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Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to simulate total factor productivity, following the original proposal made by Cobb and Douglas (1928). Estimates with annual frequency are computed for the United States during two periods, i.e. 1899-1992 and 1933-2019. In the case of Mexico, estimates are computed for the 1993-2015 period. An income distribution in favor of capital in recent decades is found both for the United States and México. Capital share has grown in the United States from 25% in 1899-1922 to 89% in 1993-2019, while for Mexico it has been 82% for 1993-2015. Functional income distribution requires close monitoring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the state, future configuration and ways of managing the international order, as well as Latin America's place in that order, to understand where it is now and reflect on what it might be like and how it might develop in the future. To do so, we employ the notion of "non-hegemonic order", which has no start date because it stems from a combination of processes of varying duration and effects. We argue that the order taking shape will have two main fault lines: a breach between two opposing and different Norths - North 1 and North 2 - and another breach between the two Norths and a Global South diverse in resources and power configurations, of which Latin America forms part (with its own specificities). We address the singular position of the Latin American region which in a bid to consolidate its autonomy maintains a complex triangular Latin America-United States-China dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering that the U. S. inflation rate peaked in June 2022, there is no evidence that monetary policy had any significant effect on the direction taken by prices. Yet, like premodern physicians committed to the ancient humoral theory of disease, mainstream economists today have shown that they lack the tools to cure the patient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Álabe is the property of Alabe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El libro The political economy of transnational power and production. Mexico’s metamorphosis 1982-2022 de James Cypher y Mateo Crossa (2023) es un trabajo muy denso y exige al lector que se mantenga concentrado página tras página. Es una obra consistente y coherente. La narración de diferentes procesos que ocurren a la vez no permite que el lector desvíe su atención. El libro de 264 páginas tiene una gran cantidad de información y presenta un análisis profundo sobre el “surgimiento”, la “implementación” y el desarrollo del neoliberalismo en México. La obra está compuesta de ocho capítulos y un prefacio. Además, hay un índice onomástico y terminológico. El libro es producto de amplios y largos estudios sobre la realidad política, económica y social mexicana. Los autores no solo han examinado la literatura “secundaria” y han consultado “fuentes primarias”, sino también han hecho trabajo de campo y han hablado con líderes sindicales y trabajadores.

Resumo Este artigo tem por objetivo avaliar os limites do debate acerca da crise de hegemonia dos Estados Unidos na década de 1970. Nossa hipótese é que a crise daquele período não correspondeu à crise de hegemonia - à revelia dos questionamentos a ela. Argumentaremos que, ao longo do pós-guerra, os EUA construíram as bases de um poder global que se consolidaram no decorrer daquela quadra e da seguinte, mediante o alicerçamento dos parâmetros formatadores do sistema interestatal - segurança, moeda/finanças, produção/tecnologia. A crise da década corresponde, por conseguinte, não à crise de hegemonia, mas ao antagonismo entre os limites da autonomia dos Estados Nacionais e a ascensão de uma ordem econômica transnacional, em cujo vértice se situa o poder global estadunidense. JEL: F40, F62, P16, N12.

