışlarında gerçekleşen değişimler tespit edilmiştir. Ayrıca, sözlü tarih yöntemi ile sıradan insanların belgelere geçemeyen deneyimlerinin de tarihin birer kaynağı olabileceği gösterilmiştir.Anahtar Sözcükler: Gündelik hayat, Amerikanlaşma, modernlik, Henri Lefebvre, İncirlik Üssü, Adana In addition to undergoing a significant change in politics by making the transition to the multiparty system, in the 1950s Turkey also experienced great changes and transformations in everyday life. In this period, pro-American policies led by the Democratic Party resonated in everyday life and by adopting the American values under the roof of modernization the society began to evolve into a consumer society. In this context, there was a transformation that can be called as the Americanization in everyday life from food and beverage to clothing; from durable consumer goods to entertainment and music. Adana was one of the places where this social transformation of Turkey in the 1950s was most clearly visible. The most important factor that explains why Adana felt the changes experienced in this period so deeply is the establishment of the Incirlik Base in there. American soldiers on duty in Incirlik Base and their families lived with Adana people for a long time. Thereby, the people of Adana had direct interaction with the American lifestyle.In this study, these changes that were experienced in Turkey and especially in Adana in the 1950s and that can be called as modernization will be read within Lefebvre's theoretical framework. Lefebvre stated that everyday life emerges with modernity and it is a feature of the modern capitalist societies. In Turkey, the 1950s was a period where everyday life that is a feature of the capitalist consumer societies and that emerges with modernity could be observed. In this respect, the 1950s of Turkey can be evaluated in the framework of Lefebvre. Oral history, a method that focuses on the lives of ordinary people and their memories and experiences is chosen to make this evaluation. Concordantly, the changes in everyday life practices, food and beverage, clothing, entertainment, and music in Adana especially with the influence of the Americans of the Incirlik Base are identified. In addition, it is shown that the undocumented experiences of ordinary people can also become a source of history through the method of oral history.Keywords: Everyday life, Americanization, modernity, Henri Lefebvre, Incirlik Base, Adana 156

ÖZET1960 ile 1980 YILLARI ARASINDA AĞRI İLİYÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİHazırlayan: Deniz Funda ZORBAY POLATDanışman: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Bülent KARA2019-167Kırşehir Ahi Evran Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimleri EnstitüsüTarih Ana Bilim DalıJüriProf. Dr.Yaşar ÖZÜÇETİNDr. Öğr. Üyesi Said OLGUNDr. Öğr. Üyesi Bülent KARATürkiye' de Cumhuriyet dönemi ile hızlanan değişim sürecinin ülke geneline yayılmasını sağlama adına birçok çalışma yapılmış ve ilgili kurumlar bu amaca ulaşma adına faaliyete geçirilmiştir. Cumhuriyetin ilerleyen zamanlardaki önemli kurumlarından birisi hiç şüphesiz Devlet Planlama Teşkilatı'dır. DPT'nin kurulması ile birlikte ülkedeki yatırımların bir plan çerçevesinde ele alınması sağlanmaya çalışılmış böylece düzenli bir kalkınma hamlesinin takibi arzulanmıştır. 1960-1980 sürecinde eğitim, sağlık, ekonomik ve toplumsal alanda çağdaşlaşma yönünden azımsanamayacak derecede önemli değişiklikler yaşanmış olmakla birlikte bu süreç arzulandığı ya da planlandığı şekilde sürdürülememiştir.1960-1980 yılları arasında ülke genelinde ve Ağrı ili özelinde idari, eğitim, toplumsal ve ekonomik alanda önemli değişiklikler ortaya çıkmıştır. İlde yeni idare, eğitim ve sağlık kurumları yapılmaya gayret gösterilmiştir. Ekonomik alanda tarım ve hayvancılık sektöründe halkı bilinçlendirme amacıyla kooperatifler kurulmuş, hayvancılık için kredi imkânları sağlanmıştır. Sanayi ve ticareti geliştirmek adına sanayi kuruluşları da yine bu dönemde faaliyete geçirilmiştir. İlde İran'la sınır