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In the light of the pre-eminent role of the military in Turkish public affairs, this article seeks to assess critically the suitability of the entry criteria that Turkey must fulfil if it is to accede into the European fold. With that in mind, the article takes the idea of the ‘democratic control of the armed forces’ (Decaf), as conceived of by Western agencies such as NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) and the EU (European Union), and unravels its relevance and implications for the Turkish case. The key features of Central and Eastern European systems of civil-military relations, which are targeted by the Decaf measures are contrasted with the Turkish case in order to show that a single-model approach to Decaf is untenable. It is then argued that the way that the strategy that has been used for implementing Decaf is impoverished because it fails to capture the ‘real politics’ in which militaries are embedded. Based on that, the article reaches the conclusion that one of the central factors preventing Turkey's potential accession into the European fold is the prevailing civil-military relationship. However, the approach being employed by Western agencies fails to adequately recognize and respond to the nature of that relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critical discussion of third-country access to normative contestation within the European normative order. It empirically examines the external contestation of the EU's recent sanctions policy directed towards Russia by Turkey, a candidate state, and elaborates on the context in which Turkey contested and renegotiated the normative validity of the EU's sanction policy. The study empirically suggests that Turkey, while behaviourally practising non-compliance, accessed the European normative order and negotiated the normativity of its non-alignment. In the making of this proactive contestation, the normativity of the country's positions and the invalidity of the sanctions policy have been widely negotiated in domestic politics by the political elites. Eventually, Turkey, against the EU's expectations from a candidate state, turned the normative monologue on the sanctions into a multilogue of legitimate normative differences on the validity claims of a united action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Law & International Relations / Relações Internacionais no Mundo is the property of Relacoes Internacionais no Mundo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with two subjects, the first, under the title "Turkey-Armenia relations" relates the indirect territorial demand on 5"' of July, 2013 of Armenia from Turkey. The second subject concerns developments on genocide allegations during the last two years in twenty one countries and three international organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey has long been a productive member of regional international organizations (IOs) like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Council of Europe. Theorists of socialization would predict that Turkey's activities within these organizations would encourage European Union (EU) members who belong to these IOs to support Turkey's application for EU membership. In reality, many EU members who share memberships with Turkey voice severe reservations about the prospects of Turkish EU membership. This article seeks to explain this puzzle. It demonstrates why socialization dynamics have failed to materialize in the Turkey-EU relationship and tests alternative explanations for 'failed socialization'. It finds empirical support for two such explanations. The first involves limitations of IOs' ability to discourage 'bad behavior' by member states. The second involves the increasing importance of mass publics and the dissolution of a 'permissive consensus' that has characterized past decisions about EU enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses minority rights in Turkey, in the context of Turkey's efforts to become a member of the European Union (EU). An argument is presented that Turkey has attempted to meet the minimum necessary EU criteria for acceptable reforms in this area, while trying to maintain as many of its established practices as possible. The Turkish government's views regarding the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Treaty of Lausanne are discussed in this context. The government is said to give higher priority to national security than to minority rights, and is portrayed as trying to strike a balance between freedom of religion and the maintenance of a secular state.

The article examines the contributions of European countries to the United Nations' (UN) actions for peace, citing its implications for Turkish cooperation and coordination. Evidently UN has undertaken steps to improve the capacity and performance of its divisions to meet its members' expectations and requirements on security. Global peace operations highlight the cooperation between the UN and the European Union, which has influenced in resolving conflicts in Turkey.

