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L’articolo propone una riflessione critica sul rischio di negazione sostanziale di diritti di cittadinanza a partire dalle forme di discriminazione nell’uso e fruizione dello spazio pubblico introdotte dalle crisi globali. La co-produzione di nuovi spazi alla micro-scala e alla scala di quartiere (a partire dagli spazi pubblici o semipubblici spesso privatizzati o sottoutilizzati) può divenire l’occasione per la generazione di nuovi luoghi di condivisione e socialità che rispondano alla richiesta di nuovi servizi e definiscano al contempo il profilo di una pratica urbanistica innovativa, fondata sul pieno riconoscimento del diritto alla città e sul patto istituzionicittadini This article proposes a critical reflection on the risk of substantial denial of citizenship rights starting from the forms of discrimination in the use and enjoyment of public space introduced by the global crises. The co-production of new spaces at the micro-scale and at the neighbourhood scale (starting from public or semipublic spaces that are often privatised or underused) can become an opportunity for the generation of new places for sharing and socialising that respond to the demand for new services and at the same time define the profile of an innovative urban planning practice, based on full recognition of the right to the city and the institutioncitizen pact.

Regeneration agendas and inbound tourism flows have long been considered a remedy for economic crisis. In port cities, a prominent role in urban regeneration is played by the waterfronts, which have been undergoing radical makeovers worldwide since the 1960s. The city of Cagliari stuck to the same recipe, promoting a series of regeneration initiatives and implementing a series of policies to boost the tourism sector. This study combines the use of primary and secondary sources and the analysis of qualitative and quantitative data to create a useful picture of both current reality and historical development of the city. It demonstrated that development strategies promoted in Cagliari, rather than balancing tourism promotion and local community needs, contributed to the amplification and acceleration of the touristification process. Therefore, many of the challenges posed by overtourism, dread in the literature, are today faced by Cagliari and its inhabitants. In addition, the study also identifies in the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic a unique opportunity to reverse the touristification process and to achieve a sustainable manner of tourism development. Therefore, it offers some policy recommendations to define principled urban regeneration models, alternatives which are able to achieve urban revitalization while avoiding touristification.

Sub-Saharan African cities have experienced remarkable transformations in their built environments over the past two decades. Ghana’s Accra-Tema City-Region (ATCR) is undergoing such a transformation in spaces produced to house the administrative, business, and military arms of colonialism. We map the production of the built environment of one such space, Cantonments, under two regimes of accumulation: colonial (including neocolonial) and globalization. We attempt to explain the production of the built environment of Cantonments under globalization by referring to two emerging frameworks: frontier urbanization and speculative urbanism. Based on these frameworks' futility, we offer an alternative explanation for the changing built environment of Cantonments. Our explanation is based on the interaction of a more footloose global capital and local agency, realizing an opportunity to profit. Ghana is still an exporter of ecologic and geologic resources to the core and semi-periphery, and a market for manufactured goods from these places. Transnational Corporations (TNCs) operating in the country are unwilling to provide housing for their expatriate and local senior employees because they have become footloose in their operations. Within the context of spatial policy, local capitalists have stepped in to meet the housing needs of TNCs thus continuing to produce Cantonments as a high-income residential enclave. In the process, the Ga ethnic group has been dispossessed of lands in Cantonments whereas local capitalists have accumulated wealth. We highlight the right to the city implications of our findings and conclude with the need to contextualize emerging theories in the context of local empirical evidence.

We highlight how the intentions of a government to improve services and transparency across a city, by providing an enhanced right to the city for the urban poor can be futile when political gatekeeping is not relinquished at the grassroots level and the poor are not mobilised and educated about their rights. A qualitative case study of poor informal settlements was conducted in Rajshahi Bangladesh, to investigate a greater right to the city as the result of a ‘citizens charter’ initiated by local government. This research focusses on the poorest of the poor, who are often overlooked in community-based research due to their inability to attract the support of NGOs and donors means they are particularly vulnerable to this system of urban patron-clientism. We find that attempts by the city government to improve services to the poorest of its citizens is hampered by entrenched patron client practices perpetuated by local political representatives of the city government acting as gatekeepers, blocking access to services for the urban poor.

The paper focuses on the transformation of the Angolan and Mozambican capital cities with regards to the neoliberal context, taking into account local socio-spatial legacies. Following the theoreti...