ticaretinin yapılmaya başlanması da ekonomiyi canlandırmıştır. Ekonomik faaliyetler alanında tarım ve hayvancılık ilin gelişiminde lokomotif görevi üstlenmiştir. Bu tez çalışmasında Ağrı ilinin 1960 ile 1980 yılları arasında yönetim, eğitim, nüfus, sosyal ve ekonomi gibi alanlarda meydana gelen toplumsal değişimler ele alınmıştır. Bu değişimin detaylı olarak incelenebilmesi için ilde yapılan sayımlara ait dokümanlar, nüfus defterleri, il yıllıkları ve raporları, ulusal ve yerel gazeteler, il hakkında yazılan kitaplar, Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı belgeleri ve TBMM Zabıt Ceridelerinde yer bulan ilgili konuşma metinleri kullanılmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Ağrı İli, Ekonomi, Toplum, Yönetim, 1960-1980. ABSTRACTAĞRI PROVINCE BETWEEN 1960 AND 1980MASTER'S THESISPreparer: Deniz Funda ZORBAY POLATAdvisor: Lecturer. Member Bülent KARA2019-167Kırşehir Ahi Evran University, Graduate School Of Social SciencesDepartment of HistoryJuryProfessor Dr. Yaşar ÖZÜÇETİNDr. Lecturer. Üyesi Said OLGUNDr. Lecturer. Üyesi Bülent KARAIn Turkey, in order to spread the change accelerating with The Republican period to the whole country, there have been many studies and so many related institutions have been activated. One of the most important institutions of the Republic in the future is certainly the State Planning Organization. With the establishment of the State Planning Organization, it has been tried to ensure that the investments in the country are handled within the framework of a plan so that a regular development move is pursued.Between the years 1960-1980, significant changes have been experienced in the education, health, economical areas and social modernization, but this process could not have been maintained as desired or planned.Between the years 1960-1980, significant changes occurred in the administrative, educational, social and economical areas throughout the country and in the province of Ağrı. Efforts have been made to establish new administrative, educational and health institutions in the province. In the economic field, cooperatives have been established to raise public awareness in the agricultural and livestock sector and credit facilities have been provided for livestock. In order to develop industry and trade, industrial enterprises have been activated during this period. Also the border trade with Iran has begun to revive the economy in the province. In the field of economic activities, agriculture and farming has reved as a locomotive in the development of the province.In this thesis, the social changes between the years of 1960 and 1980 that occurred in the areas of management, education, population, social and economy of Ağrı province are discussed. In order to examine this change in detail, documents related to the censuses, population registers, provincial annuals and reports, national and local newspapers, books written about the province, documents of the State Archives Presidency and the relevant speech texts found in the records of Grand National Assembly of Turkey are used. Keywords: Ağrı Province, Economy, Society, Administration, 1960-1980. 170

Tarih boyunca Ordu, Karadeniz Bölgesinin önemli liman kentlerinden biri olmuştur. Bu bakımdan, ilk yerleşim sürecinden günümüze kadar önemli olayların merkezi haline gelmiştir. Çalışmamızda Ordu Yöresi, Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan Cumhuriyet'in ilanına kadar ele alınacaktır. Fakat belirlediğimiz tarih aralığının daha iyi incelenmesi, tarihi bağlantılarından koparılmaması ve sebep-sonuç ilişkisi içerisinde analiz edilebilmesi için Savaştan önceki döneminden de bahsedilmiştir. Ordu, Tanzimat döneminde başlayan askeri, idari, ekonomik, eğitim ve demografik gelişmelerin odağı olmuştur. Söz konusu dönemde ekonomik anlamda büyük gelişmelere sahne olması nedeniyle göç almaya başlamıştır. Göç süreci Cumhuriyet'in ilk yıllarına kadar da devam etmiştir. Özelikle Osmanlı-Rus savaşları Ordu'yu doğrudan etkilemiştir. Birinci Dünya Savaşı, bütün ülkede olduğu gibi