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NATO is going through a time of high complexity, resulting largely from the deep internal divisions that limit its ability to deal with the various strategic challenges. Based on the recently published document "NATO 2030: United for a new era", which analyses the strategic environment and recommends a set of lines of action for the organization over the next ten years, this article argues that most of the proposed measures to strengthen the Alliance's political cohesion can only be successfully implemented if two essential measures are taken: rapprochement with Turkey and strengthening cooperation with the EU. The survival of NATO is also dependent on the identification of a common threat, fundamental to this type of community, a condition that currently does not exist, especially in relation to the two identified systemic adversaries: Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of Europeanisation initiated in Turkey following the 1999 Helsinki summit witnessed a loosening of state control over the Patriarchate of Constantinople under the government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). In parallel with the AKP's reforms geared towards EU membership, the Patriarchate's activities became more transnational in their character, especially with regards to its organisation and influence over religious affairs within the Christian world. This contribution traces change and continuity in Turkish policy towards the Patriarchate under the AKP government. Key differences between the AKP government's stance on the Patriarchate and those of its predecessors are noted, with specific reference to prospects of EU membership and the strategy that has been devised by the AKP to that end. Specifically, the contribution shows that Turkey's bid to join the EU initially presented important leverage over Turkey, allowing the Patriarchate to reassert its transnational character. However, diminished prospects of EU membership together with a gradual return of nationalist sentiment now present an important challenge for the Patriarchate in its efforts to maintain transnational character and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to provide an image on the Romanian-Turkish relationships from the perspective of the Romanian students. The rationale of the research lays on the importance of the perception the host country has about different groups of diasporas in the evolution of the relationships between countries. The study has an explorative value and adds to the existed empirical studies that investigate the image of the bilateral relationships between countries. The research surveyed 187 students from different universities from Romania. The main results identified a good image of Turkey, despite a less good opinion on the relations between the two countries over time; the students consider that the Romanian-Turkish relations have a good development potential; students are relatively reluctant about Turkey's accession to the European Union; the image of the traditional Turkish minority in Romania is a good one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Rights Review (Justice Academy of Turkey) is the property of Justice Academy of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past two decades, there has been a growing interest in Europeanization, both within and beyond the European Union (EU). The impact of Eastern enlargement in 2004 on candidate and neighbourhood countries has attracted scholarly attention, and a consensus currently exists on the success of the EU's transformative power through the employment of a conditionality mechanism. However, the limits of EU conditionality upon candidate countries and neighbourhood Europeanization, in addition to the problems experienced by the EU itself, have brought into question whether the end of Europeanization research is in sight. Considering this, we critically evaluate the issues discussed in the scholarship on Europeanization and review several points of interest in relation to EU candidate countries in the Western Balkans as well as Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the progress and shortcomings of democratic control of armed forces (DCAF) reforms in Turkey and seeks to question how Turkey might be further motivated to implement reforms. It questions official motives in each reform process and finds two main motives for progress: the prospect of EU accession and democratization. It finds the motive for the existing shortcomings as the goal for allowing a degree of authority for military within DCAF in order to prevent political abuse of military power. Thus it seems that Turkey might be motivated to overcome these shortcomings only when its understanding of DCAF details a full subordination of military to civilian authority. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article will examine how the media reported the 2011 election campaign in Turkey in comparison to the 2007 elections. In order to reflect the different ideological segments within the society (pro-secular, nationalist vs religious-conservative), four newspapers – Zaman, Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet and Posta – are chosen. The empirical evidence suggests that there are similarities between the analysis of the 2011 elections and the previous research findings of the 2007 elections with regard to the topics garnered, the main themes and the absence of the European Union-membership-related narratives. Yet, we also observe a major difference in the 2011 elections. The themes of the contestation between competing party programmes, values, and issue positions have shifted away from the secularism and Islam to the daily politics such as the economic progress, the military operations, the terrorist attacks, the corruption allegations and the Kurdish issue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The fate of Turkey's non-Muslim minorities has been somehow linked to the country's foreign policy since the eighteenth century. Throughout the Ottoman era, the early years of the Republic and the Cold War period, foreign policy issues had a mostly negative impact on the treatment of the non-Muslim minorities, engendering the state's suspicion and repression. This has changed at the turn of the twenty-first century, with the emergence of a new variable in Turkish foreign policy: The European Union. Reforms undertaken by Ankara since then have considerably transformed the scene, although challenges do still remain, demonstrating the dialectical nature of the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Human trafficking lies at the heart of international organised crime. It is concerned with profits in terms of the exploitation of human beings. It is an abuse of basic rights. The enormous interest and concern for trafficking and human struggling is factual evidence. In the EU, policy on irregular migration is driven by the perception that the member states risk being overwhelmed by large numbers of irregular migrants thought to constitute a threat to national security. This has implications for policy