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The course of contemporary international affairs has catapulted the scholarship on inter-state hegemony into an important period of progress and development. Forwarded as Hegemony Studies 3.0, a new and ambitious research program has consolidated these scholarly endeavors and emphasized the interconnectedness between hegemony and international order. In an attempt to advance this research agenda even further, I argue that Hegemony Studies 3.0 currently limits itself from realizing its full potential by conceptualizing hegemony too narrowly. Consequently, I find that hegemony research in its present form suffers from widespread methodological statism. This is evident in the way the analytical and methodological strategies of the scholarship equate the entirety of the domestic sphere of the hegemon with the state and its formal institutions. Moving onwards, I suggest a much broader conceptualization of hegemony and point toward avenues ahead for the scholarship which are inspired by the everyday turn in International Political Economy and the general (re)historicization of the field. These ways forward open up a myriad of new paths of research for hegemony scholars to explore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how 'criticality' is negotiated in the global policy frameworks on Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and re-conceptualised in Vietnamese ESD policymaking. Taking the context of Viet Nam, this paper reflects on what constitutes criticality in education in the light of cultural and historical contexts of the education systems. The comparative perspective helps explore whether (1) universal or decontextualised 'criticality' exists or (2) whether 'criticality' is culturally negotiated based on the premise that educational imaginaries of societal formation and transformation are historically and contextually embedded and contingent. In addition, this paper connects the ongoing debate on the critical potential of ESD within the field of environmental education (EE) research to comparative education research by highlighting both what a comparative perspective might offer to EE research and what recent developments in EE research might contribute to comparative education research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the so-called transition in Angola from a single-party Socialist regime to a multiparty liberal democracy in the 1990s, alongside several formal organizational, legal, and institutional changes, this article argues that the Angolan security/intelligence services have been able to maintain their primary purpose since their creation in 1975 up to the present day – to support and protect the hegemony of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) party, its elites and, above all, its President. The article outlines the evolution of the Angolan security/intelligence services in terms of their long-term continuity, exposing how changes in Angola's political system in response to domestic and international challenges were circumvented by the security services without altering their main foundational objective, or making them more accountable to democratic civilian control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del CILHA is the property of Universidad Nacional de Cuyo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through its unique jazz-inspired score, creative sets and costume design, the 2019 Tony award-winning musical Hadestown tells the classic Greek mythology story of Orpheus and Eurydice, in which Orpheus ventures to the underworld to save his love from an eternity of suffering. In this rhetorical analysis of the musical's script, cast recording, sheet music and Broadway production, I explore how Hadestown makes statements about hegemony and memory that connect with current events. Hadestown presents the underworld as an industrial wasteland that contrasts with Persephone's green earth, placing industry and the environment at odds with one another and bringing the audience's attention to issues including climate change, refugeeism, homelessness and poverty. Hades is presented as an industrial tycoon and a hegemon who exploits his workers, and the song 'Why We Build the Wall' serves to highlight the many hegemonic tactics used to maintain control over a populace. I also explore how the references to Hades' wall provide audiences experiencing the musical after 2016 with a biting critique of Donald Trump's 2016 campaign promise to build a wall to curb immigration at the United States' southern border, and I suggest that the penultimate song provides audiences with a message that aligns with Hannah Arendt's view of the purpose of memory: that we must remember the past or, in the words of Hadestown, 'tell the sad tale', because we hope that it might turn out differently this time. The messages in Hadestown encourage theatregoers to remember the lessons of history, including difficult memories related to hegemony, because only through remembering can we learn from the past and take the actions necessary to face our current challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Fronteira: Revista de Iniciacao Cientifica em Relacoes Internacionais is the property of Instituto de Ciencias Sociais, Departmento de Relacoes Internacionais, PUC Minas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article makes a case for the further exploration of heritage before modernity through an investigation of the afterlife