This paper aims to expand the current debate concerning the implementation of health-related innovations by employing the rights-based approach. Specifically, we address the challenges related to the implementation of technological and Nature-Based Solutions (NBS) from the right to the city perspective. As a result, we present a comprehensive Civil City Framework that involves the synergic use of ICT tools and participation models to mobilize grassroots potential for building healthier cities, while ensuring equity and respect for diverse needs. We explain the participatory and technological aspects of implementing and monitoring innovative NBS, involving data gathering through environmental sensors, personal wristbands, and smartphone apps. Finally, we highlight opportunities and challenges stemming from the use of health- and environment-monitoring technologies. To build such a vision one needs to reconceive the city as commons, enabling collective action of city residents and cooperation between different local stakeholders. This can be achieved by embedding a pentahelix approach of multi-governance in urban planning, based on a close interaction between five key stakeholders, including public authorities, industry and business sector, academia, civil society organizations, and individual citizens.

Resumen El artículo indaga sobre la producción científica en América Latina respecto a la garantía del derecho a la ciudad en fenómenos de aglomeración urbana. Para esto se problematizan tres conceptos principales: derecho a la ciudad, aglomeración urbana y gobierno urbano. Los resultados evidencian el poco abordaje teórico y empírico que se ha hecho del problema y cómo las ciudades se gobiernan, todavía, sin pensar más allá de los límites municipales. Se concluye que es necesario pensar la garantía del derecho en los fenómenos urbanos, incluyendo mayores grados de coordinación y cooperación entre las unidades municipales que conforman las aglomeraciones. Abstract The present article examines the Latin American scientific production about the right to the city concerning urban conurbations. For this purpose, the discussion has three conceptual approaches: the right to the city, the urban agglomeration, and the urban government. The results show the lack of theoretical and empirical researches about the topic and how the municipalities' governments still manage their issues without taking into consideration situations outside their borders. In conclusion, it is necessary to guarantee urban rights through the coordination and cooperation of municipal entities that create agglomerations. Resumo O artigo investiga a produção científica na América Latina sobre a garantia do direito à cidade nos fenômenos de aglomeração urbana. Para isso, três conceitos principais são problematizados: direito à cidade, aglomeração urbana e governo urbano. Os resultados mostram a pouca abordagem teórica e empírica que foi feita ao problema e como as cidades ainda são governadas sem pensar além dos limites municipais. Conclui-se que é necessário pensar na garantia do direito nos fenômenos urbanos, incluindo maiores graus de coordenação e cooperação entre as unidades municipais que compõem as aglomerações. Résumé L'article étudie la production scientifique en Amérique latine concernant la garantie du droit à la ville dans les agglomérations urbaines. Pour cela, trois concepts principaux sont discutés: le droit à la ville, l'agglomération urbaine et le gouvernement urbain. Les résultats montrent le manque d'approche théorique et empirique qui a été faite au problème et comment les villes sont encore gouvernées sans penser au-delà des limites municipales. Il est conclu qu'il est nécessaire de réfléchir à la garantie de la loi dans les phénomènes urbains, y compris de plus grands degrés de coordination et de coopération entre les unités municipales qui composent les agglomérations.

El presente texto pretende ser un cuestionamiento de la producción del espacio urbano en Lima Metropolitana en el siglo XXI, en medio de la crisis mundial que inició en marzo del 2020 a raíz de la propagación de la COVID-19. Pues hoy, más que nunca, el espacio urbano es la fuente para la acumulación de riquezas, así como la evidencia fehaciente de las injusticias sociales. Desde la perspectiva de la Teoría Urbana Crítica, se cuestiona la producción del espacio urbano en dos aspectos. En el aspecto teórico se analiza su importancia en el contexto económico global neoliberal. En el aspecto práctico, se analizan los factores y los agentes que moldean la producción de espacio urbano, contestando las interrogantes: ¿para quién se produce la ciudad? y ¿quién tiene derecho a la ciudad?

In the past few decades, the concept of “right to the city” has spread from Europe to other parts of the world, but this concept is still neglected in Iran. This study seeks to examine the situation of nine metropolises in Iran in terms of the realization of the right to the city. A combination of methods is used. GIS software was used as a tool to leveling the metropolises. LISREL was used to analyze the effects of criteria and indicators and the TOPSIS technique was used to rank metropolises. According to the analysis obtained by GIS, the criteria and indicators of the right to the city are not in a good condition in any of the metropolises of Iran. But the output of the LISREL model shows that criteria such as service, political, economic, and cultural are better than managerial and health criteria. Finally, the results of the TOPSIS technique showed that in the current situation, the metropolis of Tehran is in the first rank and the metropolis of Kermanshah is in the last rank.

