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This paper introduces two new Greek inscriptions from Asarcık, the ancient name of which can now securely be acknowledged as Aloanda, in western Lycia. Inscription no.1 documents the foundation of a certain Pokomas, son of Ermedepimis, dating from the Hellenistic period. The nature of Pokomas’ foundation is not entirely clear as the text is not fully preserved, but we read in the remaining parts of the text inscribed on four sides of the block that every year 5 brabeutai shall be elected and handed over a certain amount of money. It can be assumed that these brabeutai were responsible for the organisation of annual sacrifices, from which Pokomas and after Pokomas’ death his descendants were to receive an honorary share, and feasts mentioned on Face C. It is possible that Pokomas’ foundation also included an agon as can be inferred from several hints in the text. Pokomas was apparently a prominent figure and benefactor at Aloanda, which is indicated by the proclamation in the potos that Pokomas is crowned by the demos of Aloandeans with a wreath of olive branch. This proclamation also indicates that Pokomas’ foundation had public benefit, and therefore, even though the scale or the context of the sacrificial festivities to be held under Pokomas’ foundation is not clarified in the preserved text, it is possible that these were public events. Yet, alongside this public benefit, Pokomas may explicitly have founded these events or rituals for the commemoration of himself and his family in eternity. Inscription no. 2 is the epitaph of a certain Trokondas, son of Apollonios, set up by his father, his wife and children, also dating from the Hellenistic period., Bu makale Lykia’da yer alan Asarcık’ta bulunmuş iki yeni Eski Yunanca yazıtı tanıtmaktadır. Söz konusu yazıtlar sayesinde Asarcık’ın antik dönemdeki adının Aloanda olduğu kesinlik kazanmıştır. 1 numaralı yazıtta, Ermedepimis oğlu Pokomas adında bir şahsın Hellenistik Dönem’de kurduğu bir vakıf kaydedilmiştir. Yazıt bütün olarak günümüze ulaşamamış olduğundan, Pokomas’ın vakfının içeriği net olarak anlaşılamamaktadır. Ancak yazıtın kalan kısımlarında, her yıl 5 adet brabeutes’in seçilmesi ve bunlara para aktarılması gerektiği yer almaktadır. Söz konusu brabeutes’lerin, C yüzünde bahsi geçen ve Pokomas’a, onun ölümünden sonra ise, Pokomas’ın soyundan gelen kimselere bu kurbanlardan onur payı verilecek olan kurban törenleri ve ziyafetlerden sorumlu oldukları düşünülebilir. Metindeki bazı ipuçları, Pokomas’ın vakfı kapsamında agon’ların da organize edildiği ihtimalini ortaya koymaktadır. Potos (içme şöleni) esnasında Aloanda halk meclisinin Pokomas’ı taçlandırdığı şeklinde duyuru yapılması, Pokomas’ın Aloanda’da önde gelen bir kişi ve bir hayırsever olduğuna işaret etmektedir. Bu duyuru, aynı zamanda, vakfın bir kamu yararı içerdiğine de işaret etmektedir. Dolayısıyla, vakıf kapsamında düzenlenen kurban törenleri ve ziyafetlerin çapı ve kapsamı metnin elimizde kalan kısımlarında açıklığa kavuşturulmasa da bunların halka açık etkinlikler olması olasıdır. Ancak bu kamu yararının yanı sıra, Pokomas’ın adı geçen ritüel ya da etkinlikleri kendinin ve ailesinin ölümlerinden sonra sonsuza kadar anılması amacıyla başlatmış olması da mümkündür. 2 numaralı yazıt, Apollonios oğlu Trokondas adlı bir şahsın anısı için, babası, eşi ve çocuklarının yaptırdığı mezar yazıtıdır. Yazıtların çevirileri şöyledir:Nr. 1: “... Her bir yıl için beş tane brabeutes [seçsinler] ve yukarıda yazıldığı şekilde parayı onlara devretsinler. Eğer (brabeutes’leri) seçmezler ya da (parayı) devretmezlerse, devretmedikleri miktarın 1,5 katı kadar borçlu olsunlar ve yukarıda yazıldığı şekilde kendilerine karşı cezai işlem uygulanarak, borçlu oldukları para onlardan tahsil edilsin.Tütsüyü yakarken içki şöleni esnasında şöyle ilan etsinler: “Aloandalıların halk meclisi Pokomas’ı zeytin dalından bir taçla taçlandırıyor”; eğer Aloanda’da hazır bulunuyor iseler, Pokomas’ın akrabalarından üç adamı ziyafete davet etsinler; Pokomas’a yaşadığı sürece kurban edilen hayvanlardan bir tane arka bacak (?) budu versinler; Pokomas öldükten sonra, (bunu) çocuklarına, ama her zaman daha büyük olana versinler; çocuklar da öldükten sonra, en yakın akrabalarına versinler. Brabeutes’ler, içki şöleni için kendilerine ayırmak üzere (?) her yıl on drakhme alsınlar. Savaş nedeniyle kurbanları belirlenen zamanda yerine getiremezlerse, [bir sonraki] yıl geçen yılın borçlu kalınan (kurbanını) da yukarıda yazıldığı üzere yerine getireceklerdir. Tüm [geliri] tamamen kurbanlara ve şölenlere harcasınlar; eğer herhangi bir miktar artarsa, onu başka hiçbir şeye değil, [bir sonraki şenliğe] ayırsınlar; eğer bu (kuralları) hiçe sayarlarsa, kurban törenini [gerçekleştirmezlerse] ve (Pokomas’ın) vasiyetindeki diğer işleri yapmazlarsa, Aloandalıların halk meclisine ceza olarak bin drakhme ödesinler ve [isteyen herkes] (cezanın) [yarısı/üçte biri ? oranında] (bir ödül karşılığında) onları dava etmeye yetkili olsun ... para ... [Po]komas’ın ... Po[kom]as ... eğer yok ederlerse, [Pokom]as ya da onun varisleri tarafından, (suçlulardan), (bunların) birinden, birden fazlasından veya hepsinden [ceza olarak borçlu oldukları para tahsil edilsin] ...”Nr. 2: “Apollonios oğlu, Aloandalı Apollonios, oğlu Trokondas için; Ermoas kızı Apa (?), eşi için; Trokondas’ın çocukları Mis ve Apollonios babaları Trokondas için (bu mezarı yaptırdılar).”