of Merton Priory in Surrey, England. The Augustinian Priory was dissolved in 1538 amid the Henrician Reformation and, thereafter, the site was transformed rapidly into a saleable commodity. As such, the Priory site became an exploitable social and economic resource, especially by textile manufacturers. The article complicates this apparently stark transformation from self-contained monastery into proto-industrial landscape by acknowledging how the residual Priory buildings were used, viewed, and understood by its post-Reformation owners, especially anti-Catholic Puritans. I argue that the remains were incorporated within a triumphalist account of England's Protestantisation and, by extension, reveal a surprising instinct towards their preservation amid better-known acts of iconoclasm. In doing so, the article emphasises how the rescripting of the site's heritage was a privilege of its owners and that limited opportunities existed to promote alternative accounts of the site's past beyond those which could be mobilised by external, but no less powerful, stakeholders. Indeed, Merton Priory evinces the emergence of efforts by archaeologists and antiquarians to fix the site's historical significance and to dispel the endurance of 'vulgar' rumours about its past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the official discourse of the founding character and origin of San Vito through three publications of founders and directors of a agricultural colonization initiated by Italians in 1952 (Quemé mis naves en estas montañas, 1995; Cuentos de guerra a un país de paz, 1998 and Coto Brus: là dove gli alberi sorreggevano il cielo, 2000). Also, an interview is used, carried with Vito Sansonetti on June 4, 1985. From this discoursive axis, various ideological components are interpreted and inserted in a continuum that flows from hegemonic to counter-hegemonic. This analysis follows Teun van Dijk's (2000, 2008) guidelines on ideologies and discourse and the binary division of hegemonic/counter-hegemonic ideologies proposed by James Scott (1985, 1990). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dynamis is the property of Dynamis - Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Granada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Praktyka Teoretyczna is the property of University of Wroclaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

History is a projection of realities from the historian's lens and parameters. The popularity and acceptance of historical accounts depend much on hegemonic structures and knowledge. The Dalit community was marginalized within the Indian economic, social, and political historiography. Gradually, with the rise of Dalit consciousness, men--the better-positioned gender of the community--tried to express their vulnerabilities from a masculinist perspective. The literature written also projected women only as extensions of male protagonists. Though the traumas Dalit women have faced due to intersectional realities are separate from that of men, they could not find a place in early literature as complete entities, entitled to be acknowledged as such. The trade union movements also sidelined the issues of Dalit women laborers. To date, issues of Dalit women's property rights, longevity, education, and empowerment are largely androcentric, as the state's schemes and policies are majorly heteronormative and male centric. The reason why we need to keep invoking the past and history is to assert that the present condition of Dalit women has its roots in the past and their issues and voices continue to remain on the margins despite the rich social experiences they carry and represent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims to investigate the reconstruction of identity and memory of an aphrodiasporic collective through the narrative Becos da Memória, by Conceição Evaristo. Narratives that constitute themselves by black experiences in diaspora raise concepts of subjectivities that deconstruct a hegemonic and dominant narrative. Through this work, there is a possibility to explore life experiences of these subordinate individuals which claim for their voices to be heard and their narratives to be modified by the awareness of their reality. Therefore, exploring the different stories of characters is to see the significant and painful role of the diaspora in the conception of these fictional individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, patriarchy has been as dominant in education in Ireland as elsewhere. In the Irish context, it was promoted through the male-dominated Catholic Church, which controlled either directly or indirectly the vast majority of education institutions in the country. This dominant hegemony was most powerful during the period post-Independence, achieved in 1922, and up until the 1960s. By the 1960s, however, Irish society had begun a process of self-reflection and modernisation triggered by exposure to international ideas, the Second Vatican Council, the democratisation of education and radical changes in economic policy. This article focuses on one manifestation of this process, namely a strike initiated by female students at a female-run teacher training college in Dublin in demand of a greater voice in the nature of the curriculum taught and in the governance of the college. However, these women were protesting not against the male hegemony, rather against the women religious who perpetrated this hegemony. The focus of this study is thus on patriarchy