Search

The article examines vampires as "outsiders" using critical theorist Michel Foucault's concepts of biopolitics and governmentality to analyze their portrayal in over 30 Anglophone films. Topics include the vampire's relationship with history, the regulation of behavior within governance, and the role of screenwriting practices in shaping the genre.

The article continues a debate on the ecological paradigm shift and its impact on art and art history. It explores the concept of Environmentality, a biopolitical governance model that regulates relational milieus of both human and nonhuman entities, as introduced by Michel Foucault and expanded by Thomas Lemke. Florian Sprenger emphasizes the importance of historicizing the concept of circulation in biopolitics, which manages bodies, populations, and environments.

This paper traces the meaning of technology in Arendt and Foucault's work, their historical analyses of technology, and the way that their notions of technology's role in modernity influence their historical methods. I argue that whilst the two political thinkers approach the idea of technology from different perspectives, there is also substantial overlap in the way that they conceive of technology – often critically – as a wide-ranging set of practices of power interlocked with particular modes of knowledge. This helps to properly situate some aspects of their work that converge, for instance their analyses of what Foucault calls 'biopolitics'. But their different conceptions of the historical character of technology, and its relationship to modernity, also create divergence: their concepts of 'technology' suggest different ways of thinking through the nature of historical continuity and discontinuity and the degree of access that we have to meaningful histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper critiques recent developments in educational discourse through an analysis of two UK Government White Papers and three specific problems. We argue that the latter herald forms of 'biocreep'. Echoing the analysis of such phenomena in the work of Michel Foucault, this gradual extension of 'biopolitics' into the field of education is a tendency which has accelerated with the Coronavirus pandemic and raises many questions for policy analysis. First, we show how the White Papers' approach to life and its related assumptions embody an attempt to further entrench the techniques of biopolitical population management in secondary and further education settings. Second, our analysis of the two Papers shows not just a deepening discursive shift towards ways of instrumentalising educational processes, but also identifies a triple problem of political assemblage: primo, this shift relies on the assemblage of a 'problematic subject'; secondo, it simultaneously assembles the problem of value extraction; and tertio, it obscures the problem of desire or unruliness of the assemblages created. Just as discursive practices of instrumentation, administration and evacuation try to manage these assemblages, they remain unable to contain the three problems they enshrine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text constitutes a reflection from Michel Foucault’s notion of biopolitics, beginning from the genealogical writings of the author in which he raises the development of social medicine and society’s medicalization processes to make a contrast with the social and political situation caused by the Covid-19 pandemic worldwide. The aim of the writing is to propose a critical look at the biopower exercise which is justified from fear and what it causes as a social teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By looking at colonization at white responses to Black population increase in the US, this essay argues that exile and other biopolitical mechanisms undo the logic of security by showing how the search for safety itself generates and amplifies insecurity. Framed against contemporary meditations on exile, the essay examines how whites presented the deportation of US Blacks to Liberia as a solution to a national security crisis. In response, Black activists and writers such as James Forten and Russell Parrott demonstrated how white concerns created insecurity among the US Black population. To offset the vulnerability of exile that other colonizationists mandated for Black people, the use of racial arithmetic in Freedom's Journal , the first African American newspaper, and by David Walker shows that security for Blacks can be achieved, at least rhetorically, by mobilizing biopower and exploiting arithmetical ratios of Blacks to whites. In a twist, however, the editor of Freedom's Journal , John Russwurm, emigrated to West Africa to publish the Liberia Herald whose columns reveal how in the exile's safe haven racial differences upheld by the US continued to have meaning. In exile, security and insecurity remained twined about each other in cycles of violence. Extermination is population security at its most absolute.... if the problem of security is the population's ceaseless potential for being born, reproducing, and dying, then, exile and colonization serve as technologies for radically altering the polity in the name of national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Michel Foucault’s concepts of state racism and biopower, the author of the 26th Delphine Hanna Lecture presents several claims: (a) that the idea of the illegitimate outsider in Western world governments like the United States has largely been influenced by ancient Greek ideals, (b) that a host of policies and intentional actions by power brokers create derision and hierarchies between “old” and “new” immigrant groups, and (c) neoliberal ideology couched in actions that aim “to protect the state” is nothing more than a recoding of traditional racist rhetoric that expands systemic racism. The author identifies the capabilities approach, asset based community development, and framing movement and physical activity as issues of justice as critical strategies to ensure equal rights for all. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