measures designed to combat trafficking and human smuggling, which may not work without international cooperation. In most cases, victims are brought to the EU member states from abroad. This creates a demand for international obligations for cooperation and related instruments for combating human smuggling and trafficking. Therefore, the member states and their law enforcement agencies cannot tackle human trafficking alone. A question arises as to whether Turkey can be a vital partner, based on the facts that it is a transit country, with a strong border and assuming that it has a role to play, through its expertise and its commitment to dealing with the effects of trafficking. Unfortunately, these facts are still overlooked, while disproportionately intensive efforts are expended on dealing with questions of national security by the member states. Combating illegal immigration and reducing and controlling migration are frequently seen through the magnifying glass of the struggle against human trafficking. This article focuses on the international factors involved and how the wider international community might be able to play an effective role in helping to tackle human trafficking. It argues that continued coordination and collaboration across the countries is vital. The article reviews the empirical evidence from Turkey, as non-EU/candidate countries' cooperation and assistance in human trafficking may have an important dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims at analyzing the impact of the European integration process on Kurdish nationalism in Turkey by focusing on the Democratic Society Party (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, DTP) as the major pro-Kurdish political party in Turkey between 2005 and 2009. It argues that the Europeanization process in Turkey, which accelerated in the post-Helsinki period, has brought about some important consequences concerning the recognition and expression of Kurdish identity. The study examines Europe's impact on the DTP through analysis of party documents and interviews with party representatives, in order to investigate the meaning and use of the European integration process in the DTP's sub-state nationalist ideology. This analysis shows that, although the Europeanization process in Turkey has somewhat broadened opportunity structures for Kurdish sub-state nationalist politics, overall the EU's impact on the DTP's nationalist politics has remained indirect and limited. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article highlights the lessons from the European Union's (EU's) eastern enlargement relevant for Turkey. The EU's approach to candidates, developed during the last enlargement, was founded on asymmetry, objectivity and conditionality, with the latter evolving as the key policy tool. Clearly, some of the tools and rules of the previous enlargement cannot work as well with Turkey. The article examines the mechanisms underlying the success of conditionality and sketches some of the scope conditions needed for it to work in Turkey's case. Ultimately, the success of conditionality will depend on EU credibility and the preferences of domestic actors, which are more heterogeneous than in Central and Eastern European states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although EU-NATO institutional relations have been evolving since the Saint-Malo Declaration in 1998, efficient and coherent cooperation is still lacking. This article goes beyond the narrative of blockage caused purely at the political level in order to illustrate both formal and informal EU-NATO cooperation at both the centre (Brussels) and on the ground (missions). This article addresses cooperation in terms of the actors involved at three different levels: state actors, international staff, and military personnel. Although, much has been done to advance cooperation between international staffers in Brussels and between those on the ground in common mission areas, the lack of a political agreement - one that moves beyond the limited scope of Berlin Plus - is causing severe fatigue, most notably at the level of international staff. Furthermore, the informal and ad hoc cooperation that has been the underlying facilitator of synergy between the two organisations could start to atrophy if a grand or intermediary bargain is not achieved in the near future.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the implications of post-enlargement European international society for Turkey in three areas: identity construction, foreign policy and political reform. First, through an analysis of post-2007 European Parliament debates on EU-Turkey relations, it argues that the construction of European and Turkish identities vis-a-vis each other is likely to remain an important arena of contestation. Second, it provides a brief overview of Turkey's new regional foreign policy activism, and argues the recent initiatives are in fact signs of adaptation to a post-enlargement Europe, as they are building on a foreign policy role conception that stresses Turkey's hybrid identity as both European and Asian, and Western and Islamic. Finally, it analyzes the diffusion of the norms of European international society to Turkey in the post-2007 period, in particular focusing on the critical role played by domestic political actors. While Turkish political actors are showing signs of adaptation in terms of how they utilize the political opportunity structures in post-enlargement Europe, the weakening of Turkey's EU membership prospects is likely to slow down the diffusion of European norms to Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a reassessment of the literature on the transformative impact of the EU on Turkey through the lens of the 'Europeanisation research programme'. It relies on systematic examination of a sample of the literature based on substantive findings, research design and methods. It suggests that this sample displays limitations characteristic of the Europeanisation research programme and proposes to remedy these limitations by applying the research design and methods used therein for generating empirically based comparative research on Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The potential accession of Turkey to the European Union is an issue that has provoked widespread debate both within and without the Union and indeed Turkey. Opinions as to whether Turkey is 'ready' for membership or if in fact the Union can 'absorb' the addition of Turkey vary but what is uncontested is the fact that the accession process has prompted wide ranging reforms in Turkey, particularly in relation to the protection of fundamental human rights. This article outlines the prevailing legislation pertaining to minority rights in Turkey and assesses the extent to which the reform process on the path to EU accession has impacted on those rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black Sea region countries have diverse political systems, ranging from developed democracies to authoritarian regimes. Communist past and a lack of democratic experience have stalled or reversed democratisation processes