The urbanisation of poverty has seen ballooning livelihoods of the poor in contemporary cities as shown by proliferation of urban informality. These livelihoods are mushrooming against a background of repressive city regulatory frameworks that are aimed to stunt the development of urban informality. These repressive regulations have been denying the urban informality their right to the city. However, urban informality in the city of Masvingo has been growing despite these restrictive regulatory frameworks. The study examined how urban informality in the city of Masvingo has been asserting their right to the city in a city that has very hostile regulatory framework. The study utilised a qualitative approach to the inquiry, where in-depth interviews and field observations were employed. The study found out that the city of Masvingo has several instruments that are disenfranchising urban informality of their right to the city. These have been employed to remove informal traders from the city centre. However informal traders are also fighting from various fronts to assert their right to the city. They make use of political influence, employ militant ways, organise themselves into groups for taking over underutilized spaces in the city. The research therefore recommends that the city of Masvingo should employ pro-poor and inclusive urban development policies that should see the integration of urban informality in their mainstream economy. This should result in participation of informal traders in the development of the city and allow them to enjoy right to the city. This study will contribute to the growing scholarly work on the informal urbanism, especially the various ways they are using to assert their right to the city. Urban informality is known in many cities of the global South, for their exclusion in development cities, but this study is showing how informal traders are asserting their right to the city.

Portuguese-speaking African countries, namely Angola and Mozambique, faced important political-economic and social transformations after their liberations in 1975. Given the geopolitical context of...

The right to the city represents a critique of the city as a place and an object of capitalist accumulation, in which priority is given to exchange value over use value. This critique references an ongoing and collective struggle for urban production to be radically democratic, as the expanded participation of city users would lead to appropriation, with social movements occupying a central role. This paper discusses the practices of urban social movements that cooperate with governmental institutions participating in and influencing the design and implementation of public policies. We focus on the possibilities of transformation towards the right to the city as well as the conflicts and contradictions that social movements face when partnering with the State. We carry out an in-depth investigation of two social movements involved in building housing units in Brazil as part of a federal government programme. By conceptually translating the right to the city into the economies of worth, we propose an original theoretical approach. Our study contributes to advance the understanding of the role of social movements that collaborate with governments without abandoning the goal of struggling for the right to the city. We add a pragmatic perspective to the radical conception of the right to the city by showing how different logics of action enable or hinder the possibility of the right to the city horizon. We propose that the prominence of the civic common world might transform operational processes mainly through self-management.

Insbesondere in Städten werden Gesundheitsungleichheiten individuell verkörpert. Gleichzeitig werden sie in Recht-auf-Stadt-Kämpfen kollektiv adressiert. Dennoch bleibt das Verhältnis zwischen Gesundheit und Ungleichheit in der Kritischen Stadtgeographie unterrepräsentiert. Wie genau werden Machtverhältnisse in Form von Gesundheit und Krankheit konkret und ortsspezifisch ungleich verkörpert und mit welcher Raumwirksamkeit? Mithilfe eines relationalen Gesundheitsverständnisses fragen wir, wie Machtverhältnisse – vermittelt über Gesellschaftsstrukturen und (politisch konstruierte) Umwelten – krank machen. Urbane Gesundheitsinitiativen verfolgen vielfältige räumliche Strategien zur Sichtbarmachung und Bearbeitung krank machender Verhältnisse. Mithilfe des Konzepts Worlding tragen wir das verstreut vorliegende Wissen dieser Initiativen bezogen auf Stadtteilgesundheit, Frauen- und migrantische Gesundheit zum Einfluss bioökosozialer Verhältnisse auf Gesundheit zusammen. Wir diskutieren die Raumrelevanz für die Hervorbringung von Krankheit und die kollektive Repolitisierung von Gesundheit auf Stadtteilebene. Damit tragen wir zu einer Kritischen Stadtgeographie verkörperter Ungleichheiten bei, die zeigt, wie Machtverhältnisse sich in Form von Krankheit und Gesundheit in Körper einschreiben., Finanziert durch den Open-Access-Publikationsfonds der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster (WWU Münster).

This paper addresses the experience of revanchist urban transition among street-based sex workers—male, female and transgender individuals—in Bangalore city in India, over the last two decades. Whi...

This paper focuses on how residents of public housing in Hawaiʻi view residents from Micronesia, a geographic region of Oceania. Drawing on in-depth interviews with an ethnically diverse sample, we...