From a feminist literary studies perspective, in dialogue with the notions of biopolitics and biopower proposed by Michel Foucault (and later expanded by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri) this work presents a reading of La familia del Comendador (1860), by Juana Paula Manso, as a means to problematize the critical tradition regarding Latin American modernity. By shedding light on the ideological tensions that emerge between biopowers (forms of control) and biopolitics (forms of resistance) through the passages walked by the characters, this text reveals how Manso envisioned an ideal of a liberal modernity-capitalism (in terms of gender, race, and economy) for the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author examines Michel Foucault's concept of biopolitics and the rule of law, and discusses the importance of the preservation of human life in the implementation of law as highlighted by the COVID pandemic and explores the work of Giorgio Agamben on the reduction of politics to power and of law to techniques of domination.

This paper examines lay-investment in financial markets (investment by members of the general public) as a practice performed by marketing knowledge. It follows the market studies programme to examine a problem that puzzles researchers in finance: Why do lay-investors remain in the market despite their poor returns? Using a qualitative study of lay-investors in the United Kingdom, it considers the devices, ‘agencements’ and discourses that structure investment behaviour. It uses Foucault’s writing on governance under neo-liberalism to suggest that investors are constituted as self-entrepreneurs, sustained by antagonism to professional investors, heterodox market beliefs and a consumer allegiance to investment styles and products. Marketing knowledge is inscribed in market devices and structures market relations. Finally, it suggests that self-discipline and confession are normalising technologies that help investors cope with difficulties and losses in the market. The paper develops theoretical linkages between the literatures of performativity and governmentality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

El articulo discute la biopolítica e ideología racista en Bolivia. EL articulo también destaca el discurso histórico de la ideología racista en el contexto político, el Ley 045 contra el racismo y toda forma de discriminación promulgado por Evo Morales y la filosofía biopolitica de Foucult Miche con el enfoque de la historia-político. Otros temas discutidos son las ideas sobre el racismo en la sociedad de Bolivia y

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Michel Foucault's modes of power (sovereign, disciplinary and bio-politics) have dominated both our understanding of power and norm. It is pretty impossible to think of the organisation of life outside his thinking. Here I argue that the idea and practice of mutual aid, articulated by Peter Kropotkin in his 1902 book Mutual Aid (2009) stirs us towards a different understanding of the management of life, bereft of hierarchies and bestowed with co-operation and care. Moreover, as I argue, the existence of mutual aid groups and practices challenges the very idea of the norm. This has become even more apparent during the Covid19 pandemic with the surfacing of mutual aid groups globally. It is therefore rather misleading to understand our present as generator of the 'new normal'; such claims are mere rhetorical devices aiming at keeping us in our place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present text we propose an analysis of the reception of Foucault's thought in the academic discussion regarding the drug problem in Chile. We systematized a series of articles that make up a genealogical-archaeological approach to the problem. We highlight the biopolitical horizon that introduces alcoholics, drug addicts and traffickers as threats to correct and control, and the securitization of the phenomenon in terms of risk. Then, we discuss studies that use Foucault's notions to illuminate drug trafficking, consumer stigmatization, and representations of interventors. Finally, we offer a balance of the reception of this discussion and we point out challenges to enrich it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents Foucault's proposal to rethink the roots of capitalist society in relation to subjectivity, desire and power. The hypothesis is that, deep down, Foucault does not consider May '68 a revolutionary event, but rather an event that brings to light that new type of domain that he will call biopolitical over time, one in which the satisfaction of the governed results the key and that is expressed in terms of that irony of the device. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to approach Michel Foucault's analytics of power from the point of view of his methodological elaboration, focused on his critique of the philosophical-legal discourse of modern thought. It exposes the displacements that the author carries out from the analyses of La volonté de savoir (1976), to show how the analytics of sexuality constitutes itself as the paradigm of Foucault's analytics of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the ontology as a singular and universal theory of being. It further discusses genealogical inquiry to acquire a different viewpoint; presupposes the contextual and subjective nature of ontology; contemporary neoliberal regime, characterized by its alarmingly biopolitical goal of governing both individuals and populations; and neoliberalism. Also mentions about "The History of Sexuality" book by Michel Foucault.