perpetuated by women on women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Educacao e Pesquisa is the property of Faculdade de Educacao da Universidade de Sao Paulo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gratitude was racialized in Victorian culture. Drawing on a wide historical framework, which takes in eighteenth-century proslavery arguments as well as twenty-first-century anti-immigrant discourses, I explore how Victorian-era texts placed demands upon enslaved, formerly enslaved, and colonized peoples to feel thankful for their treatment as British imperial subjects. My article ranges over contexts and academic debates, and surveys nineteenth-century discourses, but it coheres around a case study concerning media reportage of the brief residence of a young West African, Eyo Ekpenyon Eyo II, in Colwyn Bay, Wales, in 1893. In a contextual examination of the press reaction to Eyo's decision to abandon his British schooling, this article draws attention to the implicit, submerged inequalities, exemplified in the demand for gratitude, through which Victorian Britain articulated the affective qualities of white hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, the embeddedness of potential grantees in complex local webs of both political and welfare relationships challenged the work of international grant-makers, particularly in the context of the war on terrorism. These concerns are no novelty as organized philanthropy has historically worked in countries with undefined political constellations where recipient organizations pursue a wide range of goals. The relationship between the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) and its local representatives in interwar Germany serves here as a historical case study to better understand the political realities influencing foundations' selection of local partners. This case shows that the radical pacifist stand of CEIP's German representatives soon became an obstacle to the work of foundation officers, who consequently sought the collaboration of more pragmatic and politically connected voices. Overall, the study underscores the power dynamics at the center of philanthropic relationships and the different degree of autonomy of advisors, representatives, and grantees in these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article furnishes a critical commentary on social work in the People's Republic of China (PRC). It is maintained that it is important to contextualise this development by taking into account the restoration of capitalism and wider structures of governance. Although there is no perfect alignment, it is argued that the (re-)creation of social work occurred during the same period when a Chinese proletariat was (re-)created. Drawing on the work of Antonio Gramsci and resisting a reductively mechanistic interpretation of the profession's evolution, it is maintained that social work's new centrality in the PRC can be best understood if it is situated alongside the hegemonic project of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to construct, what is referred to as, the 'harmonious society'. The article concludes by tentatively identifying the emerging contours of social work with distinctive Chinese traits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claims regarding Western neo-colonial domination over scholarship in Comparative and International Education (CIE) have recently commanded much attention – for example in a 2017 special issue of the journal Comparative Education Review (CER) on the theme of 'contesting coloniality.' Stressing their marginal 'positionality,' the contributors to that special issue relate their critique to a narrative of 'epistemic violence' seen as underpinning 'Western' or 'Northern' hegemony in the CIE field and beyond. Adopting a historical perspective, I argue here that positing a dichotomy between a colonialist 'Western modernity' and a uniformly victimised 'non-West' is empirically unsustainable, and involves its advocates in propagating just the kind of essentialism and Eurocentrism that they condemn. I also argue that the centrality of 'positionality' and 'opacity' in postcolonialist or decolonial arguments, as expounded in the CER special issue, impedes meaningful and constructive scholarly dialogue. Scholarship in this vein threatens to divide the CIE field, undermine its wider credibility and distract from analysis of the pressing problems that confront us today. Comparativists need to balance critical scholarship concerning the implications of 'colonialism' with greater attention to the comparative study of its history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the research and presentation of the Great Serbian policy towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the Dayton Peace Accord until 2015. The text points out the continuation of hegemonic policy of Serbia towards Bosnia and Herzegovina in the changed circumstances. Although Serbia has been one of the three signatories of the Dayton Peace Agreement, there are numerous examples which testify that Serbia has still retained the old Great Serbian strategic goals, changing only the methods and tactics of the struggle for their realization. The article also speaks about the fact that political and"scientific" activity of Great Serbian circles with the aim of denying and undermining the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina has not stopped even after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement.