Ethnographic research on the formation of new political subjects in the peripheries of São Paulo in a context of progressive governments and intense economic and social change suggests that cultural groups and especially poetry recitals play a fundamental role in a cultural struggle to articulate the valuation of a more communal way of life and a peripheral identity. In addition to contributing to the emergence of new public issues in the outskirts of São Paulo, the recitals have become known as venues for political formation in opposition to or in addition to more established spaces such as nongovernmental organizations, political parties, and the state itself. Pesquisas etnográficas sobre a formação de novos sujeitos políticos nas periferias de São Paulo, em um contexto de governos progressistas e intensa mudança econômica e social, sugerem que grupos culturais e, especialmente, saraus de poesia desempenham papel fundamental na luta cultural para articular a valorização de uma sociedade com mais estilo de vida comunitária e uma identidade periférica. Além de contribuir para o surgimento de novas questões públicas nos arredores de São Paulo, os saraus ficaram conhecidos como locais de formação política de oposição contra, ou além de, espaços mais estabelecidos, como organizações não-governamentais, partidos políticos e o próprio Estado.

A phenomenological research design guided the study that documented the daily lives of citizens living in emerging settlements. Hopley Farm Settlement in Harare, Zimbabwe, was used as a point of reference. The study argued that emerging settlements are neglected spaces in which residents improvise in their daily life activities to enhance the livability of the settlements. The theory of desperation, which puts into perspective issues of spatial (in) justice, exclusion, power, and oppression, formed the theoretical foundation of the study. Findings spotlight some of the dilemmas experienced by residents living in emerging settlements. These citizens experience multiple shocks and stresses, which include lack of basic services, disconnection from formal services and the urban core, political exclusion, and violation of their human rights. In this regard, households engage in various activities that fall between resilience and desperation as they try to navigate their way in claiming the right to the city. The study recommends politicians and the government to put aside political differences and consider the welfare of the people instead of advancing political agendas.

The aim of this paper is to outline a way in which research can contribute to the advance of environmental social movements. Current struggles under capitalism are fragmented and localized, which means that creating unity out of fragmented struggles is essential for movements to become more successful. The Right to the City (RTC) as a concept, in its most radical formulation, has this ambition at its core. I examine various attempts from the RTC literature to promote unity, paying particular attention to the use of ideas of justice. In general these attempts are too abstract to be of practical use to existing movements. They do provide useful insight to researchers, by showing the necessity of paying attention to the context that particular movements operate in, but means of formulating advice for movement activists remain vague. I argue that to be more useful to movements, research should and can have something to say about the practical issues movements face, such as, how demands are framed and how to engage with other organizations. I argue that this can be done by bringing together analysis at a number of levels. In the case of movements of labor for the environment, Marxist geographic structural analysis can be combined with political and cultural analysis based on Gramsci’s theory of hegemony and analysis of the dynamics of movement emergence and advance using social movement theory. I argue that such a framework can connect a vision for radical change with the more immediate problems of organizing social movements.

Rights-based urban social movements have proliferated since the mid-1970s, but our understanding of their real impacts remains insufficient. Using the housing movements in Sao Paulo as an example, ...

West Ridge in Accra, Ghana, a residential enclave for colonial administrators is being produced again to serve as the financial center of the country. The area is identified after one building: Wor...

Le but de cet article est d’examiner l’influence des marqueurs d’identité et de leurs intersections sur l’expérience résidentielle des familles de nouveaux arrivants francophones à Ottawa-Gatineau, agglomération bilingue et seule région métropolitaine de recensement au Canada divisée par une frontière interprovinciale. En effet, si ces familles comptent parmi les ménages les plus vulnérables en matière de logement dans la région de la capitale nationale, les différences entre les trajectoires résidentielles au sein du même groupe nous poussent à explorer les combinaisons uniques qui se produisent et qui varient en fonction du contexte géographique et temporel. Une attention particulière sera accordée au rôle de l’espace et à l’action d’autres facteurs que la classe, le genre, le sexe, ou la race dans ces combinaisons. À travers une approche de géographie féministe intersectionnelle, cette étude exploratoire est appuyée sur des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés avec des intervenants communautaires, ainsi qu’avec des familles immigrantes francophones, dans les deux municipalités., The aim of this paper is to examine the role of identity markers and their intersections in the residential experiences of Francophone newcomer families in Ottawa-Gatineau, a bilingual city and the only census metropolitan area in Canada divided by an interprovincial border. While these families are among the most vulnerable households in the National Capital Region, the differences in residential trajectories within the same group led us to explore the unique combinations of identity markers that occur and vary depending on the geographical and temporal context. Attention will be paid to the influence of space in these combinations and to identifying markers other than class, gender and race. Taking an intersectional feminist approach, this exploratory study relied on qualitative methods, specifically semi-structured interviews with government and community sector representatives, as well as with Francophone immigrant families in both municipalities., En este artículo examinamos la influencia de los señaladores de identidad y de sus confluencias sobre la experiencia residencial de familias francófonas recién llegadas a Ottawa – Gatineau, aglomeración bilingüe y única región metropolitana (empadronamiento canadiense), dividida por una frontera inter-provincial. Efectivamente, si esas familias figuran entre los hogares más frágiles cuanto al alojamiento en la región de la capital nacional, las diferencias entre las trayectorias residenciales del mismo grupo, nos hacen explorar las combinaciones particulares que varían según el contexto geográfico y temporal. Se tomaran particularmente en cuanta el rol del espacio y de los factores como el género, el sexo o la raza, en acuerdo a sus combinaciones. Según el enfoque de la Geografía feminista interseccional, esta exploración se basa en entrevistas semidirigidas con trabajadores sociales comunitarios y con familias inmigrantes francófonas, en las dos municipalidades.

