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The European Union (EU) seeks to become a global maritime-security actor, yet strategic challenges influence its maritime-security strategy process. Is there a distinctive and coherent EU approach to global maritime security, and how should the EU address the growing range of maritime challenges, including the intensification of militarized competition in the Indo-Pacific?

Strasbourg, Luxembourg et Bruxelles se partagent l’accueil des institutions européennes depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale en proposant la construction d’édifices dédiés. Une ambition architecturale émerge, tentant de faire face aux besoins quantitatifs des institutions puis progressivement, à la volonté, plus ou moins affirmée, d’une expression symbolique. Les architectes aspirent à produire une image à la fois moderne et solennelle des institutions dans des contextes de production différents selon les sites. Ainsi, des édifices puisant dans le vocabulaire du Mouvement moderne constituent les premiers symboles de l’Europe en construction mais aussi les noyaux concrets de l’urbanisation de « quartiers européens ». Ce patrimoine « paradoxal » à bien des égards a été abordé de manière très différente selon les trois sites : alors qu’il a plutôt été valorisé et maintenu en France, il a été réinventé ou effacé à Luxembourg et Bruxelles. Les évolutions institutionnelles, la compétition entre les États et les villes visant à obtenir le statut de siège unique et le phénomène de « retour à la ville » de ces quartiers amorcé dans les années 1980 ont fortement nourri ces processus. Cette contribution, fondée sur l’exploitation des archives des institutions et des villes, analyse l’évolution – architecturale et urbaine – des premiers symboles architecturaux européens en mettant en lumière les forces et les limites de ce patrimoine afin d’éclairer l’héritage qu’ils ont pu constituer au fil du temps. Chacun des trois sites est successivement abordé au gré des jalons marquants de son évolution, révélant des logiques parallèles mais aussi un certain nombre de singularités. Strasbourg, Luxembourg and Brusssels host various European institutions since the end of the World War II, each city having constructed dedicated buildings for them. Here, an architectural ambition has emerged that tries to face, not only the quantitative needs, but also the symbolic expression of these institutions. The architects aspired to produce an image both modern and solemn of these institutions within their different urban contexts. Thus, these buildings that draw upon the vocabulary of the modern movement, constitute the first symbols of Europe as well as the core of the urbanization of "European districts". This heritage, which is seemingly "paradoxical" in many respects, was approached in very different ways in the three sites: while it was valued and maintained in France, it was reinvented or erased in Luxembourg and Brussels. These processes have been fueled by Institutional developments, competition between states and cities for single-seat status, and the phenomenon of the "return to the city" of these neighborhoods that began in the 1980s. This contribution, based on archival research of the institutions and cities, analyzes the evolution—both architectural and urban— of the Europe’s first architectural symbols by highlighting the strengths and limitations of their heritage so as to shed light on the legacy that they have established over time. The evolution of the milestones of the three sites is discussed, revealing parallel logics but also a certain number of unique features.