It's usual to think Foucault as a power theorist. This statement is partial and imprecise. In many texts from the early eighties he affirmed that subjectivity was the main problem in all his thought. The objective of this text is to show in what sense the analysis of the construction of subjectivity led Foucault to design various methodological strategies related to language that continue enabling political, social and cultural analyzes that, by distancing themselves so much from positive truths as well as the most classic analyzes, continue offering possibilities not only for complex, plural and non-linear theoretical analyzes, but, above all, for possible intervention and revolt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main ideas of Han's thought are built against concepts of Foucault's philosophy: psychopolitics as overcoming biopolitics, transparency as a non-perspectivist panopticon and self-care as the most effective technique for dominating individuals who submit voluntarily while believing that they are free. In this paper I evaluate this reading, underlining the imprecisions on which his reading of Foucault is based: he does not understand the inciting character of biopolitics and forgets the importance of perspective in the panopticon and the impossibility of escaping from power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Patrimônio e Memória is the property of Centro de Documentacao e Apoio a Pesquisa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1975, John Cage read from his chance-generated piece, Empty Words, at the Schizo-Culture conference held at Columbia University. The conference connected Cage with post-1968 theorists like Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, and Félix Guattari. Cage's experimental literary compositions are analogous to Foucault and Deleuze's analysis of a new developing power that they name biopolitics and control. For both Foucault and Deleuze, this new power depends on clear communication in order to monitor and regulate populations. Cage's attempts to "demilitarize language" with his chance-generated and rule-based writing, then, suggest a new weapon against this new power that demands constant communication and connection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to show part of the results of an investigation dedicated to follow the course of the experience of the trans collective in Argentina from the recovery of democracy after the last civil-military dictatorship (1983). For this purpose, we work on the basis of testimonies and documents prepared by the community itself to study the processes of subjectivation given, together with the deviations that occur in them, to finally find the political strategies hatched within the collective. In this way, we intend to follow the trail of trans people from the signs that they decided to leave in tune with the struggles traced by them. Particularly, here we will deal with two processes established in a large part of the trans-life experiences: the expulsion of these bodies from the anatomopolitical devices and the biopolitical regulations, on the one hand, and the modes of subjectivation in the brothel and carnivalesque sphere on the other. Both paths will be thematized in two instances: the first one collects the data and testimonies, the second one deals with the critical-philosophical problematization of such data and testimonies. The analysis in this second path is sustained revisiting the formulations made by Michel Foucault around the sexuality device, the biopolitics and the forms of resistance and gathering in some of the fundamental contributions of the postfeminist theories (queer) together with Judith Butler and Paul B. Preciado. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay locates the origin of biopolitics on the Caribbean plantation and elaborates a theory of zombie biopolitics—a phrase used to describe the living death of slavery and to revise, as well, Michel Foucault's dichotomy between sovereign power (which lets live and makes die) and biopower (which makes live and lets die). Zombie biopower, in contrast, makes live as dead. With attention to geography, capitalism, and race as aspects of biopower that need foregrounding in the Plantationocene, the essay moves from the scene of the living dead on the plantation of Barbados in the seventeenth century to an account of the zombie's origins in colonial St. Domingue, and turns in closing to the relation between the Caribbean origins of the zombie and Hollywood zombie culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the philosophy of biopolitics and its parallelism with the concept of xenopolitics, which describes how people deal with the social and political construct of the alien based on the novel "Dawn," by Octavia Butler. Topics discussed include the formation of biopolitics based on Michel Foucault's philosophy, the prospects of biopower in the novel, and the politics of life management in comparison to the Oankali, a fictional race of intelligent alien in the novel.