Housing is one of the defining social policy issues of our time. There is growing recognition that the housing market is failing and causing widespread damage, but alternatives struggle against dee...

The last decade has seen the rise of a new alliance among U.S. housing advocates, human rights advocates, and right to the city advocates that stands unified in opposition to rising rents, gentrifi...

Recent critical scholarship regarding the right to the city suggests that the concept inadequately addresses the function of rights within urban socio-legal processes. This paper draws from various...

Este artigo discute as influências da ideologia positivista no planejamento urbano e suas consequências sobre o movimento da reforma urbana que, desde a redemocratização do Brasil, defende a bandeira do direito à cidade. Entendendo o positivismo como ideologia da ordem burguesa, profundamente enraizada no Estado moderno brasileiro, este texto acompanha sua interiorização pela burocracia estatal na década de 1930, a posterior absorção pelos planejadores urbanos desenvolvimentistas nos anos 1950 e 1960 e a captura das estratégias da Frente Nacional da Reforma Urbana em luta por cidades mais justas no país. Vinculado à gestão do Partido dos Trabalhadores, a institucionalização de procedimentos participativos e negociações oficiais tornam-se vias prioritárias para alcançar uma difusa e abstrata função social da cidade, distanciando o Movimento das lutas populares e impossibilitando-o de alcançar autonomia política. Incapaz de reagir à política de conciliação, submete suas bandeiras ao desenvolvimento capitalista, agravando desigualdades socioespaciais e contribuindo para a crise das cidades, contexto que leva a luta urbana ao impasse e exige reflexão e autocrítica.

Resumen Existen reflexiones importantes que abordan el derecho a la ciudad en términos conceptuales, con pocas lecturas espaciales y generalmente centradas en espacios formalmente reconocidos como urbanos. El presente trabajo expone la construcción de una metodología que interpreta espacialmente el derecho a la ciudad comparando la situación del área urbana de la ciudad de Cuenca, Ecuador, con su conurbación. Se concluye que el análisis espacial permite determinar aquellos componentes de la estructura urbana que requieren atención particular en un proceso de intervención en la ciudad, con miras al cumplimiento de los derechos de la población. Abstract There are important reflections addressing the right to the city is mostly conceptual terms, with few spatial readings and generally focused on spaces formally recognized as urban. This work shows the construction of a methodology for the spatial interpretation of the right to the city by comparing in Cuenca, Ecuador the situation between the urban area and its nearby conurbation. It is concluded that the spatial analysis allows determining those components of the urban structure that require particular attention in a process of intervention in the city to fulfill the rights of the population. Resumo Existem reflexões importantes que abordam o direito à cidade em termos principalmente conceituais, com poucas leituras especiais e geralmente focadas em espaços formalmente reconhecidos como urbanos. O presente trabalho expõe a construção de uma metodologia que interpreta espacialmente o direito à cidade, comparando em Cuenca, Equador a situação entre a área urbana e sua vizinhança. Conclui-se que a análise espacial permite determinar os componentes da estrutura urbana que requerem atenção particular em um processo de intervenção na cidade, a fim de cumprir os direitos da população. Résumé Ils existent des importantes réflexions qui parlent du droit à la ville en termes surtout conceptuelles, avec quelques lectures spatiales et généralement centrés en espaces formellement reconnue comme urbains. Cette thèse expose la construction d'une méthodologie qu'interprété spatialement le droit à la ville en comparant dans Cuenca, Equateur situation entre l'area urbain et sa conurbation à proximité. Il est conclu que cette analyse spatiale permet de déterminer ceux components de la structure urbain qu'exigent attention particulière dans un processus d'intervention en la ville en vue de l'accomplissement des droits du peuple.