According to political realism, conflict is an immanent feature of world politics (Morgenthau 1948/1973). Drawing on this basic premise, it can be expected that the CONFLICT frame is routinely exploited by politicians to explain and justify their foreign policy (Musolff 2016). Conflict is especially prevalent in populist narratives, where the “pure people” are juxtaposed with the “corrupt elite” (Mudde 2004). Accordingly, we hypothesized that the current Hungarian populist government would also frame its turbulent relationship with the EU by metaphorically conceptualizing it as a violent conflict. Drawing on a discourse dynamics approach to metaphor identification (Cameron et al. 2009; 2010), we analysed the metaphorical framing of the term Brüsszel (‘Brussels’) found in articles published on official government websites between 2015 and 2017. Our results indicate that explicit manifestation of the CONFLICT frame in the form of violent conflict (such as a military operation) is less prevalent in contemporary government rhetoric, as opposed to the EU AS PERSON frame. This latter conceptualization, however, is manifested by metaphorical scenarios that evoke conflictual relations with varying degrees (and thus feed into populist narratives) by making sense of the EU as an authority figure, a partner in a joint venture, a bully, and an opponent in a battle., Gledano iz perspektive političkog realizma, sukob je osobina svojstvena svjetskoj politici (Morgenthau 1948/1973). Polazeći od ove osnovne premise, može se očekivati da političari rutinski koriste okvir SUKOBA kako bi objasnili i opravdali svoju vanjsku politiku (Musolff 2016). Sukob je osobito raširen u populističkim narativima, gdje se „čisti ljudi“ uspoređuju s „korumpiranom elitom“ (Mudde 2004). U skladu s navedenim, pretpostavili smo da će aktualna mađarska populistička vlada svoj turbulentni odnos s EU-om isto tako oblikovati metaforički, konceptualizirajući ga kao nasilni sukob. Oslanjajući se na pristup diskursne dinamike u identificiranju metafora (Cameron et al. 2009; 2010), analizirali smo metaforičko uokvirivanje pojma Brüsszel (‚Bruxelles’) pronađeno u člancima objavljenim na službenim web stranicama mađarske vlade u razdoblju između 2015. i 2017. Naši rezultati ukazuju na to da je eksplicitno jezično ostvarenje okvira OSUKOBA u obliku nasilnog sukoba (poput vojne operacije) u suvremenoj vladinoj retorici manje rašireno, za razliku od okvira EU KAO OSOBA. Ova potonja konceptualizacija, međutim, ostvaruje se kroz metaforičke scenarije koji evociraju konfliktne odnose različitih stupnjeva intenziteta (i tako nadograđuju populistički narativ) prikazujući EU kao autoritarnu figuru, partnera u zajedničkom pothvatu, nasilnika i protivnika u bitci.

The authors of this contribution are participants in a project, the EUPavilion, that investigates the relationship between European institutions and architecture with the aim to rekindle the debate on Europe as a cultural entity as opposed to a mere political-economic union. Particularly lively around the year 2000, at the time of the introduction of the single currency and the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, this debate came to a halt with the failure of the European Constitution project, and was permanently put to rest by the arrival of the 2008 economic crisis. Now, with a view to restarting the process twenty years on, we thought it could be useful to revisit some of the key events of the time with Romano Prodi, the Italian politician who more than any other contributed to the European integration process.

Migrations undertaken by highly skilled persons assume an important position in knowledge societies, especially in large global cities where there is a need for their work. This article is based on qualitative research conducted in Brussels in 2014, working with a sample (N=20) of highly skilled migrants from Southeast Europe. Through applying Bosswick and Heckmann's (2006) analytical framework, this research examines the influence of European Union citizenship on the system and social dimension to the integration of the researched group. Under system integration, the gaining and enacting of citizenship rights receives special attention, while with social integration, the identificational dimension to integration is in focus. The research results demonstrated that the possession of EU citizenship influences the integration outcome – to a greater extent in the case of system integration, and to a lesser extent with social integration. Given that the integration of highly skilled migrants in Brussels occurs within "international strata", rather than a national culture framework, the classic integration model does not function in Brussels. In the case of the integration of highly skilled migrants in a global city such as Brussels, it was shown that migrants do not attach an importance to (national) citizenship as long as they have EU citizenship. Highly skilled migrants from third countries do attach an importance to national citizenship so long as they do not have a work permit with which they are regulating their stay and provided that they plan to settle for a long time in Belgium., Migracije visokoobrazovanih zauzimaju važno mjesto u društvima znanja, posebno u velikim svjetskim gradovima gdje postoji potreba za njihovim radom. Rad se temelji na kvalitativnom istraživanju provedenom 2014. godine u Bruxellesu na uzorku (N=20) visokoobrazovanih migranata iz jugoistočne Europe. Primjenom analitičkog okvira Wolfganga Bosswicka i Friedricha Heckmanna (2006) u istraživanju se ispituje utjecaj građanstva Europske unije na sistemsku i socijalnu dimenziju integracije istraživane skupine. Posebna pažnja u okviru sistemske integracije pridaje se stjecanju i realiziranju prava na državljanstvo, a kod socijalne integracije identifikacijskoj dimenziji integracije. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su da posjedovanje građanstva Europske unije utječe na integracijske ishode pri čemu u većoj mjeri u slučaju sistemske integracije, a u manjoj kada je riječ o socijalnoj integraciji. S obzirom na to da se integracija visokoobrazovanih migranata u Bruxellesu odvija u okviru "međunarodne strate", a ne u okviru nacionalne kulture, klasični integracijski obrazac u Bruxellesu ne funkcionira. Pokazalo se da u slučaju integracije visokoobrazovanih migranata u globalnom gradu kao što je Bruxelles migranti ne pridaju važnost (nacionalnom) državljanstvu ako imaju građanstvo Europske unije. Visokoobrazovani migranti iz trećih država pridaju mu važnost tek tada kada nemaju radnu dozvolu kojom reguliraju i boravak te ako se u Belgiji planiraju trajno nastaniti.