The author discusses the medical perception of the black people's skin color based on the works of physicians Benjamin Rush and Thomas Beddoes in the 18th century and its implications for the modern concept of blackness and race. Topics discussed include the concept of biopolitics from historian Michel Foucault and its link in the issue of racism and skin color, the manifestation of hostility toward blackness, and the works of Rush and Beddoes to reduce or erase the black skin to a pathology.

The archival record of a fugitive slave case from 1810 consists of numerous testimonies and witness accounts, yet this archival record is a fragment: the full-length testimony of a formerly enslaved woman named Betty is preserved, but the case outcome is missing. Betty's narrative, absent of the legal outcome, forces readers to readjust their gaze away from the lens of power that would judge her words and toward the power of her own life. Through Betty's narrative, I argue for a reading of what I call fugitive performance. Fugitive performance responds to a call outlined by Achille Mbembe that is often overlooked. In "Necropolitics" Mbembe gives name to the death function in Michel Foucault's concept of biopower, focusing on how "letting die" rather than "making live" happens within an emerging system of chattel slavery. However, Mbembe also briefly discusses the life-sustaining acts that the enslaved culled from their surroundings. Mbembe argues that the enslaved stylized, performed, and created alternative lifeworlds through manipulating the biopower of chattel slavery. This essay suggests that the fugitive slave is such a performative figure; fugitive performance details how the enslaved stylized biopolitics to create alternative lifeworlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the laws and regulations adopted by the U.S. federal government in their aim to control and utilize maritime labor force from the 18th to mid-twentieth century. Topics discussed include the concept of biopower from the perspective of historian Michel Foucault and its application in the use of ocean space, the history of hidden maritime labor force on U.S. vessels, and the role and participation of Chinese sailors and other racially mixed seamen in this mobile labor force.