The concept of ‘liturgical year’ indicates a reference to the meaning of the measuring units of civil time, and especially to the cosmic entities that determine the general rhythm of time – the sun and the moon. Interestingly, the liturgical time depends both on the structure of civil time, and, on the two discrete systems of the solar and lunar cycles, which have always been underpinnings of time measuring. The special importance and influence that the cosmical rhythms exert on the entire human life are also felt in the structure and theology of the liturgical time, where it signals the attempt to merge and reconcile the cosmical solar and lunar cycles within the liturgical year. This leads to a unique theology, expressing the powerful synthesis of the variability of the lunar cycle compared to the structure of the solar year’s fixed dates. Contribution: This research reveals the unique orthodox perspective on both civil and liturgical time, expressing their profound theological meaning, as a conscious, permanent reflection upon the mysterious, yet real, presence of Christ in the divine services of the Church.

Este artículo propone un abordaje, desde la disciplina histórica, de las fiestas vinculadas a la actividad económica local que emergieron a partir de la década del sesenta en la provincia de Buenos Aires. Entendemos que un análisis de las mismas a través del tiempo, contribuye a echar luz sobre los cambios que vivenciaron las sociedades del interior rural bonaerense hacia fines del siglo XX. Para ello, haremos una aproximación a la primera década de celebración de la Fiesta Nacional del Ternero y Día de la Yerra, que se celebra en el partido de Ayacucho desde 1969. A través del análisis del programa oficial de festejos, buscamos dar cuenta de las continuidades y permanencias que se registraron en el evento durante sus primeros años de celebración, entendiendo que, pueden ser representativas de las transformaciones que afectaron a la sociedad que celebraba., This article proposes an approach, from the historical discipline, to the festivals linked to local economic activity that emerged from the sixties in the province of Buenos Aires. We understand that an analysis of them over time contributes to shedding light on the changes experienced by societies in rural Buenos Aires towards the end of the 20th century. To do this, we will make an approach to the first decade of celebration of the National Calf Festival and Yerra Day, which has been celebrated in the Ayacucho district since 1969. Through the analysis of the official festival program, we seek to account for the continuities and permanence that were registered in the event during its first years of celebration, understanding that they may be representative of the transformations that affected the society that was celebrating., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