Regional history in Argentina can be defined as being constituted by a persistent process of uneven conformation. Both the capital-labor contradiction and the capital-nature contradiction are clearly evident. The domination and hegemony of class and class fractions correlate with regional construction. The differential degree of penetration of capitalist forms in the respective territories and the particular pattern and profile of the accumulation and development process should also be considered. The objective of this work is to analyze the historical construction of the Patagonian region taking into account the considerations previously explained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sprawy Miedzynarodowe / International Affairs is the property of Instytut Studiow Politycznych PAN and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a study of Egyptian Shi'ism by providing historical context as well as a focus on actual or current issues. The study includes a historical overview of local Shi'ism (Fatimid period, late nineteenth century, 1940s-1960s, and contemporary period); Shi'i institutions and personalities; the situation following Egypt's 2011 revolution; the hectic one-year government of the Muslim Brotherhood (2012-2013); President al-Sisi's authoritarian takeover; and, finally, an exploration of the current geopolitical stakes, focusing mainly on the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran over religious hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies Margarita, está linda la mar [Margarita, How Beautiful the Sea] (1998) by Nicaraguan writer Sergio Ramírez in regards to his relation with the context (postcolonial theory). From this point of view, an analysis in the dichotomous hegemony versus subordination is proposed, where colonial influence is revealed from hegemonic projects. So, on the one hand it is demonstrated the hegemonic presence --politic and military-- through the comparison of the two historical scenarios represented, as a consequence of the military intervention on the part of the national and foreign military forces that represented the control and the repression of a whole country, and, in the other hand the reflections around the condition of subordination seen as an expression and opposing party of the embedded and integrated domination of the oppressed individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how middle-aged to elderly Kurdish women in Turkey engage with large collections of Kurdish music recordings in their possession. Framing them as archives, women mobilize these collections as central elements in a larger, ongoing Kurdish project of historical critique, which seeks to resist hegemonic state narratives that have long denied and marginalized Kurdish voices. While recognizing the critical intervention such archives make, the article contends that, to be heard as "history" with a legitimate claim to authority, subaltern voices often have to rely on the very hegemonic forms, genres, and discourses they set out to challenge. This means that subaltern projects of historical critique walk a fine line between critique and complicity, an insight that nuances narratives that would approach subaltern voices predominantly from a perspective of resistance. At the same time, this article argues that a more complete picture of subaltern archives requires us to attend to the voices they contain not just as metaphors for resistance or political representation but also as acoustic objects that have social effects because of the way they sound. By outlining the affective qualities that voice recordings held for the Kurdish women who archived them, the article shows how their collections participated in carving out specific, gendered subject positions as well as forging a broader Kurdish sociality. Paying attention to history's "acoustic register" (Hunt 2008), this suggests, promises to open up perspectives on subaltern historiography that go beyond binary frameworks of resistance and domination, critique and complicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses the article "Writing/Not-Writing: Th[a][e] Diasporic Self: Notes Toward a Race Riot Scene" by Bhanu Kapil in the previous issue of the journal, with particular focus given to the historic context of the 1979 Southall, England race riot described by Kapil, theme of resistance to cultural and political hegemony, and exploration of diaspora. The role of Thatcherism and postmodernity in Bhanu's article are also commented on along with the relationship between the Southall riots and American racial politics in the 1970s.