The aim of this article was to analyse the metonymic use of onim Brussels in the press discourse. The research material consisted of about 350 examples of the secondary use of a proper name extracted from the texts contained in the weekly magazine “Polityka”, in the period from 1.01.2019 to 5.11.2019. Metonymy was described using the formula X (carrier) for U (target). It has been demonstrated that secondary use of the Brussels proper name is used to profile content depending on communication needs. The article presents profiles such as: institution (European Union), society (European Union board and Brussels government) and event (won in the election to the European Parliament). Celem artykułu jest analiza metonimicznych użyć onimu Bruksela w dyskursie prasowym. Materiał badawczy składa się z około 350 pochodnych użyć nazwy własnej Bruksela wyekscerpowanych z tekstów zamieszczonych w tygodniku „Polityka” w okresie od 1 stycznia do 5 listopada 2019 roku. Metonimie zostały opisane za pomocą formuły: X (nośnik) za Y (cel). Wykazano, iż wtórne użycia nazwy własnej Bruksela służą profilowaniu treści uzależnionych od potrzeb komunikacyjnych. W artykule przedstawiono takie profile, jak: instytucja (Unia Europejska), społeczeństwo (zarząd Unii Europejskiej oraz rząd Brukseli) i wydarzenie (wygrana w wyborach do europarlamentu).

The European Union (EU) has been criticised for a lack of imageries and sites of memory that nation-states have traditionally utilised in their identity-building. The EU, along with other actors, has responded to this iconographic deficit with memory and heritage initiatives and branding campaigns. This article explores how this deficit is dealt with in the European Quarter in Brussels by enlivening it through cultural regeneration and creating narratives that link Europe’s and the EU’s past with the present. The article utilises hermeneutic phenomenological approach combining observation and interpretation of diverse place-making practices, such as monuments, memorials, public artworks, history plaques, and naming of administration buildings, with close reading of the EU’s marketing and promotional material. It examines how a feeling of belonging to Europe and the EU is advanced in the Quarter and how it is sought to be turned into a European collective place. The article indicates how the Quarter’s politics of belonging ignores various layers of meanings related to its history and present. The Quarter’s invitation to belong is selective as its narratives focus on male actors and ignore colonial references and today’s multi-ethnic reality in the neighbourhood. peerReviewed