В статье рассмотрен ительменский обрядовый праздник «Алхалалалай», который праздновался в селе Тигиль Тигильского района в 2019 г. Впервые его описал С. П. Крашенинников, исследователь Камчатки в XVIII в. Ительменский обряд был возрожден в конце XX в. и является официальным праздником Камчатского края с 2010 г. В селе Тигиль его отмечают в конце августа один раз в два года. Активное участие в проведении праздника принимают артисты фольклорного ительменского ансамбля «Эльвель». Основное внимание уделено разным видам обрядовых действий этого праздника, выявлены категории обрядовых предметов, жертвоприношений. Ительменский обряд не имеет религиозного значения, он способствует возрождению и сохранению культуры ительменов — немногочисленного этноса Камчатки., The paper examines the Itelmen ceremony feast of Alkhalalalay, which was celebrated in the village of Tigil, District of Tigil in 2019. For the fi rst time it was described by S. P. Krasheninnikov, the researcher of Kamchatka, in the 18th century. The Itelmen ceremony feast was revived at the end of the 20th century and it is an offi cial ceremony feast in Kamchatka Krai since 2010. It is celebrated in the village of Tigil at the end of August once in two years. The artists of the folk Itelmen ensemble “Elvel” participate actively in the feast celebration. Particular attention is paid to various kinds of ceremonial actions in the feast; the categories of some ritual objects are revealed. The Itelmen ceremony feast has no religious signifi cance. It promotes the revival and protection of the Itelmen culture of Kamchatka., Университетский научный журнал, Выпуск 53 2020

The ministers of the High Justice Court of Valladolid were absorbed in the sacred atmosphere of the ancien regime, sharing the same beliefs which were often very close to superstition, of the so-called evil «popular religiousness». However, as we show in this study which focuses on the 17th Century, the piety of the Chancellery was shown in various ways and had other connotations as well as the religious ones as such. Their own devotion, their participation in urban religious feasts and in the exequies of their members were also a suitable scene, in view of the role played by ceremonial and sacred eventes in that society, in order to strengthen its image and hence, that of the Monarchy.Los ministros del Alto Tribunal de Justicia vallisoletano se hallaban inmersos en el ambiente sacralizado del Antiguo Régimen, participando de las mismas creencias, muy a menudo cercanas a la superstición, de la mal llamada «religiosidad popular». Empero, como mostramos en este estudio centrado en el XVII, la piedad de la Chancillería se manifestaba de múltiples maneras y tenía otras connotaciones amén de las propiamente religiosas. Sus devociones particulares, su participación en las fiestas religiosas urbanas y en las exequias de sus miembros también eran un escenario idóneo, dado el papel del ceremonial y de lo sacro en aquella sociedad, para fortalecer su imagen y, por ende, la de la Monarquía.

Lorsque les premiers missionnaires jésuites arrivent à Luanda, en 1559, la région connaît de fortes tensions entre le roi du Congo, Diogo Ier, et le ngola qui souhaite s’émanciper de la tutelle congolaise. Francisco de Gouveia fit partie d’une ambassade portugaise composée d’un autre prêtre jésuite, de deux frères et du futur gouverneur de la colonie d’Angola, Paulo Dias de Novais. Les quatre missionnaires qui accompagnaient l’ambassadeur ont laissé des témoignages divers sur cet épisode des relations avec le ngola. António Mendes est l’un des deux frères et a laissé deux lettres. Celles-ci relatent de façon détaillée le banquet organisé par le ngola en 1559 pour la réception de l’ambassade portugaise. De l’emplacement des convives au partage commun de vin de palme, António Mendes fournit de précieuses informations sur l’histoire des festins royaux du Ndongo à la fin du xvie siècle. Je propose de dresser un tableau comparatif des deux documents, en dégageant les déformations et les inexactitudes qu’ils comportent. J’apporte dans un premier temps des éclaircissements sur les causes des contradictions qui ont lieu entre des documents écrits et destinés aux mêmes acteurs, à seulement quelques mois d’intervalle. Ce premier volet méthodologique permet de tirer des conclusions plus larges sur les savoirs fragmentaires qui caractérisent les sources coloniales de l’Angola ancien. Puis, à travers le croisement de ces documents avec des récits plus tardifs sur les habitudes alimentaires des Mbundu et des descriptions des banquets des ngola, je présente certaines caractéristiques des festins de cour des élites mbundu jusqu’à la conquête militaire définitive du Ndongo par les Portugais en 1671. When the first Jesuit missionaries arrived in Luanda in 1559 there was great conflict in the region between the king of Congo, Diogo-Ier, and the Ngola who sought emancipation from Congolese control. Francisco de Gouveia was part of a Portoguese embassy composed of another Jesuit priest, two brothers and the future governor of the colony of Angola, Paulo Dias de Novais. The four missionaries accompanied the ambassador and left diverse evidence of this episode of relations with the Ngola. António Mendes, one of the two brothers, left two letters. These provided a detailed description of the banquet organized by the Ngola in 1559 for the reception of the Portuguese ambassador. From the placement of the guests to the sharing of palm wine, António Mendes provided precious information on the history of the royal feasts of Ndongo at the end of the 16th century. In this article, I will present a comparative table of two documents, revealing their distortions and inaccuracies. I first shed light on the causes of contradictions between written documents sent to the same individuals only a few months apart. This first methodological exercise enables me to draw broader conclusions concerning the fragmentary knowledge associated with colonial sources in early Angola. Then, based on a comparison of these documents with later accounts of the dietary habits of the Mbundu and the description of the Ngola banquets, I present certain features of the feasts of the mbundu elite court until the definitive military conquest of the Ndongo by the Portuguese in 1671.