Ordu kazasında da savaşın yıkıcı etkileri görülmektedir. Savaş sırasında yaşanan, Ermeni ve Rum tehcirinin Ordu kazasında nasıl gerçekleştiği belgeler ışığında ortaya koyulmuştur. Yine bu dönemde, Trabzon'un en büyük kazası olan Ordu kazası için en belirleyici etken Trabzon'un Rus işgali sonrası oluşan göçlerdi. Bu göçlerin daha çok Ordu kazasına yapılması ve geçiş güzergâhında olması olumsuz sonuçlar doğurmuştur. Diğer bir olay Birinci Dünya Savaşı yıllarında Rusların Ordu kazasına yaptı bombardımanlardır. Bu bombardımanların Ordu kazasında yol açtığı tahribatların yıkıcı etkileri yeni belgeler ışığın da ayrıntılı bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Mondros Mütarekesi sonucu yapılan işgallere karşı yurdun her köşesinde protestolar ve direniş hareketleri başlamıştır. Ordu ili de bu hareketlere kayıtsız kalmamıştır. Ordu halkı, kongreler sürecinde Mustafa Kemal Paşa'nın yanında yer alarak Milli Mücadele'ye maddi ve manevi anlamda katkı sağlamıştır. Ordu ili Karadeniz'de Rum çetelerine karşı veril mücadeleye önemli destekler sağlamıştır. Batı cephesine taşınan cephane ulaşımında Ordu Limanı stratejik bir rol üslenmiştir. 1921 yılında Karadeniz ve Ordu ilinden yaşanan Rum tehcirinin etkileri bölgede görülmektedir. Ayrıca Ordu'nun il olma süreci Meclis tutanaklarından yararlanarak ayrıntılı bir şekilde ortaya koyulmuştur. Throughout history, Ordu has been one of the major port cities of the Black Sea Region. In this respect, it has become the center of important events from the first settlement to the present. In our study, Ordu region will be discussed from the First World War until the proclamation of the Republic. However, the period before the war is also mentioned in order to better examine the range of history we have determined, to keep it from historical connections and to analyze it within the cause-effect relationship. Ordu was the focus of military, administrative, economic, educational and demographic developments that began in the Tanzimat Period. In the period in question, because of the great economic developments, it started to receive migration. The migration process continued until the early years of the Republic. Especially the Ottoman-Russian wars directly affected the Army. First World War, as in the whole country in the Army accident, the destructive effects of the war can be seen. In the light of the documents, how the Armenian and Greek deportations during the war took place in the Ordu accident was revealed. Again during this period, the most important factor for the Ordu accident, which was the biggest accident of Trabzon, was the immigration that occurred as a result of the Russian occupation of Trabzon. The fact that these migrations are mostly made in the Ordu accident and being on the transit route has had negative consequences. Another incident was the bombing of the Russians during the First World War. The destructive effects of these bombings in the Ordu accident are discussed in detail in the light of new documents. Protests and resistance movements have begun in every corner of the country against the invasions as a result of the Armistice of Mondros. The province of Ordu did not remain indifferent to these movements. The people of the army contributed to the National Struggle in terms of material and spirituality by supporting Mustafa Kemal Pasha during the congresses. Ordu province provided important support to the struggle against the Greek gangs in the Black Sea. Ordu Port played a strategic role in the transportation of ammunition to the western front. The effects of the Greek deportations in the Black Sea and Ordu provinces in 1921 are observed in the region. In addition, the process of becoming a province of Ordu has been elaborated by using the minutes of the Assembly. 123