in many cases. Flawed legal systems and a public distrust of institutions have been paired with growing executive power in many countries. Increasing inequality and unresolved conflicts undermine pro-democratic reforms as well. In seeking to enhance democratic transformation, civil society groups should be given broad practical support. Aid to states should be linked to democratic reform, and combined with substantial assistance for institutional and administrative capacity building. Judicial reforms and a stronger rule of law will be critical in stabilizing the region's political and economic systems. The EU, in particular, needs to develop a coherent regional policy, which must include cooperation with Russia and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Black Sea region is increasingly becoming a priority on the international agenda. In fact, a regional approach is emerging as actors understand that common problems need to be addressed jointly. Nevertheless, cooperation efforts are hampered by a number of factors, such as uneven economic and political development within and among countries, nationalist forces and longstanding animosities between regional players. In this context, it is imperative to foster sound policies aimed at strengthening dialogue and cooperation so as to contain and ultimately resolve conflicts with peaceful means. However, there is little policy-oriented research on the challenges and opportunities for cooperation in the Black Sea region. This study is primarily devoted to exploring and understanding the security environment and the main threats to security and stability in the Black Sea region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that current discourses on Turkish corruption are marked by a disproportionate emphasis on culture and can thus be understood as part of a broader relationship with Europe's perennial 'other'. Having traced elements of this within European political elites' response to Turkey's prospective accession to the Union, the article goes on to suggest that the association of corruption with a different cultural orientation represents a useful means of legitimising the extraneous guidance of administrative and economic change. The ultimate aim of such reforms are, the article concludes, to extend the penetrative capacity of European capital, to reduce the transaction costs involved in acquiring Turkish assets and to disable domestic resistance to further marketisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's efforts to initiate an active foreign policy towards the Black Sea region in the 1990s were scuttled by Russian influence and an international environment inconducive to multilateralism. When security needs changed in the twenty-first century and the enlargement of the EU reached the Black Sea, a multilateral approach was developed for the region by local and international actors, i.e., the EU and Turkey. In this framework, this article aims to show the changes observed in Turkish foreign policy towards the region since the 1990s and the EU's effect in this change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Europeanization reforms in Turkey are partly designed to bring about the demilitarization of Turkish politics. However, up to now reforms have not been free from the military's impact. The democracy game is still played in a field whose borders have been delimited by the Turkish armed forces (TAF) and its interpretation of Kemalism. Even when the boundaries of these borders were extended, it was more due to the TAF's self-restraint, motivated by the prospect of membership in the EU, rather than the restrictive impact of institutional reforms. Under these circumstances, the future of Europeanization and thus the demilitarization of Turkish politics is likely to be shaped by whether reforms will reach the issues and prerogatives that the military has carefully guarded and whether the EU will offer the state a credible prospect for membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista da Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais is the property of Edicoes Universidade Fernando Pessoa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the European Union's impact in promoting peace within their region through contractual relations. Turkey's situation with the Kurds and Georgia's secessionist conflict with Abkhazia and South Ossetia are explored. The origins, development and predicted solutions for each conflict are given. The different forms of contractual relations each country has with the European Union are discussed. A brief historical review of these two conflicts is provided and the factors determining the effectiveness in assembling contractual relations of conflict resolution are considered. How the European Union contractual relationships have influenced its effectiveness in promoting peace is discussed.

The article explores how and why the European Union (EU)dimension has influenced the acceleration, deceleration or retreat of Turkey's reform process. It was believed that EU relations have played as a major external factor in the country's internal development. More international changes and internal factors carry more weight in identifying domestic trends in Turkey. The country's first contractual relationship with EU started in 1963 with the signature of the association agreement. The Turkey-EU customs union in January 1996 was the starting point for the higher levels of economic integration. Meanwhile, the accession process should ease the process of economic reform and restructuring, however, it may run the risk of forming an EU backlash in the country.

On 17 December 2004, the EU Heads of State announced that accession negotiations would commence with Turkey, over 40 years since Turkey made an application for associate membership. No other country seeking full membership of the European Union has stirred up so many passions in favour or against its entry as Turkey. While other studies have considered Turkey's potential political and economic obstacles to membership, this paper considers whether Turkey in the EU would present a security risk or security opportunity for the EU using the European Security Strategy as the main vehicle for analysis. In doing so this article also exposes pertinent issues about the security identity of the EU and its ability to fulfil its aspirations to take greater responsibility for global security matters. The author contends that Turkey presents both a security risk and opportunity for the EU but that her position by 2015, the earliest that a membership decision could be made, will be dependent on the future vision of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on the Common European Security and Defense Policy (CESDP) of the European Union (EU) and highlights the emergence of third country problems. Concerns of the United States, Turkey and Russia regarding the necessity of associating states outside the EU with CESDP; Reasons behind the need to enhance the Common Foreign and Security Policy; Ways to ensure that North Atlantic Treaty Organizations and the CESDP remained closely linked.