The first section of the article shows the importance of the body in political practice by addressing the life-politics antinomy, which leads to the configuration of the modern State. Here, the individual body undergoes suffering and pain as a result of that context's political logic, whose strategies are consolidated through the techniques of power known as anatomo-politics and biopolitics. It then carries out a reflection on pain as a neoliberal practice of political domination of the subject's corporeality through the logic of making live, in the context of the exercise of normalization. The latter is achieved through hierarchical surveillance and normalizing sanctions, which, as opposed to Marx, Foucault situates in the microphysics of power rather than in the State. We conclude that it is important to rethink anatomo-politics as a fundamental aspect of politics and of the subjects hat constitute it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that, pressed by the current ecological crises, Foucault's analysis of biopower ought to be augmented by a study of governmentality at the geological level. What we call "geopower" supplements the politics of man as living being (bios) with the question of man as a collective actor upon the nonliving (geos). Approaching the age of biopower as also that of geopower, we suggest that the "subject of interest," or homo economicus, first enshrined in eighteenth-century liberalism and reinvented under twentieth-century neoliberalism, must today be thought also as a geosubject, or homo ecologicus. We offer a critical genealogy of geopower to show that the management of the earth is not a recent development but emerges as the presupposition of the government of life, and that a critique of biopolitical modernity must attend to its geo-political counterpart. The account we offer here, while far from exhaustive in its examination of the historical and conceptual indices of geopower, seeks to offer a set of methodological provocations that we hope will bring scholars of biopolitics and neoliberalism into renewed dialogue with those more directly focused on environmental questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia: Questoes & Debates is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Praxis Filosófica is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper we argue that English drought management rests on two imaginaries of hydrocitizenship: an economic/instrumental imaginary that frames people primarily as "customers," and an imaginary that focuses more on the affectively charged, personal engagements between individuals and "hydrosocial" spaces. These imaginaries, we contend, roughly correspond with the two modalities of a form of governance referred to by Michel Foucault as biopower: biopolitics and discipline. Drawing on fieldwork conducted as part of a large interdisciplinary research project on drought in the UK, we sketch the contours of English drought management, exploring in particular the "macro‐scale" elements of drought management (the biopolitical modality), premised on computer simulation modelling, and the elements of drought management that focus on the level of individual people (the disciplinary modality), premised in part on the work of local environmental organisations. The difference between the two notions of hydrocitizenship informing these two modalities of management, we conclude, produces tensions that potentially undermine water governance as it is currently organised in the UK. Ultimately, our goal in the paper is not solely to expose or critique existing governance efforts or the power relations therein, but rather to examine the interplay of governmentalities that constitute drought management in order to illuminate and expand the potential for "being governed differently." In this paper we argue that English drought management rests on two imaginaries of hydrocitizenship, which correspond with the two modalities of a form of governance referred to by Michel Foucault as biopower: biopolitics and discipline. Drawing on fieldwork conducted as part of a large interdisciplinary research project on drought in the UK, we explore the "macro‐scale" elements of drought management (the biopolitical modality), premised on computer simulation modelling, and the elements of drought management that focus on the level of individual people (the disciplinary modality), premised in part on the work of local environmental organisations. The difference between the two notions of hydrocitizenship informing these two modalities of management, we conclude, produces tensions that potentially undermine water governance as it is currently organised in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transposition of biopower from the state to the individual has been a major preoccupation of biopower scholarship in recent decades. While some researchers have found grounds for optimism in the diminution of state control over people's bodies, others see the change as merely a more sophisticated version of state control which has become, if anything, more invasive of individual lifestyle choices. In this paper I show how the institutionalization of hierarchical power relations does justify optimism about ways of confronting the complex mechanisms of control entailed in modern biopower. I claim that the crux of control in our information society derives from the transposition of the pastoral power described by Michel Foucault to the modern state and that the institutionalization of hierarchical power relations can constitute an effective countermeasure to that power. Hierarchical power exchanges can generate a social and cultural framework which, while operating according to the logic of biopower, expands modes of thought and practice beyond the unified thinking that contributes significantly to the modern state's control over the individual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the accumulation of difference and the logic of area focusing on the adjustment of the accumulation of men to that of capital, the articulation of the growth of human groups onto the expansion of the productive forces and the differential reallocation of profit. Topics include works of Michel Foucault and Karl Marx, biopolitics, and analysis of territory, or territoriality as an essential subjective technology in the management of the population.

The article discusses the philosophy of Michel Foucault and Karl Marx as they explore the phenomena addressed by biopolitics focusing on how biopolitical power does not simply represent, discipline, and police populations. Topics include Marx's critique of political economy, dialectic of necessity and contingency, and discourse on the aleatory.