Alevi-Bektaşi toplumunun ritüellerinde müziğin ne kadar önemli bir yer tuttuğu bilinmektedir. Kendi inançları doğrultusunda kutsal sayılan On İki İmam anlayışı, On İki Hizmet olgusunu da ortaya çıkarmıştır. On İki Hizmette önder olan Dede'den sonra en önemli hizmetlerin başında zakirler gelmektedir. Alevi-Bektaşi nefeslerini söz ve müzik ile aktarımını yapan zakirler genellikle bağlama çalmaktadırlar. Cem törenlerinde, kendilerine ayrılan bölümde Alevi-Bektaşi nefeslerini icra eden zakirler kültürlerini hem korumakta, hem de diğer nesillere aktarmaktadırlar. Bu çalışma, Isparta İli kapsamında seçilmiş olan örnekler üzerinden Alevi-Bektaşi toplumunun cem törenlerinde icra edilen nefesleri kapsamaktadır. Isparta İli Gönen İlçesi, Körküler Kasabası, Aliköy, Gümüşgün Köyü, Yakaören Köyü, Uluğbey Köyü, Çünür Mahallesi ve Turan Mahallesi ile ilgili görüşmeler doğrultusunda deneyimlenen ve/veya tespit edilen eserler notaya alınmıştır. It's known that music has a very important place in the rituals of Alevi-Bektashi society. On İki İmam insight that is thought as a sacred in their belief also found out On İki İmam service fact. After the `Dede` who is a leader in On İki services, the most important services are Zakirs. Zakirs who transfer to the Alevi-Bektashi nefeses with the lyrics and music usually play bağlama. Zakirs who perform Alevi-Bektashi nefeses in the section reserved for them during Cem ceremonies both protect their culture and transfer them to other generations. This study covers the nefeses performed in Cem ceremonies of Alevi-Bektashi society through the selected samples in Isparta city. The interviews that personaly experienced and/or identified in the context of; Gönen country, Körküler town, Aliköy, Gümüşgün, Yakaören and Uluğbey villages, Çünür and Turan neighbourhoods were notated. 111

Cumhuriyet'in ilanından planlı dönemin başlangıcına kadar ki süreçte yani tek parti diye adlandırdığımız Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP) ve Demokrat Parti (DP) iktidarlığı dönemi birinci bölüm ve planlı dönemin başlangıcından üçüncü planlı döneme kadar ki süreç olarak adlandırdığımız ikinci bölüm olarak ele alınmıştır. Bu dönemlerde uygulanan tarım politikaları incelenmiş üçüncü bölüme yani `Tokat` ilinin değerlendirilmesinde dayanak olmuşlardır. Cumhuriyet'in ilanından beri süregelen tarım politikalarına ait il bazlı çalışmalara bakıldığında Tokat ilinin çalışılmasında ki eksiklikler göze çarpmaktadır. Orta Karadeniz Bölgesi'nin geçit kısmında verimli vadiler üzerine yerleşen ve önemli su kaynaklarını bünyesinde bulunduran Tokat, bulunduğu konumdan dolayı önemli bir tarım merkezidir. Bu amaçla Tokat ili temel alınarak bu çalışma ele alınmıştır.Bu araştırmada kullanılacak materyallerin başında Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivi, Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu verileri, TBMM arşivi ve yerel gazeteler gelmektedir. Cumhuriyet'in ilanından üçüncü plana kadar süregelen tarım politikaları Tokat ili örneğinde değerlendirilecektir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Tarım, Tokat, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, Planlı Dönem Planned period of the proclamation of the Republic to the beginning of the process we call the only party, the Republican People's Party (CHP) and Democratic Party (DP) period planned period planned at the beginning of the first chapter of iktidarlig and that until the third period, which we call process are discussed in the second chapter. The agricultural policies applied in these periods were examined in the third section, namely `Tokat`, which was the basis for the evaluation of the province. When we look at the provincial-based studies of agricultural policies that have been going on since the proclamation of the Republic, the deficiencies in the study of Tokat province are evident. Tokat, which is located on fertile valleys in the gorge of the central Black Sea region and contains important Water Resources, is an important agricultural center due to its location. For this purpose, this study was taken on the basis of Tokat province.Among the materials to be used in this research are Prime Ministry Republic Archive, Turkish Statistical Institute data, TBMM archive and local newspapers. Agricultural policies from the proclamation of the Republic to the third plan will be evaluated in the case of Tokat province.Key Words: Agriculture, Tokat, Republican People's Party, Planned Period 138