Le festin est un element central de l’exercice du pouvoir, utilise partout par les elites des societes dites complexes. Dans le Dahomey precolonial, aujourd’hui inclus dans la Republique du Benin, les fetes publiques organisees entre le xviie et le xixe siecle etaient au cœur des strategies mises en œuvre par le pouvoir royal pour etendre sa clientele. Des fouilles menees dans les zones privees des palais royaux dahomeens ont permis la mise au jour de differents assemblages fauniques et ceramiques qui peuvent etre interpretes pour certains comme des restes de repas festifs ritualises, et pour d’autres comme des restes de repas quotidiens ordinaires. Les festins laisseraient donc une « signature archeologique ». Dans le cas des palais dahomeens, les auteurs suggerent qu’une interpretation fine de ces assemblages archeologiques, a la lumiere de la documentation historique, met en evidence l’existence de fetes privees, qui sont autant de strategies politiques mises en œuvre dans les coulisses du pouvoir. Ils proposent, plus particulierement, une reflexion sur les strategies deployees par les epouses royales pour renforcer leur influence, durant des periodes de transition et d’incertitude politiques notamment.

Neste texto, objetivamos analisar a solidariedade constituída pelos trabalhadores de Macapá, nos momentos de prazer e diversão, entre os anos de 1944 e 1964. Argumentamos que esses momentos propiciaram à classe trabalhadora macapaense efêmeras experiências de emancipação das interdições impostas pelos precários meios de sobrevivência e pelas investidas moralizadoras do Estado e da Igreja. This article analyzes the solidarity built by Macapá's workers in their leisure time, between 1944 and 1964. We argue that such moments propitiated, to Macapá's working class, ephemeral emancipatory experiences from the limitations imposed by poverty and by State and the Church's moralizing campaigns.

Focus on the elite tables, following the (luxury) food chain and the networks of the eaters, and study the dramaturgy of commensal micro-politics in order to understand how soft power via feasts and gastronomy, distinction strategies and elite cultures functioned in Europe in the past five centuries (and continue to do so). All this is important in the study of the processes of convergence and divergence as well as trajectories of continuity in eras of rapid change. Actor-network analysis, performance studies and sensitized comparative historical research offer promising tools to demonstrate and explain the relationships between corporeal performances, conviviality and micro-political work, as well as macro-processes outside the black box of elite table culture. The reign of Louis XIV, the Napoleonic era (see Cambaceres, Talleyrand, Careme), or the gastronomy politics in present-day France provide eye-opening examples of yielding and wielding power via tables, discourses and food.

Politics depends on personal contacts. This is true in today’s world, and it was certainly true in early medieval states. Even in the Carolingian empire, the largest Western polity of the period, power depended on relations built on personal contacts. In an effort to nurture such necessary relationships, the sovereign moved with his court, within a network of important political “communication centres”; in the ninth century, the foremost among these were his palaces, along with certain cities and religious sanctuaries. And thus, in contemporaneous sources, the Latin term palatium often designates not merely a royal residence but the king’s entourage, through a metonymic displacement that shows the importance of palatial grounds in defining meeting spaces that were both physical and relational: coming to the palace, one could hope to see and hear the sovereign. This is why research on the movements of kings (Itinerarforschung) has been vital to recent historiography. It also justifies the considerable efforts invested in the study of palatial sites (Pfalzforschung), notably through archaeology. And it coheres with the central role of the concept of ‘proximity to the king’ (Königsnähe) in Carolingian political historiography.