The pan-Indian pilgrimages to the char dhams (four holy abodes) of the Garhwal Himalayas were deeply ecological and sensorial experiences in the pre-colonial era. Drawing on archival research, I trace how colonial schemes, together with the enterprises of modern Hindu institutions, engendered significant changes to the ethos of this yatra (pilgrimage). Colonial administrators imagined the thinking, acting, and sensate personae of the pilgrims as simply suffering bodies. Oficials implemented road works, forestry, and conservancy arrangements in ways that exacerbated inequalities of class and caste in the pilgrimage. State gazetteers and neo-Hindu guidebooks alike privileged a high-Hindu, upper-caste narration of the significance of the yatra. I argue that the locus of the sacred increasingly shifted away from pilgrims' ephemeral encounters with the natural world toward the precincts of temples. I contend that in the postcolonial context, this historical trajectory helps explain ongoing government plans to build 'all-weather highways' to link the char dhams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT: This article traces a genealogy of the culture concept, starting with the way it is presented in Sherry Ortner's account of “dark anthropology” (2016) and working back to the interpretations offered by Clifford Geertz, Raymond Williams, and Antonio Gramsci. Of particular interest is the shifting historical relationship between “culture” and its dark counterpart, “hegemony,” which Ortner describes as “the dominant version of the culture concept in use today.” While Ortner's analysis is compelling in many ways, it is flawed, in my view, by a “Boasian gap”—part of a widespread tendency in contemporary anthropology to underestimate the theoretical legacy of Franz Boas and the tradition that bears his name. This tendency is rooted, I argue, in a series of “asymmetrical ancestries.” Thus, Geertz minimized the importance of the Boasian tradition in his own intellectual genealogy, and Williams recognized but downplayed the role of German Romanticism in the early development of the culture concept. The case of Gramsci is especially interesting as it involves a cryptic ancestral connection between his approach to culture and that of his Boasian contemporaries. When all these gaps are filled, dark anthropology turns out to be historically checkered—regularly articulated with a “lighter” theoretical tradition. By recovering that tradition and appreciating its rich genealogy—sensing its manifold connections to German historicism, Humboldtian linguistics, and American pragmatism—we stand a chance of integrating “dark” and “light” anthropologies rather than pitting them needlessly against each other. [culture, genealogy, hegemony, Gramsci, Boas] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Largely driven by Japan's strategic outreach to India, Tokyo and Delhi have rapidly improved relations and enhanced their strategic cooperation since the turn of the century. Today, developments in bilateral relations are moving faster than journalists and analysts can track, leading many observers to posit the emergence of Japan–India alliance. This article analyses the reasons behind Japan's strategic outreach to India and explores the conditions under which an alliance—understood as a formal association of states for the use (or nonuse) of military force in specific circumstances against a third party—might emerge between the two countries. It draws on existing scholarship on interstate alliances to examine the possible objectives, contours, operation and impact of such an alliance. It concludes that there are major obstacles in the way of an alliance forming and operating successfully. These include India's commitment to strategic autonomy; the incentives for limiting commitments and 'buck-passing' within a putative alliance; Chinese opposition and Beijing's ability to economically punish both parties; and differing views on US hegemony, world order and future Great Power status. Ultimately, Japan and India are better off being aligned—as they currently are—and not allied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By embracing counter-colonialism at large, this article challenges the subordination and eventual complicity of management and marketing studies with the dark(er) side of liberal internationalism pasts. We show how the official history of consumerism in marketing overlooks important events related to the US liberal internationalism project during and before the Cold War period, which are closely associated by other areas of knowledge in the United States with the hegemonic plans of the United States in becoming the sole global power in the post-World War II, at the expense of the Third World movement that aimed to bring independence to the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reaffirms the importance of gender history as a way of understanding the history of power, and specifically power relations between men and masculinities. The historical literature dealing with this theme has been profoundly shaped by R. W. Connell’s concept of ‘hegemonic masculinity’. Despite detailed criticism by historians, Connell’s work remains enormously influential on historical scholarship because no alternative model has delineated so clearly the significance of power relations between masculinities. This article offers a critical reading of Connell’s work and develops a new analytical framework for understanding the history of masculinity. It argues that histories of normative models of masculinity need to be accompanied by a focus on the historically specific opportunities, mechanisms or techniques that enabled individuals to identify themselves with particular normative models. It argues that power can be apprehended as a four-fold operation: cultural contestation of normative ideals; individual attempts to identify with those cultural ideals; the processes by which those attempts were accorded recognition by others; and the processes by which individuals were positioned in relation to institutional practices, rewards and sanctions. This approach would offer new periodisations of the history of masculinity with the history of power at their core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the future of democracy amid the changing structure of hegemonic power. It explores the effects of hegemonic shocks such as the two World Wars, the Great Depression and the collapse of the Soviet Union on monarchy, fascism, communism and democracy during the 20th century. The impact of the success and failure of democracy on transformations of the international system is discussed, as well as the effect of U.S. imperialism on the status of democracy globally in the 21st century.