Els expatriats són sovint considerats com a precursors de la globalització i transnacionalització. Els individus mòbils dins la Unió Europea (UE) són contemplats com a pioners de la integració europea. Es considera que els expatriats que viuen i treballen a Brussel·les impulsen l’agenda europea, defensant el lema oficial de la UE “Units en la diversitat” fins i tot en els temps crítics de l’euroescepticisme. Però s’identifiquen els expatriats a Brussel·les com a europeus? Aquesta tesi investiga la vida dels expatriats a Brussel·les des d’una perspectiva antropològica. Investiga qui són, com viuen, si s’integren socialment a Bèlgica, fins a quin punt s’identifiquen amb Europa i la seva percepció de la UE. Els euròcrates a Brussel·les, la seva identificació amb Europa i les seves actituds envers la UE han estat subjectes a una investigació substancial. La contribució d’aquest estudi consisteix a examinar la “eurobombolla” a Brussel·les (és a dir, aquells que treballen en l’àmbit dels afers europeus a Brussel·les, tant dins com fóra de les institucions de la UE) com a comunitat migrant específica, utilitzant mètodes qualitatius des de la perspectiva “interior” d’un expatriat. Aquest investigació mostra que els expatriats s’estableixen a Brussel·les per motius laborals o acadèmics i que tenen una orientació internacional, són multilingües i que ja són proeuropeus en el moment de la seva arribada. Mitjançant un “efecte bombolla” socialitzen principalment entre ells i desenvolupen vincles i xarxes a la seva nova llar. Paral·lelament, es mantenen connectats amb la seva terra natal i amb els seus compatriotes, i mantenen (i ocasionalment fins i tot sobreestimen) parts selectives de la seva identitat nativa. Utilitzen i reprodueixen estereotips nacionals de sí mateixos i d’altres europeus. Simultàniament estan europeïtzats, desenvolupen una identificació amb Europa i creen una pertinença a un “habitus europeu”. D’aquesta manera, els expatriats tenen (com a mínim) dues capes d’identitats i lleialtats. Les tesis suggereixen que l’expatriat a Brussel·les és un políglota mòbil i cosmopolita caracteritzat per la europeïtzació i la modernitat. Els expatriats encarnen la europeïtat i formen una subcultura privilegiada: una “classe burocràtica”. El seu suport polític per a una major integració i per a obtenir un major poder a nivell supranacional és força comú, però sovint són conduïts per un individu en lloc d’un programa ideològic. Aquest “cos europeu”, on les persones s’identifiquen com a europeus, està molt estès entre els expatriats a Brussel·les, mentre que és atípic per als europeus en general. La percepció de les institucions de la UE i les seves polítiques és, no obstant, ambivalent. El Brexit i l’augment de l’euroescepticisme resulten problemàtics per a la “elit europea” a Brussel·les, degut al fet de que cada vegada és més gran la bretxa ideològica entre aquest grup privilegiat d’expatriats i els europeus corrents. Això afecta la identitat i pertinença dels expatriats a Brussel·les i crea una col·lisió entre les seves lleialtats i identitats nacionals i europees. La investigació revela així mateix que els expatriats estan creant un sentiment de pertinença a Europa i a Brussel·les, però no a Bèlgica. La sensació de pertinença a Brussel·les en contraposició a Bèlgica pot ser en part explicada per la divisió del país en diferents comunitats lingüístiques i la seva identitat nacional complexa, per la considerable magnitud de l’eurobombolla, i per la particularitat i europeïtat de la capital belga. Brussel·les, en lloc de Bèlgica, esdevé una “llar fora de la llar”, i la relació dels expatriats amb el país amfitrió és un equilibri entre integració i (auto)exclusió. Els “pioners de la integració europea” sovint no són integrats a la “capital d’Europa” i en molts casos viuen més aviat allunyats dels europeus a qui suposadament han de representar. Los expatriados son con frecuencia considerados como precursores de la globalización y transnacionalización. Los individuos móviles dentro de la Unión Europea (UE) se contemplan como pioneros de la integración europea. Se considera que los expatriados que viven y trabajan en Bruselas impulsan la agenda europea, defendiendo el lema oficial de la UE “Unidos en la diversidad” incluso en los tiempos críticos del euroescepticismo. Pero ¿se identifican los expatriados en Bruselas como europeos? Esta tesis investiga la vida de los expatriados en Bruselas desde una perspectiva antropológica. Investiga quiénes son, cómo viven, si se integran socialmente en Bélgica, hasta qué punto se identifican con Europa y su percepción de la UE. Los eurócratas en Bruselas, su identificación con Europa y sus actitudes hacia la UE han sido sujetos a una investigación sustancial. La contribución de este estudio consiste en examinar la “euroburbuja” en Bruselas (es decir, aquellos que trabajan en el ámbito de los asuntos europeos en Bruselas, tanto dentro como fuera de las instituciones de la UE) como comunidad migrante específica, utilizando métodos cualitativos desde la perspectiva “interior” de un expatriado. Esta investigación muestra que los expatriados se establecen en Bruselas por motivos laborales o académicos y que tienen una orientación internacional, son multilingües y que ya son proeuropeos en el momento de su llegada. Mediante un “efecto burbuja” socializan principalmente entre ellos y desarrollan vínculos y redes en su nuevo hogar. Paralelamente, se mantienen conectados con su tierra natal y con sus compatriotas, y mantienen (y ocasionalmente incluso sobreestiman) partes selectivas de su identidad nativa. Utilizan y reproducen estereotipos nacionales de sí mismos y de otros europeos. Simultáneamente están europeizados, desarrollan una identificación con Europa y crean una pertenencia a un “habitus europeo”. De esta manera, los expatriados tienen (como mínimo) dos capas