Resumo O direito à cidade se manifesta como forma superior de direitos na participação e apropriação dos espaços urbanos. No presente texto, argumentamos que a população negra, tanto homens como mulheres, enquanto indivíduos e coletividade com uma cidadania mutilada, manifesta desvantagens cumulativas que a impede de exercer uma cidadania plena e disputar a cidade. Tal situação não aparece como fatalismo, uma vez que a resistência do povo negro é amplamente discutida na literatura de movimentos sociais. O objetivo deste artigo é propor desdobramentos entre o direito à cidade de Henri Lefebvre e a questão racial. Para tanto, apresentamos tópicos em que tratamos de direito à cidade e utopia, raça e interseccionalidade no contexto brasileiro e racialização do direito à cidade no Brasil. Concluímos que considerar a dimensão de raça, e sua intersecção com classe e gênero, no direito à cidade é espacializar a questão racial, uma vez que contemplar uma cidade lida a partir do viés racial apresenta não apenas relevância do ponto de vista acadêmico, mas enquanto exercício de desvelamento de realidades opressoras e parte do próprio contraespaço que é o direito à cidade. Abstract The right to the city manifests itself as a superior form of rights in the participation and appropriation of urban spaces. In the present text, we argue that the black population, as individuals and collectives with mutilated citizenship, manifests cumulative disadvantages that prevent them from exercising full citizenship and disputing the city. This situation does not appear as fatalism, since the resistance of black people is widely discussed in the literature of social movements. The objective of this article is to propose developments between Henri Lefebvre's right to the city and the racial issue. To this end, we present topics dealing with race and segregation, right to the city and utopia, and racialization of the right to the city. We conclude that to consider the dimension of race in the right to the city is to spatialize the racial issue, since to contemplate a city read from a racial perspective is not only relevant from an academic point of view, but also as an exercise in unveiling oppressive realities and as part of the very counter-space that is the right to the city.

Nelle città contemporanee aumentano spazi abbandonati e in disuso che spesso trovano nuova vita nelle azioni dal basso. Il contributo si concentra sul tema del riuso informale dei vuoti della città come strumento di sviluppo sociale e urbano, aprendo una riflessione sul ruolo dell'azione spontanea dei cittadini nelle logiche formali della città. Le pratiche urbane informali di riuso possono attivare processi di ricomposizione semantica e ri-territorializzazione in risposta all'odierna frammentazione socio-spaziale. Esse si connettono alle finalità dei processi di rigenerazione urbana e richiamano l'idea di un progetto collettivo per la città. Il contributo analizza il caso del riuso informale di Porto Fluviale a Roma.

Resumo A luta pela terra e a permanência no território é um dos temas mais acirrados na atualidade, potencializado pelo contexto pandêmico, com crescentes flagrantes de violações dos direitos humanos. O presente artigo visa refletir acerca do processo de remoção forçada em Salvador/BA, fundamentado no discurso e conceito sobre a informalidade urbana, e da resistência das comunidades, mediante a construção coletiva da matriz de reparação dos danos materiais e imateriais. O texto fundamenta-se, principalmente, nas abordagens teóricas de Jacques (2001), Rolnik (2015) e Zibechi (2015) acerca dos territórios populares, que ultrapassam a noção de precariedade e constituem-se em espaços plenos de sentido. A metodologia qualitativa fundamenta-se na pesquisa-ação, com a participação de representantes das comunidades, entendidos como sujeitos conscientes da dimensão política da realidade na qual estão inseridos. Como resultados, destacam-se o entendimento da violação dos direitos praticados pelo estado, a valoração dos danos materiais e a identificação dos danos imateriais, dando subsídios aos órgãos de justiça às ações de revisão dos valores de indenização. O trabalho contribui para potencializar a denúncia e dar visibilidade às violações de direitos humanos, bem como para a construção de novos modelos de gestão das cidades, em respeito aos direitos humanos e à moradia digna. Abstract The struggle for land and permanence in the territory is one of the most heated issues today, enhanced by the pandemic context, with increasing flagrant violations of human rights. This work aims to reflect on the forced eviction proceeding in Salvador/BA, based on the discourse and concept of urban informality, and on the resistance of communities, through the collective construction of the matrix for repairing material and immaterial damage. The text is mainly based on the theoretical approaches of Jacques (2001), Rolnik (2015) and Zibechi (2015) about popular territories, which go beyond the notion of precariousness and constitute spaces full of meaning. The qualitative methodology is based on an action-research with the participation of the communities representatives affected, understood as subjects aware of the political importance of the reality they are inserted. As a result, it is highlighted the understanding of the violation of rights practiced by the state, the valuation of material damages and the identification of immaterial damages, providing subsidies to the justice agencies for actions to review the compensation values. Thus, this work contributes to enhancing the denunciation and giving visibility to human rights violations, as well as to the construction of new management models for cities, with respect for human rights and decent housing.