The history of the past two decades has proved that top Korean leaders can make a real difference in terms of their previous experiences and personal engagement in securing the Republic of Korea's (ROK) vested interests in the Middle East. For decades, South Korea had handed over its day‐to‐day interactions with Middle Eastern countries to the Korean bureaucracy led by the relevant departments and subaltern officials at the foreign ministry and other state institutions. This approach, however, seems rather dysfunctional today, requiring key Korean officials, especially the president, to get involved personally in the ROK's increasingly multifaceted relationships with Middle Eastern nations. This article reappraises the new Korean orientation by highlighting some of the major developments involving both sides during the past several years. The main argument is that the ROK is facing increasingly serious difficulties in sorting out its policy behaviors toward Middle Eastern countries as Korea is striving to strike a delicate balance between its own expanding commercial interests in the region and what the United States expects from South Korea with regard to the topsy‐turvy world of politics in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has resulted in massive refugee migration. In this article we consider how the European Union (EU) and the United States have so far managed this influx of people. For reasons explained in the article, the EU is more focused on humanitarian aid, while the United States is especially engaged through military aid. The EU and the United States have historically employed both overt and covert means of limiting refugee migration, and this has been especially the case with migrants of color. Ukrainian refugees have no problem entering EU countries and receiving help (work permits, housing, etc.), while the United States uses various ways that make entry into the United States fairly complicated and thus contain Ukrainian migration (e.g., difficulty filling out applications, finding a sponsor in the United States). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long before the COVID‐19 pandemic, health‐care spending became a key policy issue across the OECD. Comparing recent institutional trends in public health‐care financing in three federal countries—Canada, the United States, and Mexico—this article explores the political struggles over fiscal federalism in health care related to both vertical and horizontal imbalances that can generate regional tensions and pit subnational governments against one another and, especially, against the national government. Grounded in a historical institutionalist perspective, the article shows how different institutional legacies shape current conflicts over federal health‐care funding in these three highly dissimilar federal countries. Such an analysis stresses the role of policy feedback in social politics and the enduring "varieties of federalism" in North American public health‐care funding. More specifically, the article shows how the distinct nature of policy feedback effects in the United States, Mexico, and Canada helps explain why the two former countries recently witnessed major changes in intergovernmental relations over fiscal federalism for health care while the latter did not. Related Articles: Bode, Ingo, and Jorge E. Culebro Moreno. 2018. "Paradoxical Internationalization: Regulatory Reforms in the Mexican Health‐Care System through the Lens of European Experience." Politics & Policy 46(4): 678–710. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12268. Lauby, Fanny, and Christopher J. McKinley. 2023. "Factors of Early COVID‐19 Prevention Policy Engagement in France and the United States." Politics & Policy 51(5): 830–48. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12556. Luccisano, Lucy, and Amy Romagnoli. 2007. "Comparing Public Social Provision and Citizenship in the United States, Canada, and Mexico: Are There Implications for a North American Space?" Politics & Policy 35(4): 716–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00082.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the transformations of technology in the last two decades, especially those related to privacy, based on the digital rights perspective. It debates how the concept of privacy is grounded on the distinction between public and private, a spatial metaphor no longer applicable in the face of the ubiquity of information and communication technologies. Hence, there is a premise stating the personal is increasingly more political nowadays, due to the phenomenon of surveillance capitalism. To anchor the theoretical debate in an empirically informed discussion, the work analyzes discourses about digital rights used in the main sessions of the Internet Governance Forum. The goal is to map the main Forum controversies about digital rights and their relation with contemporary democracies. Using a combined methodology based on both quantitative and qualitative data from the main sessions of the event, the analysis starts from a survey of the recurrence keywords related to the research; privacy, rights, surveillance, and freedom. From these results, a qualitative analysis of the discourses mobilized in these activities is conducted. The outcomes of the empirical analysis are then discussed from examples of technology regulation in the United States and the European Union. Among the main conclusions of the work, the emphasis lies on the need for transparency and accountability of the artificial intelligence algorithms. Related Articles: Glen, Carol M. 2021. "Norm Entrepreneurship in Global Cybersecurity." Politics & Policy 49(5): 1121–45. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12430. Robles, Pedro, and Daniel J. Mallinson. 2023. "Catching Up with AI: Pushing Toward a Cohesive Governance Framework." Politics & Policy 51(3): 355–72. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12529. Zeng, Jinghan, Tim Stevens, and Yaru Chen. 2017. "China's Solution to Global Cyber Governance: Unpacking the Domestic Discourse of 'Internet Sovereignty.'" Politics & Policy 45(3): 432–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12202. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic and policy debates on alliances are yet to incorporate insights from foreign policy analysis (FPA) literature. Generally, bilateral relations between allies are either analyzed with insights from traditional IR theories (such as realism) or with policy-oriented work that does not engage any scholarly literature (focusing on only the day-to-day issues of international politics). I argue that FPA theories that make linkages between scholarly work and policy-oriented questions in an evidence-based and analytical fashion are capable of accounting for the most significant policy questions of modern international politics. This article analyzes US–Turkey relations in, arguably, their worst decade, with a role theoretic outlook. I claim that despite being close political and military allies since the 1940s, US–Turkey bilateral relations are witnessing their worst decade since the Arab uprisings in the MENA, due mostly to ideational factors that shape foreign policy. The conflictual relations originate from a change in US and Turkish foreign policy-makers' role conceptualizations vis-à-vis their countries' roles in the MENA region after the Arab uprisings and the role conflict this has caused with one another. Misaligned interests during the Arab uprisings, especially after 2014 in the Syrian civil war, have exacerbated the bilateral ties further. Drawing insights from elite interviews conducted in Turkey (2014–2016), Washington DC, and Ankara (2018–2020), I explain the sources of conflict in US–Turkey relations with a role theory perspective and offer policy prescriptions in conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accurate accounting of where and for whom deprivations occur is fundamental to addressing poverty. In the United States, the official poverty measure considers only a person's income, although poverty is increasingly understood internationally as a set of multiple, interlinked deprivations. This article introduces a decomposable multidimensional poverty (MDP) measure that addresses these shortcomings by using thirteen American Community Survey microdata indicators to identify education, health, housing, and economic security deprivations for individuals. In 2017, the national poverty rate was 13.7 percent when measured using MDP and 13.1 percent using official poverty. Although similar at the national scale, Hispanic, Asian, and older persons had higher poverty rates using the multidimensional measure, whereas Black and young persons had higher rates when using official poverty. MDP tended to be higher than official poverty in dense urban areas, whereas official poverty tended to be higher in rural areas. Further, MDP was a stronger correlate with COVID-19 death rates than official poverty through the first three waves of the pandemic. The design of MDP recognizes that individuals can experience poverty in different ways and provides a more holistic view of people and places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates that the current rivalry between economic-political power blocs has similarities and differences concerning the period before WW1. That phenomenon is relevant because the last ten years have witnessed a growing rivalry in different orders between East Asia, led by China and Russia, and the West, led by the United States and its allies. The text compares the similarities and differences of these two historical moments in a historical framework, using historical and documentary bibliographic information. The main conclusion is that there is a rivalry for institutionality and future governance, something that was absent in the early nineteenth century, in which liberal theses and territorial imperialism predominated. The constitution of the BRICS+ (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and the newly incorporated countries) constitutes a challenge in the consolidation of a new multipolar governance, a new phenomenon, and therefore, a geopolitical challenge for the construction of a new global order that replaces a single hegemonic power such as the one that occurred at the end of the WWII. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much debate has taken place regarding political rights and the importance of education for US citizens during the late 18th century. This essay aims to understand how the texts published by Judith Murray, Catharine Macaulay, Mercy Otis Warren and Phillis Wheatley contributed to the debate on political, social e educational equality during the 18th century. The method involves the analysis of texts published by them in parallel with the context of time, the emergence of female academies and the formation of the first literary circles. I conclude the scenario contributed to the construction of a national identify and the writings contributed to important changes in the political perception of women, creating the Seneca Falls Convention for their rights in 1848. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines an understudied dimension of transnational mobilities and ageing: namely, the experiences of ageing parents who take on short-term informal jobs during their extended visits to their migrant offspring abroad. Based on ethnographic research with ageing parents in Brazil and their accounts of short-term (visitor) transnational mobilities and paid work in the United States, where their children have emigrated, the article examines how older parents on a visitor ('tourist') visa take on short-term jobs and how their work and earnings abroad make them feel empowered. The article draws on a spatio-temporal analytical framework to discuss how migrants' temporal and spatial journeys are shaped by their ability to mobilize resources such as trusted transnational networks and translate these into transnational spaces of opportunity. The article concludes that through these specific configurations of time and space older adults are able to make use of their own work to improve livelihoods for themselves and their families, which they recount as enabling and empowering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Administración Pública is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Military History Chronicles is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nos últimos anos, os Estados Unidos usam o dólar como ferramenta geopolítica, aplicando sanções a nações consideradas adversárias, o que tem suscitado preocupações, particularmente na China. O objetivo deste estudo é examinar opções ao sistema financeiro global dominado pelo dólar, com foco na crescente influência chinesa. O desenvolvimento do Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS) representa uma resposta direta ao poder econômico dos Estados Unidos, oferecendo alternativas para nações escaparem de sanções. O CIPS fornece uma rota viável para transações internacionais, como reforça a posição global do renminbi. O texto analisa qualitativamente a hierarquia monetária, destacando influências políticas além de econômicas. Explora o SWIFT, o CIPS e a internacionalização do renminbi. Portanto, ilustra que a China está ativamente trabalhando na criação de alternativas ao dólar. Essas iniciativas marcam mudanças geopolíticas, à medida que os atores internacionais buscam maior independência financeira e monetária. Na primeira seção é apresentado o conceito da hierarquia monetária e suas implicações para países periféricos. A seção seguinte, mostra como o SWIFT é utilizado como ferramenta de sanções aos países adversários. A terceira parte tem foco no CIPS, a internacionalização do renminbi e em como novas alternativas de desvinculação do dólar afetam o sistema monetário e financeiro internacional.