Osmanlı Devleti'nin azınlık isyanları ve toprak kayıplarıyla uğraştığı bir dönemde Rusya'nın sıcak denizlere inme politikasının uzantısı olarak Kafkasya topraklarını işgal girişimi sonucu Müslüman Kafkas halkları için çileli bir süreç başlatmıştır. Göç yollarında çoğu muhacir çeşitli sebeplerden hayatını kaybetmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti, tam anlamıyla bir insanlık dramı olan göçleri koordine etmek için muhacirin komisyonları kurmuş, muhacirlerin temel ihtiyaçlarını halkın da desteği ile karşılamaya çalışmıştır. Göçmenlerin iskân edildiği bölgelerden biriside Çorum olmuştur. Çorum konumu itibariyle muhacirler için hem geçici hem de kalıcı iskân bölgesi olmuştur. Çorum halkı muhacirlere kucak açmış imkânları ölçüsünde yardımlarda bulunmuştur. Muhacirlere konut yapmışlar, iaşelerini karşılamışlar arazi ve tohum vermişlerdir. Fakat kimi zaman muhacirlerden kimi zamanda yerli halktan kaynaklanan sorunlar da yaşanmıştır.Bu çalışmada 19. yüzyılda Kafkaslardan Anadolu'ya yapılan göçler Çorum ili örneğinde ele alınmıştır. Kafkas göçlerini anlamak için öncelikle göç, sürgün gibi kavramlar üzerinde durulmuş ve Kafkasya'nın tarihine, coğrafyasına ve Kafkas halklarına değinilmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti'nin göçler karşısındaki tutumu, muhacirlere yapılan yardımlar ve yaşanan olumsuzluklar belgelerle ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Muhacirlerin iskân edildikleri bölgelerden biri olan Çorum'a gelen göçmenlerin kökeni, yerleştikleri yerler, yaşanan sıkıntılar ve göçmenlere hükümet ve halk tarafından yapılan yardımlar arşiv belgeleri ile ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Kafkasya, Göç, XIX. yy, Çorum, Anadolu, Sürgün When The Ottoman Empire was dealing with missing of territory and minority riots, Russia was trying to attempt invasion to Caucasus territory in connection with the Access to the warm waters. Therefore, muslim Caucasians faced to the hard period. Most of immigrants died for their disposition caused by various reasons. The Ottoman Empire founded immigration commissions to coordinate immigrations that became a humaniitarian plight and also they tried to supply basic needs for them with the help of community living there. Çorum was one of the provinces where immigrants were settled. As its geographical location, Çorum became both temporary and permanent housing for immigrants. Poeple in Çorum embraced to immigrants and gave them supports.They built houses, afforded their basic needs, gave them lands and seeds. But sometimes they experienced with some problems caused by both immigrants and people living in Çorum.This study includes immigrations from Caucasus to Anatolia in 19th century as an example of Çorum Province. Also, some terms like immigration, exile are emphasised in order to get information about immigrations of Caucasus and history of Caucasus, geography and community are stated. The Ottoman Empire's attitude against immigrations, contributions to immigrants, some problems are manifested with valid documents. Çorum is one of the regions that immigrants were located and their origins, settlements, problems also contributions that were made to immigrants by community and government are emphasised with archive documents.Keywords: Caucasus, İmmigration, XIX.century, Çorum, Anatolia, Exile. 120