Contains fulltext : 249461.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) In 1967, Henri Lefebvre developed the Right to the City (RTC) as 'a cry and demand' for 'a transformed and renewed right to urban life'. In Brazil, the RTC was institutionalised in the City Statute in 2001. We examine the trajectory of the RTC in Recife, Brazil, through the lens of Alain Badiou's set-theoretical ontology of inconsistency, which argues that there is a fundamental disjunction between belonging and inclusion. The articulation between belonging and inclusion produces four different arenas of power and categories of being in the city that we develop as a heuristic framework for analysing the trajectory of participation in Recife, where the struggle for the RTC resulted in a system of popular participation. This system operated under the precept that 'everyone who lives and works here belongs here', in opposition to urban capital's drive to include everything and everyone in the market. However, the RTC was captured within a discourse of participation and inclusivity (what we denominate the 'RTC for All') becoming an element in a post-political fantasy, resulting in the decay of popular participation. Nevertheless, we argue that the emancipatory and revolutionary potentiality of the RTC, as advocated by Lefebvre, remains powerful as long as the disjuncture between people’s desire for belonging and capital’s drive for inclusion is foregrounded. 21 p.

This is a collection of grassroots perspectives on urban politics in Salvador, Brazil and London, UK. Specifically, the work aims to explore to what extent concepts such as the ‘right to the city’ ...

Facing increased rural-urban migration, population growth, climate change impacts, and cascading natural, security, and health hazards, many municipalities in sub-Saharan Africa are beginning to consider the benefits of urban green infrastructure for improving the resilience and wellbeing of residents living in informal settlements. However, present governance systems are often ill-equipped to deliver the scale of planning needed. Integration of urban green infrastructure into local government mandates, spatial planning and targeted action plans remains limited, further inhibited by scarce empirical research on the topic in Africa. Taking Windhoek, Namibia, and specifically Moses ǁGaroëb, Samora Machel, and Tobias Hainyeko constituencies as a case study, we fitted key informant interview (n = 23), focus group (n = 20), and participant observation data into existing governance theory to investigate (a) benefits and trade-offs of present urban green infrastructure in Windhoek’s informal settlements, (b) urban green infrastructure governance in terms of institutional frameworks, actors and coalitions, resources, and processes, and (c) the key desirable pathways for future urban green infrastructure governance in informal settlements. To this end, we used five green infrastructure initiatives to dissect governance intricacies and found diverse opportunities for innovative governance mechanisms. The urgent need for climate resilience in Namibia offers a policy and practice window to adopt context-specific approaches for multifunctional urban green infrastructure. However, for these initiatives to succeed, collaborative governance platforms and clearly delineated mandates are necessary, with explicit integration of urban green infrastructure into strategies for in-situ informal settlements upgrading and green job growth.

Against the backdrop of multiple ongoing crises in European cities related to socio-spatial injustice, inequality and exclusion, we argue for a smart right to the city. There is an urgent need for a thorough account of the entrepreneurial mode of technocapitalist smart urbanism. While much of both affirmative and critical research on Smart City developments equate or even reduce smartness to digital infrastructures, we put actual smartness—in the sense of social justice and sustainability—at centre stage. This paper builds on a fundamental structural critique of (1) the entrepreneurial city (Harvey) and (2) the capitalist city (Lefebvre). Drawing upon Lefebvre’s right to the city as a normative framework, we use Smart City developments in the city of Graz as an illustration of our argument. Considering strategies of waste and mobility management, we reflect on how they operate as spatial and technical fixes—fixing the limits of capitalism’s growth. By serving specific corporate interests, these technocapitalist strategies yet fail to address the underlying structural causes of pressing urban problems and increasing inequalities. With Lefebvre’s ongoing relevant argument for the importance of use value of urban infrastructures as well as his claim that appropriation and participation are essential, we discuss common rights to the city: His framework allows us to envision sustainable and just—actually smart—alternatives: alternatives to technocapitalist entrepreneurial urbanisation. In this respect, a smart right to the city is oriented towards the everyday needs of all inhabitants.

En este artículo se desarrolla un abordaje de las disputas en torno al “derecho a la ciudad” que en los últimos años protagonizan bolivianos/as asentados/as en La Plata, en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires en la Argentina. A partir de analizar sus características y de reconocer las condiciones sociales y políticas que las posibilitaron, se presenta una reflexión crítica sobre la conceptualización de las “luchas migrantes” desarrollada por algunos/as exponentes de la Autonomía de las Migraciones buscando ampliar y complejizar su lectura. En contraposición a lo planteado por esta perspectiva, concluimos que los conflictos estudiados no se emprenden contra el régimen de nacionalidad-ciudadanía cuestionando su existencia y que se desarrollan imbricados con los mecanismos y técnicas de control estatales. Es decir, cuando los/as migrantes pueden acceder a la regularidad y a documentación en sus contextos de asentamiento, se valen de los capitales y posiciones que les habilita el marco institucional para disputar el lugar de los extranjeros/as en la nación y ampliar sus derechos y/o su efectivización.