Foucault extolled the Iranian revolution and, anticipating the havoc that his public intervention in favour of the revolution would create, he wrote: "I can already hear the French laughing, but I know that they are wrong". Examining Foucault's (so unlikely) valorisation of certainty and the partisan affectivity it bestows upon knowledge and truth, I read his unusual engagement with the Iranian revolution against the grain. A major tendency is to approach Foucault's Iranian writings as aberration; against this tendency, I read them as an effect of Foucault's specific epistemic and utopian optics. Through a critical reading of neglected aspects of Foucault's comments on Iran, I argue that much nuance is missing when damning critiques fail to see why and how Foucault's interest in an active rather than folklore non-European political identity unveils deeper tensions of his own worldview and outlook on international politics and interrogates mainstream appraisals of Foucault's political philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes a semiotic interpretation of the concept of biopolitics. Instead of a politics that takes "life itself " as its object and, as a result, separates life as an object from subjects, biopolitics is read as subjectification - a governmental rationality that constructs social ways of being and forms of life, that is, social subjectivities. The article articulates this position on the basis of two concepts: Jakob von Uexküll's umwelt and Michel Foucault's dispositive. While the former makes it possible to show that the process of life can be conceptualized as subjectification, the latter enables us to argue against an interpretation of biopolitics as a totalized structure of power intervening directly, without semiotic mediation, into "life itself ". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In political theory biopolitics is a term that denotes a qualitative shift in politics in which life becomes the central object of its interest. However simple the assumption is, in practice the shift has many consequences that escape the usual categorization and examination. Moreover, the answer to the question 'what is the biopolitical?' constantly evolves, which means that biopolitics today is not the same biopolitics that we saw thirty or forty years ago. Furthermore, studies indicate that biopolitics is a concept that is highly dependent on the culture within which it is practiced. All of this together makes biopolitics a phenomenon that requires constant attention, elaboration and study. The aim of this article is to summarize the main areas of research on biopolitics, present the main contemporary biopolitical dilemmas and to propose few authorial categories that may be useful for further studies within the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although avoiding, programmatically, any blocking in a specific area, defined by the concept of posthuman, the present study falls under the sign of a (secured) rhetorical-Hamletian exploration intended for a beingness of becoming posthuman. The status displayed in this manner is required to be reported to the insignia of a post-question, as postdisciplinary- reflective practice, exercise and evaluation of a particular context - the posthuman condition. We propose, accordingly, a deductive, interrogative-clarifying post-context for the biopolitics of posthumanism and posthuman biopolitics: the first is reported to three types of future, with one common denominator - Fukuyama & Habermas & Braidotti - and the second is showing interest in the way in which the Foucaultian triad security-territory-population can be attached, with modification, to the concept of posthuman security. Therefore we decree, as director landmark of the present approach, a double formula of the validating accreditation for the interference of biopolitics with posthumanism, in a nov context: the first expresses, by the construct the biopolitics of posthumanism, an equality of meaning between the terms, each referring to the other, but without omitting the emergence of posthumanism in/to contain/hold the contextual data of a radical post-becoming and, by default, attributing a narrative status to the aspects of bio-political posthuman condition; the second considers that by the primacy of the posthuman itself, the concepts balance and, moreover, contaminate each other, by reference to each other, certifying, therefore, the prevalence of an evolutionary to be, as speculative post-beingness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a general introduction into Michel Foucault's work where we aim to underline the structural connections between three of his most important themes, namely knowledge, power and morals, we shall proceed in showing how the human body becomes both a subject of interest for power dispositifs and a subject of knowledge for (human) sciences. This interest for the body is generated by political and economic interests and leads towards a certain biopolitics. In order to show how political and economic interest for the body translates into action, we have analyzed the evolution of punishments and birth of prison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the political philosophy of Michel Foucault on the multiple forms of power and focuses on the relation between biopower and the power of the sovereign state. It looks at the case of standardized birth certificates in the U.S. birth registration system from 1903 to 1935 and the exchange between public health and identification in the process.