Bu çalışmanın amacı, lise tarih öğretmenlerinin alternatif ölçme-değerlendirme yöntemlerine yönelik görüşlerinin belirlenip değerlendirilmesidir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda tarih öğretmenlerinin alternatif ölçme-değerlendirme yöntemlerini kullanma sıklığı, yöntemlerin işlevlerine yönelik görüşleri, yöntemlerin uygulanma biçimlerine yönelik görüşleri ve yöntemleri kullanırken karşılaştıkları sorunlara yönelik görüşlerinin ortaya çıkarılması hedeflenmiştir. Betimsel yöntemin kullanıldığı bu araştırmanın modeli, tarama modelidir. Tarih öğretmenlerinin bütününe ulaşılması hedeflendiğinden araştırmada örneklem almaya gerek duyulmamıştır. Araştırmada verilere anket ve yarı yapılandırılmış mülakat yöntemleriyle ulaşılarak çeşitleme yapılmıştır. Beş bölümden oluşan anket formu 39 ve on iki sorudan oluşan yarı yapılandırılmış mülakat formu 35 tarih öğretmenine uygulanmıştır. Anket ve mülakat formlarının uygulanması için Gümüşhane İl Milli Eğitim Müdürlüğünden gerekli yasal izin alınarak uygulama 2018-2019 eğitim-öğretim yılının ikinci döneminde Gümüşhane il ve ilçe sınırları içindeki liselerde görev yapan tarih öğretmenleriyle gerçekleştirilmiştir.Araştırmada anketten elde edilen veriler SPSS 22.00 (Sosyal bilimler için istatistik paketi) paket programı ile, yarı yapılandırılmış görüşme formundan elde edilen veriler içerik analizi ile analiz edilmiştir. Anketten elde edilen veriler frekans (f) ve yüzde (%) olarak, görüşmeden elde edilen veriler doğrudan alıntılar şeklinde sunulmuştur.Anket ve görüşme formlarından elde edilen veriler birlikte değerlendirildiğinde tarih öğretmenlerinin daha çok performans görevi ve proje yöntemini kullandıkları, ankette verilen alternatif ölçme-değerlendirme yöntemlerinin işlevlerini genel olarak kabul ettikleri, görüşme verilerinde öğretmenlerin bu yöntemlerin daha çok öğrencilerin araştırma yapma becerilerini geliştirdiği, tarih dersine ilgiyi artırdığı ve bir konu hakkında öğrencinin bilgi seviyesinin artmasına katkı sağladığı yönünde görüş bildirdikleri belirlenmiştir. Tarih öğretmenlerinin alternatif ölçme-değerlendirme yöntemlerini uygulama konusunda eksiklikleri olmalarına rağmen bu yöntemleri genel anlamda uygulayabildikleri, yöntemleri uygularlarken en çok tarih dersine ayrılan sürenin az olması, öğrencilerin ilgisiz olmaları ve velilerden kaynaklı sorunlar yaşadıkları tespit edilmiştir. The aim of the study is to define and evaluate the views of high school history teachers' on alternative assessment and evaluation methods. İn accordance with this purpose, it is aimed to reveal the frequency of using alternative assessment and evaluation methods of history teachers, their views on the functions of the methods, their views on the ways of using methods and their views on the problems they encounter using the methods. The model of this research in which descriptive method is used is a scanning method. İt is not necessary to take sample in this research because it is aimed to reach whole history teachers. İn the study the data were attained, diversified (triangulation) through survey and semi-structured interview methods. Survey from consisting of five sections and semi-structured interview form consisting of 39 and 12 questions was applied to 35 history teachers. İn order to apply the survey and interview forms, necessary legal permission from Gümüşhane Provincial Directorate of National Education was received, and the application was carried out with the history teachers who work in high schools within the boundaries of Gümüşhane province and district in the second period of 2018-2019 academic year.The data obtained from the survey were analyzed with SPSS 22.00 (Statistical package for the social sciences) and the data obtained from the semi-structured interview form were analyzed with content analysis. The data obtained form the survey are presented as frequency (f) and percentage (%) and the data obtained from the interview are prensented as direct citations. When the data obtained from the survey and interview forms are evaluated together, generally history teachers use more performance task and project method, accept the functions of alternative assesment and evaluation methods given in survey, the teachers have view that in the data of interview, these methods develop more student's resarch skills and they contribute to increase the knowledge level of students about a subject. Although history teachers have deficiencies in the application of alternative assessment and evaluation methods, they can apply these methods generally, while applying the methods, it has been determined that the history course is short, the students are uninterested in the course and they have problems with their parents. 156