Abstract: In a globalized and hegemonically organized international economy, the economic fundamentals and policy choices of the hegemon often have spillover effects for peripheral economies. This is a well-recognized dynamic of the contemporary political economy, but it was true during the first age of globalization as well. Motivated by literature examining the impact of the U.S. macroeconomic conditions on other economies throughout the international system, this article advances a systemic theory of financial crisis and applies it to the long nineteenth century, when British hegemony reigned. My main motivation is the earliest example of a systemic theory of financial crisis, Charles Kindleberger's Hegemonic Stability Theory. However, while Charles Kindleberger focused on the stability brought about by a hegemonically structured international economy, I emphasize the dynamics of volatility present in this type of system. I argue that a hierarchical distribution of economic activity in the international system means that the financial cycle of the most central country influences the financial conditions in peripheral countries that lead to financial crisis. Evidence from financial crises which occurred in the long nineteenth century supports this theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the similarities and differences that exist between the political approaches of Jacques Rancière and Ernesto Laclau, respectively. In particular, the areas analysed include their postulation of an antagonistic or conflictive figure at the centre of their political reflections, their understanding of the political as constitutive of social objectivity, and their conception of a political subject constituted through a co-implication between the particular and the universal. Throughout the theoretical itinerary proposed, special attention is paid to those aspects where there are discrepancies between their approaches. It is argued that by considering them together a solution may be provided to some of the problems identified in each of their approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1822 until 1852, the Duke of Wellington hosted an annual banquet to celebrate the allied victory at Waterloo. The dinners, despite only being open to the elite of the officer corps that fought at Waterloo, became one of the most recognizable and long-lasting remembrances of the battle in British society. This article first explores the banquets themselves, and then widens its scope to examine the attention, imitations, and criticism that surrounded them, and argues that the Banquet served a variety of purposes. For those who attended, it was a celebration of their military achievements, both past and present, allowing them to bask in the glory of 1815 in a publicly acceptable way. For the British Army as a whole it functioned as a grand celebration in miniature - a surrogate for national acclaim and a pinnacle event, from which all other Waterloo celebrations drew both pomp and legitimacy. For the nation, the Waterloo Banquet provided an anchor to that battle and the quarter-century of war that preceded it, a conflict which played a crucial role in the development of a national identity and served as the moral and rhetorical basis for British hegemony. Despite the attention Waterloo and the Napoleonic Wars have received, the Banquet remains a relatively unexplored phenomenon, and one that can provide insight into the British understandings of European victory, on political, military, and cultural levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite significant contributions made to progressive urban politics, contemporary debates on cities and social justice are in need of adequately capturing the local historical and sociopolitical processes of how people have come to perceive the concept of rights in their struggles against the hegemonic establishments. These limitations act as constraints on overcoming hegemony imposed by the ruling class on subordinate classes and restrict a contextual understanding of such concepts as the right to the city in non-Western contexts, undermining the potential to produce locally tuned alternative strategies to build progressive and just cities. In this regard, this article discusses the evolving nature of urban rights discourses that were produced by urban protesters fighting redevelopment and displacement, paying particular attention to the experiences in Seoul that epitomized speculative urban accumulation under the (neoliberalizing) developmental state. Method-wise, the article makes use of archival records (protesters' pamphlets and newsletters), photographs, and field research archives. The data are supplemented by the author's in-depth interviews with former and current housing activists. The article argues that the urban poor have the capacity to challenge the state repression and hegemony of the ruling class ideology; that the urban movements such as the evictees' struggles against redevelopment are to be placed in the broader contexts of social movements; that concepts such as the right to the city are to be understood against the rich history of place-specific evolution of urban rights discourses; and that cross-class alliance is key to sustaining urban movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]