This article searches for respond to the question whether biopolitic's objective (to manage life and construct lifestyles) and necropolitic's objective (to administrate death and destroy habitats and peoples), polarized, make both concepts opposites, or on the contrary, if they indicate a dialectical relationship and mutual construction in phenomena such as migration. To answer the question, the article first examines biopolitics in the work of Michel Foucault and seeks how it has been taken up in the analysis of contemporary migration. The paper then describes necropolitics in the work of Achille Mbembe, and how it has been taken up to identify the causes of forced migration and racism against migrants. Finally, it reviews the literature on biopolitical and necropolitical studies in the context of international migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foucault's discussion of parrhēsia - frank speech - in his last two Collège de France lecture courses has led many to wonder if Foucault is pursuing parrhēsia as a contemporary strategy for resistance. This essay argues that ethical parrhēsia on either the Socratic or Cynical model would have little critical traction today because the current environment is plagued by problems analogous to those Plato thought plagued Athenian democracy. Specifically, authentication of parrhesiasts as a technique for authenticating their speech - the specific problem that the move to ethical parrhēsia in ancient Greece was designed to solve - becomes intractable in a social media environment, even with the added Cynical move to pure visibility. The problem is that contemporary society overproduces visibility as a condition for participation, which means that the context for authenticating parrhesiastic speech is one in which visibility is banalized and in which there is a surplus of speech which presents as parrhesiastic. The problem of authentication is thus a serious one, one which social media makes particularly intractable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper builds upon a growing body of critical research on the proliferating use of bibliometrics as a means to evaluate academic research, but brings to it a specifically Foucauldian, genealogical approach. The paper has three parts. Part 1 situates bibliometrics as a new technology of neoliberal, biopolitical governmentality, alongside the host of other 'metrics' (led by biometrics) that have emerged in the last two decades. Part 2 analyses bibliometrics' antecedents in prior notational practices in the Western heritage, highlighting how forms of noting have almost always had political valences tied to projects of control or subversion. Part 3 then delineates the specific features of bibliometrics as a new form of notation, highlighting the latest forms of academic subjectivity bibliometrics suppose and increasingly are summoning into being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines competing demands placed on teachers, with reference to recent inclusion policy in England and Australia. The authors draw on Michael Foucault’s analysis of power, neoliberalism(s) and biopolitics to explore the ways in which teachers are ‘responsibilised’ into negotiating and fulfilling demands related to both state-imposed accountability practices and social justice agendas. The economic context and associated ‘politics of austerity’ are taken into account in a critical exploration of how the (biopolitical) management of inclusion in the neoliberal present coincides with diminishing funding for social and educational expertise, with ever-increasing responsibilities being placed on teachers to fill this void. The responsibilisation of teachers in recent legislation and statutory guidance discursively constructs the teacher as a professional who takes responsibility for student and school performance, pastoral care, inclusion and social change. Responsibilisation relies on ‘dividing practices’, obliging some teachers to assess the conformity of colleagues to inclusion policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In his series of lectures delivered at the Collège de France in 1975–76, "Society Must Be Defended," Michel Foucault turned to Thomas Hobbes and the Diggers to find an alternative to sovereignty as an analytic for power. These seventeenth-century sources figure prominently in his discovery of biopower and biopolitics. In this article, I examine Foucault's reading of Leviathan (1651), in which Hobbes struggles between war and right; I then turn to a path not taken in the lectures: a thorough investigation of Gerrard Winstanley's work, in which community emerges as a substantial alternative to law and right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debates over futurity that have pervaded queer theory in the early years of this millennium, the species plot has found less prevalence than it might have done. While Foucaultian biopower continues to exert a huge influence in the field, the interest in the speciation argument has ceased to seem particularly exciting. The history of speciation, though, offers a number of useful lenses through which to think about the ecology of queerness as mediated by capital—and vice versa—in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. One of the places in which to start such an investigation is Charles Darwin’s understanding of how industrial agriculture inflects the distinction between variation in nature and variation under domestication. Domestication, Darwin insists, produces more queer monstrosities. If there is a link—genealogical or otherwise—between Foucault’s “species” and Darwin’s “domesticates,” then this connection needs to be elaborated through an analysis of how a (queerly conceived) reproductive sphere participates in capitalist agricultural production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biosemiotics and the analysis of biopower have not yet been explicitly brought together. This article attempts to find their connecting points from the perspective of biosemiotics. It uses the biosemiotic understanding of the different types of semiosis in order to approach the practices of biopower and biopolitics. The central concept of the paper is that of the ‘semiotic threshold’. We can speak of (1) the lower semiotic threshold, signifying the dividing line between non-semiosis and semiosis; and (2) the secondary semiotic thresholds, signifying the borders between different types (iconic, indexical, symbolic) of semiosis. Speaking in terms of types of semiosis means speaking in terms of different capabilities for normativity, which is why the article uses the approaches of Michel Foucault on normalization in biopower and of Georges Canguilhem on organismic normativity. As an example on which biopolitics and biosemiotics could connect, the discourse of regenerative and anti-aging medicine is used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]