The people against Oliver Frljić, or Poland after The Curse In the spring of 2017, the play entitled The Curse, directed by Oliver Frljić premiered at one of Warsaw theatres. It was not the first attempt to perform in Poland on the part of the Croatian director, well known as a controversial artist whose plays discuss social and political issues. His previous appearances on Polish stages usually evoked an air of scandal. The content of The Curse, too, had its producers investigated by the state prosecutors soon after its premiere; and blasphemy and incitement to crime in the theatre were discussed in the public sphere. The Curse is a loose adaptation of Stanisław Wyspiański’s drama, originally written in 1899. It deals provocatively with questions about modern religiousness and non-religiousness, touching upon relations between the Polish Catholic Church and the state, and upon national identity in contemporary Poland. This paper is focused on reactions to Frljić’s play, especially on different ways of expressing public anger as the most frequent reaction; it shows how politicians, members of religious and nationalist groups and other protesters became part of the performance. It aims to explain the success of one of the most scandalous theatrical ventures in Poland, describes the peculiarity of the Polish context, the dynamics of reaction of opponents and students of Frljić’s activities, and shows the lasting consequences as well as the performative potential of the Croatian director’s presence in the Polish public sphere. A very important circumstance in researching The Curse is that – as emphasized both in the performance itself and in the public debate – Polish national values were criticized by an outsider, in other words, by the Other. The article pays particular attention to two contexts: one is engaged theatre’s potential to transcend its own boundaries and influence the social and political reality; the other is the author’s personal participation in Frljić’s performance. Naród przeciwko Frljiciowi albo Polska po Klątwie Wiosną 2017 roku w jednym z warszawskich teatrów premierę miał spektakl Klątwa w reżyserii Olivera Frljicia. To nie był debiut reżysera w Polsce, jego poprzednim działaniom na polskich scenach towarzyszyła atmosfera skandalu. Frljić jest znany jako kontrowersyjny artysta, którego sztuka dotyka sprawa społecznych i politycznych. Wkrótce po premierze prokuratura wszczęła postępowanie przeciwko realizatorom spektaklu, w związku z jego treścią; namawianie do zbrodni i bluźnierstwo w teatrze zdominowały dyskusje w sferze publicznej. Klątwa to luźna adaptacja dramatu Wyspiańskiego, napisana w 1899 roku. Prowokuje pytaniami o współczesną religijność i niereligijność, dotyka relacji między Kościołem katolickim a państwem, porusza także kwestie związane z tożsamością narodową we współczesnej Polsce. Artykuł koncentruje się na reakcjach na spektakl Olivera Frljicia, zwłaszcza na temat różnych sposobów wyrażania publicznego gniewu; pokazuje, jak politycy, członkowie grup religijnych i ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych oraz inni protestujący, stali się częścią przedstawienia. Tekst ma na celu wyjaśnienie sukcesu jednego z najbardziej skandalicznych przedsięwzięć teatralnych w Polsce, opisuje specyfikę polskiego kontekstu, dynamikę reakcji przeciwników i badaczy działań Frljicia, ale pokazuje także trwałe konsekwencje oraz performatywny potencjał obecności chorwackiego reżysera w polskiej sferze publicznej. Istotnym dla badań czynnikiem jest eksponowany i w spektaklu, i w debacie publicznej fakt, że polskie wartości narodowe zostały skrytykowane przez Innego/Obcego. Rozważania zostały przedstawione w kontekście oczywistego dla teatru zaangażowanego potencjału do przekraczania własnych granic, ingerowania w sprawy społeczne i polityczne, ale także w kontekście osobistego udziału autorki artykułu w spektaklu Frljića.