Au Moyen Âge, le sucre était considéré comme un produit de luxe au même titre que les épices. Sa présence sur la table permettait de distinguer l’alimentation du riche de celle du pauvre. Parmi les moments les plus opportuns pour la consommation de ces produits de luxe figure le banquet. Ce terme est employé depuis le XIVe siècle, notamment en Italie : il banchetto désignait « un petit banc » sur lequel on s’asseyait dans un banquet. D’où le verbe banqueter, c’est-à-dire prendre part à un ban...

En el presente trabajo se plantea el desarrollo de rituales de comensalidad asociados al ritual funerario argárico. Las evidencias arqueológicas de estos rituales estarían relacionadas por una parte con la producción de un conjunto normalizado de vasijas cerámicas asociadas con la presentación y consumo de alimentos y bebidas, y en donde destacan sus propiedades visuales relacionadas con prácticas sociales de exhibición y escenificación. Por otra parte, la aparición de restos faunísticos en las sepulturas argáricas supone que, como parte de ritual, se procedió al sacrificio de bóvidos u ovicápridos, fundamentalmente en edades jóvenes de los que una parte, los extremos distales, fueron introducidos en las tumbas. El resto de la especie o especies sacrificadas, en un momento óptimo para su consumo, serían consumidas como parte de los rituales de comensalidad. El acceso socialmente diferenciado a estas prácticas comensales contribuiría a la creación de un sentido de comunidad al tiempo que se escenifican y naturalizan unas relaciones sociales claramente desiguales., In this paper we will explore the relationship between commensality and the funerary ritual of the Argaric culture. Evidences of feasting can be related to two main archaeological domains; firstly, the production of special ritual pottery vessels with a high degree of standardization linked to the presentation and consumption of food and drink. In these vessels the visual and display properties have been clearly emphasised, which probably means their performance in social practises based on display and dramatization. Secondly, the appearance of faunal remains, as part of the funerary ritual, implies the slaughter of cattle and ovicaprids mainly in young ages, the ideal moment to be consumed. The eating of these species would be part of ritual feasting, with the exception of the legs of these animals that were introduced in the burial as grave goods. The clearly differential social access to these commensal practices would involve not only the construction of a strong sense of community but principally the naturalization of unequal social relationship.

La Plaza de la Corredera, a lo largo de su historia, ha sido uno de los ejes principales y vertebradores del urbanismo y vida de Córdoba, centro de las actividades comerciales, lúdica y representativa, así como nexo de unión de los barrios de la ciudad. Tanto sus usos, como su configuración y aspecto, han ido evolucionando, desde su aparición como espacio abierto en los arrabales cercanos a la muralla de la Medina musulmana, en el siglo XII, hasta la actualidad. Su singularidad dentro de las Plazas Mayores barrocas andaluzas, e influencia en las españolas, hizo que en 1982 fuera declarada monumento histórico-artístico de carácter nacional.All along its history the Plaza de la Corredera has been one of the main axes of Cordoba’s life and urbanism, the centre of commercial activities, festive and representative, as well as a link for the other quarters of the city. Its uses, configuration and appearance have evolved from its origin as an open space in the suburbs near the Muslim Medina in the 11th century up to the present time. For its singularity as an Andalusian Baroque Plaza Mayor and its influence on other Spanish squares it was declared national historic-artistic monument in 1982.

Location: South aisle, 1st window from entry. Lead Investigator and Photgraph: C. Cody Barteet (cbarteet@uwo.ca). https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/y_williams_stainedglass_on_toronto_stolaves/1077/thumbnail.jpg

Inscription: To the GLORY of GOD and. Location: South aisle, 1st window from entry. Lead Investigator and Photgraph: C. Cody Barteet (cbarteet@uwo.ca). https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/y_williams_stainedglass_on_toronto_stolaves/1079/thumbnail.jpg

Location: South aisle, 1st window from entry. Lead Investigator and Photgraph: C. Cody Barteet (cbarteet@uwo.ca). https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/y_williams_stainedglass_on_toronto_stolaves/1078/thumbnail.jpg