de identidades y lealtades. Las tesis sugieren que el expatriado en Bruselas es un políglota móvil y cosmopolita caracterizado por la europeización y la modernidad. Los expatriados encarnan la europeidad y forman una subcultura privilegiada: una “clase burocrática”. Su apoyo político para una mayor integración y para obtener un mayor poder a nivel supranacional es bastante común, pero con frecuencia son conducidos por un individuo en lugar de un programa ideológico. Este “cuerpo europeo”, en el que las personas se identifican como europeos, está muy extendido entre los expatriados en Bruselas, mientras que es atípico para los europeos en general. La percepción de las instituciones de la UE y sus políticas es, no obstante, ambivalente. El Brexit y el aumento del euroescpticismo resultan problemáticos para la “élite europea” en Bruselas, debido a que cada vez es mayor la brecha ideológica entre este grupo privilegiado de expatriados y los europeos corrientes. Esto afecta la identidad y pertenencia de los expatriados en Bruselas y crea una colisión entre sus lealtades e identidades nacionales y europeas. La investigación revela asimismo que los expatriados están creando un sentimiento de pertenencia a Europa y a Bruselas, pero no a Bélgica. La sensación de pertenencia a Bruselas en contraposición a Bélgica puede ser en parte explicada por la división del país en diferentes comunidades lingüísticas y su identidad nacional compleja, por la considerable magnitud de la euroburbuja, y por la particularidad y europeidad de la capital belga. Bruselas, en lugar de Bélgica, se convierte en un “hogar fuera del hogar”, y la relación de los expatriados con el país anfitrión es un equilibrio entre integración y (auto)exclusión. Los “pioneros de la integración europea” a menudo no están integrados en la “capital de Europa” y en muchos casos viven más bien alejados de los europeos a quienes supuestamente deben representar. Expatriates are often regarded as forerunners of globalisation and transnationalism. Mobile individuals within the European Union (EU) are seen as pioneers of European integration. Expatriates living and working in Brussels are considered to push the European agenda forward, defending ‘United in diversity’ – the EU’s official motto – even in critical times of Euroscepticism. But do expatriates in Brussels identify as Europeans? This thesis investigates the life of expatriates in Brussels from an anthropological perspective. It investigates who they are, how they live, whether they become socially embedded in Belgium, to what extent they identify themselves with Europe, and their perception of the EU. Eurocrats in Brussels, their identification with Europe and their attitudes towards the EU have been subject to substantial research. The contribution of this study is to examine the ‘Eurobubble’ in Brussels (i.e., those working in the field of European affairs in Brussels, within as well as outside the EU institutions) as a specific migrant community, using qualitative methods from the ‘inside’ perspective of an expatriate. This research shows that the expatriates settle in Brussels because of work or studies (often by chance) and are international-oriented, multilingual and pro-EU already upon arrival. Through a ‘bubble effect’, they mainly socialise with each other and develop ties and networks in their new home town. Meanwhile, they stay connected to their homelands and fellow countrymen, and keep (and occasionally even overstate) selective parts of their native identity. They are both using and reproducing national stereotypes of themselves and other Europeans. Meanwhile, they are Europeanised, develop identification with Europe, and create belonging to a ‘European habitus’. Thus, the expatriates have (at least) two layers of identities and loyalties. Established models for conceptualising coexistence of various layers of territorial identities however don’t apply well on many of the expats, due to their mobility and complex mix of identification with several places. The thesis suggests that the expatriate in Brussels is a mobile and cosmopolitan polyglot characterised by Europeanisation and modernity. The expats embody Europeanness and form a privileged sub-culture – a ‘bureaucratic class’. Political support for further integration and enhancement of power to the supranational level is fairly common, but they are often driven by an individual rather than an ideological agenda. This ‘European body’, where people identify themselves as Europeans, is widespread amongst expatriates in Brussels, whereas it is atypical for Europeans in general. The perception of the EU institutions and their policies is however an ambivalent one. Brexit and increased Euroscepticism are problematic for the ‘European elite’ in Brussels, as the ideological gap between this privileged group of expatriates and the ordinary European is growing. This affects the identity and belonging of expatriates in Brussels and creates a clash between their national and European loyalties and identities. The research further reveals that expats are creating belonging to Europe and Brussels without embracing Belgium. The sense of belonging to Brussels as opposed to Belgium may in part be explained by the country’s division in different linguistic communities and complex national identity, the significant size of the Eurobubble, and the particularity and Europeanness of the Belgian capital. Brussels, rather than Belgium, becomes a ‘home away from home’, and the expatriates’ relationship to the host country is a balance between integration and (auto-)exclusion. The ‘pioneers of European integration’ are often not integrated into the ‘capital of Europe’ and in many cases live rather distant from the Europeans they are supposed to represent. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Antropologia Social i Cultural