The neighbourhood forums in Ankara began to convene during the Gezi protests in 2013 and lasted about three years. The activities of Ankara Gezi forums are urban commoning practices in terms of a new set of demands and methods. This paper conceptualises urban commoning practices as method, content, and demand. This framework offers an understanding of urban commoning that is not based on monetary transaction, but focuses on seeing commoning as a social process. Commoning is not ahistorical, rather it is engaged with the historical political potential of urban spaces. Commoning as method discusses organising in commons, commoning as content focuses on the form and meaning of political action, and commoning as demand emphasises the discursive use of right to the city. The case selection of this research enables us to reflect on how urban commoning is experienced in a city under less financial investment pressure, but at the centre of national-level politics.

La mitología clásica y el orden ritual griegos recogen de manera recurrente el episodio en que Dionisos, como dios viajero o exiliado, regresa a la ciudad para inocular en ella la fuerza creativa de la vida desatada. Eurípides recoge ese tema en Las bacantes, la tragedia en que la divinidad del delirio y la embriaguez vuelve a Tebas para demostrar la fragilidad del orden que parece reinar en la polis. Esta imagen de Dionisos como dios venidero reaparece en el primer Romanticismo como encarnación divina de la promesa de superación de la racionalidad ilustrada, entendida entonces como asesina de dioses y mitos. De ahí surge parte la vindicación que Nietzsche hace de Baco para su desenmascaramiento del logos moderno y su papel en la nueva organización urbana, contemplada como desastre y promesa. Es esa misma vindicación de Dionisos la que vemos reaparecer en el siglo XX de la mano de Henri Lefebvre y su crítica a la reapropiación capitalista de las ciudades, al describir lo urbano como actualización del desafío liberador del dios. Con ello se pone de manifiesto la no siempre subrayada presencia activa de Nietzsche también en los trabajos de temática espacial del autor de El derecho a la ciudad.

In contemporary neoliberal regimes, urban disaster governance typically emphasises resilience of cities and their inhabitants. Marginalised urban people, most vulnerable to disasters, are thereby e...

In this paper, we argue that it is generative to link struggles around access to, control over, and the transformation of urban energy systems to the imaginary of the right to the city; and we explore the conceptual, empirical and political contributions of this connection. Our paper starts with two main questions: (1) what do we learn from reading attempts to reclaim urban energy systems from a right to the city perspective? (2) What can this analysis add to debates around the right to the city? We make two main arguments from our empirical engagements with initiatives seeking to remunicipalise urban energy systems in Berlin and London, each of which is premised upon calls for more just, democratic and ecologically sustainable forms of energy supply. First, we argue that these struggles need to transcend concerns around energy infrastructure to raise broader questions around the democratisation of urban space. Second, we contend that appropriating long-lasting urban infrastructure requires the creation of new and durable forms of democratic institutions, providing insights into the notion of self-management (autogestion) beyond more spontaneous and fleeting forms of protest and uprising addressed in much of right to the city literature. Overall, the paper hopes to put the question of autogestion and related strategies at the centre of conversations around right to the city moving forward.

Purpose This paper aims to present a critical analysis of placemaking by the urban poor based on the Right to the City, Henri Lefebvre’s influential theory regarding the production of space and placemaking. Design/methodology/approach This study reflects Lefebvre’s production of space and the right to the city theories and containing three main pillars including holism, the urban and praxis, and the use of spatial dialectics. Also, for collecting information in this research, along with scrutiny of documents and books, residents of the poor settlements of Sanandaj have also been interviewed. Findings In Sanandaj, urban poor who lack formal housing reclaim the Right to City by creating informal settlements. Such settlements, such as Shohada, Baharmast and Tagh Taghan, cover 23% of the city’s area but house 69% of the urban population. Originality/value This research seeks to understand placemaking in urban slums by low-income inhabitants using Henry Lefebvre’s critical theory of social production of space and the Right to the City. This case study examines the city of Sanandaj, Iran, where most residents are poor and live in cooperative informal settlements. It illustrates how the urban poor, as marginalized inhabitants, overcome the constraints of conventional planning and property ownership to creatively and cooperatively develop communities that reflect their needs. This indicates a schism between formal and informal sectors.

Research on contemporary urban movements analyse how young people assert their right to the city by using street protests and occupations to physically reclaim urban space. Through an ethnographic ...