What is our perception of the Ottoman Turks, or how are they presented in Croatian history textbooks and the outlines / overviews of Croatian historyHistory textbooks, especially in the Central and East European countries, often contain various single-sided, monocentric, xenophobic views, national exclusiveness, as well as divisions between “us” and “them,” confrontations with the others, etc. The countries with the more developed democratization process find it easier to overcome such difficulties in education, especially in textbooks, because they have no need for self justification and confirmation and have solid institutions addressing the social, economic, and various other rights of individuals. The Ottoman Turks have greatly influenced European, and thus also Croatian, history of the Late Medieval and Early Modern time. The author describes the position taken towards Ottoman invasions and rule in history textbooks and recent outlines of Croatian history. Both the textbooks and the analyzed outlines are found to contain two opposed views of Croatian history – one is ethno-centric, exuberating national past and often offers a prejudiced view of our neighbours, while the other is more modern and presents a more open and concrete overview of Croatian past. The paper lists a number of examples confirming such results. Kim są dla nas Turcy osmańscy, czyli obraz Turków w chorwackich podręcznikach do nauki historii i w syntezach historii Chorwacji Podręczniki do nauki historii – szczególnie w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej, które podlegały transformacji ustrojowej – często prezentują różne formy jednostronnych wyobrażeń, monocentryzmu, ksenofobii czy narodowego ekskluzywizmu, stosując stereotypowe podziały na „my” i „oni”, przeprowadzają też często obrachunki z „innymi”. Przezwyciężanie tego typu trudności w nauczaniu przedmiotu łatwiejsze jest w krajach, gdzie proces demokratyzacji poszedł dalej, gdzie istnieją stabilne instytucje społeczne, które zajmują się prawami człowieka, a tym samym nie ma potrzeby udowadniania własnej przynależności.Turcy osmańscy w późnym średniowieczu i wczesnej epoce nowożytnej mieli istotny wpływ na historię Europy, w tym także na historię Chorwacji. Zarówno w podręcznikach, jak w poddanych analizie syntezach historii Chorwacji widoczne są dwie przeciwstawne wizje stosunków turecko-chorwackich, jak zresztą i innych momentów narodowej historii: pierwsza, etnocentryczna, wyolbrzymia własną przeszłość i charakteryzuje się w wielu miejscach nietolerancją w stosunku do innych, szczególnie sąsiadów, druga natomiast jest bardziej nowoczesna, otwarta i wyważona. W artykule wymienione są przykłady, które wizje te potwierdzają.

In one of her articles, Dunja Rihtman-Auguštin (2000: 211–36) discusses the choice of words in contemporary Croatian political parlance by which politicians at the end of the twentieth century mobilised their constituency by expressing their attitudes towards what was good and acceptable for Us, and what was bad and thus unacceptable for Our ways. In her enlightening article, full of witty insights, she argues that the notion “Balkan” belongs equally to history and to imagination. Although the Balkans are always east of Us, she suggests, the Balkan mentality is here, with Us, not somewhere else. Rihtman-Auguštin’s article inspired me to analyse the history and image of the term Balkan in Slovene in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, that is to say, in the period when Slovene national consciousness developed., U jednom od svojih radova Dunja Rihtman-Auguštin (2000: 211–236) raspravlja o izboru riječi u suvremenom hrvatskom političkom govoru kojim su političari krajem dvadesetog stoljeća mobilizirali svoje birače da izraze stavove o tome što Nam je dobro i prihvatljivo, a što Nam je neprihvatljivo. U izvrsnom članku, punom duhovitih uvida, Rihtman-Auguštin pokazuje da koncept Balkana pripada povijesti u istoj mjeri kao i imaginaciji. Premda je Balkan uvijek istočno od Nas, kaže Rihtman-Auguštin, balkanski je mentalitet ovdje, s Nama, a ne negdje drugdje. Njezin me je rad potaknuo da analiziram povijest i predodžbu termina Balkan u slovenskome u drugoj polovici devetnaestog i ranom dvadesetom stoljeću, odnosno u vrijeme kad se razvijala slovenska nacionalna svijest.

Taking the example of the Ismaʻilis in colonial South Asia and East Africa, this article examines some aspects of the complexities involved in the identity formation of communities seeking gradual redefinitions in a deterritorialised global context, reformulating notions of community membership in the process. The Ismaʻili case illustrates an intertwined history of the development of community identity, and a language of social service that became the hallmark of the community under a religious leadership that virtually redefined its position through a vigorous and increasing emphasis on the idiom of social commitment. At one level, this thrust marks a passage from the translocal to the global context, intelligible in terms of the conceptual rubric of global assemblages. At another level, the article also seeks to evaluate the nature of the community's diasporic experience in Africa. It suggests that the ideational framework and praxis of social service — and in more recent times grander developmental endeavours addressing the needs of both Ismaʻilis and non-Ismaʻilis across the world — both reflect, and are mutually constitutive of, more fundamental experiments with identity and repositioning of religious authority that the Ismaʻilis first witnessed in colonial South Asia and East Africa. This article is thus an effort to retrieve some of the continuities and ruptures in the historical process.