Although emblematic cases such as Amsterdam, Berlin, or Lyon are often praised for their best practices and have been analyzed in several studies, the case of Europe’s administrative capital remains undercommented in the literature on place branding and attractiveness. This may be a surprise to scholars and practitioners alike given Brussels’ position in Europe and especially its proximity to institutional regulatory bodies and decision-makers. The purpose of this chapter aims precisely at filling this gap through a dialogue between a researcher and a key practitioner active in the Brussels Government Agency for Business Support. Several initiatives launched over the last few years indicate that formerly fragmented institutions are now working toward a more integrated approach to Brussels’ attractiveness. Regarding the visual identity of the region, a new multilayered logo was created in 2012, using a unique extension “.brussels” for all institutional stakeholders and partners. Regarding economic attractiveness specifically, the merger of former public organizations into a single body (hub.brussels) is expected to provide more clarity and more effective services to companies and investors. The example of Brussels shows that despite promoting a place through different channels and diverse actors, a rising awareness of the need to better coordinate the promotion of the place has led to increasingly collaborative networks and concerted actions around the globe., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The process of European integration is often described in architectural terms, starting with the metaphor of a common European house. This paper weights the ubiquitous rhetoric of a supranational architecture against the largely unexplored reality of the actual architecture that has been built to house the European institutions. The focus is on the place and time that have experienced the largest production of architectural hardware: Brussels between 1958 and 1992. Most of the Quartier Européen was built in this window, while the institutions did not have a permanent status and therefore struggled to gain agency over the transformations of the city. On the one hand, the goal is to question how operating for a new and unique structure of power influenced the production of architecture. On the other hand, this is an opportunity to start discussing how architecture contributed to shaping the European Union.

Knowledge brokers have emerged as a new type of actors shaping scientific production, influencing science–policy relationships, and thereby contributing to regional competitiveness. Yet, the spatial dimension of these knowledge brokers has received little attention. Using Framework Programme participations in European cities, we analyse and discuss the location strategy of knowledge brokers, highlighting the importance of co-location with the funding source. Our findings show that knowledge brokers are clustered in Brussels, and not elsewhere, to be closer to the European Commission in order to access strategic, informal and tacit information, while contributing to the construction of transnational R&D networks. While this ‘local buzz’ has positive side effects on the regional innovation system of Brussels; knowledge brokers emerge as a new type of spatially clustered actors shaping the distribution of EU funding for ‘European knowledge pipelines’.

Zeithistorische Forschungen

What would be the implications of a major European power leaving the European Union (EU)? Political movements in two of the most influential member states, the United Kingdom and France, have courted an EU withdrawal for decades. In recent years, however, the potential for a withdrawal has increased drastically due to the rise of two populist political parties—Britain’s United Kingdom Independence Party and France’s National Front. A British or French withdrawal from the EU would have security, economic, and legal implications both domestically and internationally. With the change in the EU, other international organizations, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), might assume an increased role or be subject to erosion. This thesis explores the eurosceptic movement and the causes of such sentiment. It then examines the most influential eurosceptic groups in Britain and France, analyzing their histories and comparing their goals. This thesis concludes with an assessment of the potential effects on the EU and NATO if Britain and/or France were to withdraw from the EU. http://archive.org/details/euroscepticismin1094548491 Lieutenant, United States Navy Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This article explores how sub-national institutions – representations from cities and regions – help create a European imaginary in Brussels. Political scientists and other scholars have noted the importance of these city and regional institutions, but have paid little attention to their physical form. Through a select set of case studies, this article analyses the vast impact that small-scale interventions in the use and re-imagination of select buildings occupied by the subnational institutions have on Brussels' urban form and function. Focusing on representations from German states, notably the city-states of Hamburg and Bremen, and including select other city and regional offices, the present article offers some first ideas of how the physical presence of these small entities transforms European Brussels. It asks how the selection, construction, reuse and restoration of buildings for the subnational institutions reshape the urban patterns of Brussels, how their architecture and external decoration contribute to the creation of a European narrative within the city, and how the institutional actors use Brussels' buildings in their print marketing and web presences constructing entangled European and regional identities.

This article explores how sub-national institutions – representations from cities and regions – help create a European imaginary in Brussels. Political scientists and other scholars have noted the importance of these city and regional institutions, but have paid little attention to their physical form. Through a select set of case studies, this article analyses the vast impact that small-scale interventions in the use and re-imagination of select buildings occupied by the subnational institutions have on Brussels' urban form and function. Focusing on representations from German states, notably the city-states of Hamburg and Bremen, and including select other city and regional offices, the present article offers some first ideas of how the physical presence of these small entities transforms European Brussels. It asks how the selection, construction, reuse and restoration of buildings for the subnational institutions reshape the urban patterns of Brussels, how their architecture and external decoration contribute to the creation of a European narrative within the city, and how the institutional actors use Brussels' buildings in their print marketing and web presences constructing entangled European and regional identities.

Den Europeiska Unionen är en mångfacetterad samling länder med ett brett spektra av historisk bakgrund, geografisk placering och ekonomiska förhållanden. I denna uppsats undersöks huruvida en gemensam europeisk identitet kan bidra till en ökad tillit från medborgarna i unionen till EU som institution. Uppsatsens teoretiska underlag består av tidigare forskning. Denna forskning skapar ett fundament för den statistiska modell som används för att besvara frågeställningen. Med hjälp av data samlad ur bland annat Eurobarometerrapporter tar uppsatsen, via multipel linjär regression, fram en modell som förklarar förhållandet mellan den beroende variabeln ”förtroende för EU” och de oberoende variablerna ”uppfattning av gemensam europeisk identitet”, ”avstånd till Bryssel”, ”BNP per capita” och ”antal år som medlem i EU”. Resultatet visar en koppling mellan en högre grad av upplevd gemensam identitet hos medborgarna i ett land och ett ökat förtroende för EU. Vidare visar modellen ett negativt samband mellan förtroendet för EU och ett stigande värde på var och en av de övriga förklaringsvariablerna. Med andra ord: ju längre avstånd till Bryssel, ju högre BNP per capita och ju längre medlemskap i unionen desto lägre förtroende känner den genomsnittlige medborgaren för EU. The European Union is a diverse group of countries characterized by a wide spectra of historical background, geographical location and economic situation. The topic of this essay is whether a common European identity can contribute to an increased level of trust from the citizens towards the EU as an institution. Previous research constitute the theoretical basis of the essay. Using this research, I create the foundation for the statistical model used to answer the question at issue. Using multiple linear regression on data gathered from Eurobarometer reports and other sources, I create a statistical model that explains the relationship between the dependent variable “trust in EU” and the independent variables “feeling of being an EU-citizen”, “distance to Brussels”, “BNP per capita” and “number of years as member of EU”. The results shows a connection between a higher level of feeling of being an EU-citizen and a higher level of trust in EU. Moreover, the model shows a negative connection between trust in EU and an increasing value on each of the other independent variables. In other words: the further away the average citizen is from Brussels, the higher level of BNP per capita her country has and the longer her country has been a member of the EU, the lower trust she has in the EU.