La sociedad contemporánea enfrenta una evolución hacia un futuro incierto, marcado por el progreso tecnológico y científico. Las instituciones tradicionales, como el matrimonio y la familia, y las estructuras sociales, como las instituciones educativas, se ven afectadas por esta dinámica. En América Latina, la historia está marcada por conflictos internos y luchas por la identidad nacional, incluyendo guerras civiles y la luchas contra el narcotráfico. A pesar de la importancia de comprender la historia para construir un futuro mejor, la sociedad actual tiende a ignorarla, centrándose en el presente. La investigación propuesta busca explorar la relación entre el mito del totemismo de Freud y el surgimiento del Estado moderno en la independencia de Estados Unidos. Para ello se examinará cómo la teoría de Freud sobre el origen de la cultura y la sociedad puede influir en la comprensión del Estado. Se revisarán textos clave de Freud y análisis contemporáneos para entender esta relación. La investigación se justifica por su enfoque innovador en la exploración del origen del Estado moderno desde una perspectiva freudiana, buscando nuevas visiones y comprensiones sobre el tema.

La victoria de Salvador Allende en 1970 no fue solo un evento determinante para el contexto chileno, tuvo también un eco global, transformando el incipiente experimento que buscaba la creación de una vía democrática al socialismo, en un evento que capturó la atención de militante del mundo entero. Como parte de estas audiencias cautivas, tres miembros de la Nueva Izquierda estadounidense, ligados al movimiento Yippie y desilusionados con el estado de las luchas políticas en su país, decidieron embarcarse en un viaje para conocer la experiencia chilena de primera mano. Nuestro artículo reconstruye este viaje, con el objetivo de mostrar las particulares interacciones que cada viajero tuvo con la realidad chilena y, a través de estas, analizar las características y límites del proyecto de la Unidad Popular, el lugar de la cultura como elemento constitutivo del proyecto de cambio y en paralelo el desarrollo de la contracultura juvenil.

La transición hacia un sistema internacional multipolar, con reflejos también en Oriente Medio, se ha manifestado a través de cambios y transformaciones en la dinámica geopolítica y en las relaciones de poder en la región. En este sentido, se ha evidenciado un alejamiento relativo de Estados Unidos en la zona durante las últimas décadas. Esto está relacionado, sobre todo, con la retirada gradual de tropas norteamericanas del área, cambios en la política exterior estadounidense, el ascenso de nuevos actores regionales e internacionales y la existencia de un nuevo liderazgo en Medio Oriente, que busca ponderar sus agendas nacionales. En consecuencia, el objetivo general del presente artículo es identificar los factores que han determinado la reconfiguración de la hegemonía estadounidense en la región de Oriente Medio en el periodo 2017-2023. Cómo

Este artículo identifica y explica los factores fundamentales del declive relativo de la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos de América en el sistema internacional de Estados: la agudización de las contradicciones inherentes del sistema capitalista; la polarización de su política doméstica; la pérdida de confianza en su gobierno; el decrecimiento económico; la pérdida de cuotas de influencia, incluido por el ascenso de potencias emergentes, como China, o de bloques como el BRICS; el rechazo abrumador al orden internacional actual y los intentos por contrarrestar la hegemonía del dólar. Se ejemplifican las áreas en las que se evidencia la disminución del poderío estadounidense. Se analiza como su impacto más visible, el ascenso de China en la región de América Latina y el Caribe. A modo de conclusión queda recogido que el declive relativo de la hegemonía de EE.UU. no significa que esta ha llegado a su fin. El ascenso de China y los BRICS como nuevos actores emergentes no amenaza la hegemonía de EE.UU. en la región. De lo que se trata, a largo plazo, es de un cambio más acentuado en la correlación internacional de fuerzas, que se expresará en una nueva distribución del poder en el hemisferio occidental.

Por un lado, el libro aborda la problemática educativa que enfrentan estudiantes mexicanos indocumentados en las universidades de los Estados Unidos. Por el otro lado, se aborda la atención específica (escolar, académica y administrativa) que la Universidad de Guadalajara (México), ofrece a los estudiantes migrantes retornados de los Estados Unidos.

Entre diciembre de 1943 y febrero de 1945, Alfredo Mendizábal, profesor de derecho, católico y republicano, exiliado primero en Francia y luego en Estados Unidos, publicó en el semanario católico estadounidense The Commonweal varios artículos de análisis y opinión que le sirvieron a esta revista para consolidar discursivamente su línea editorial crítica hacia Franco, en un contexto, el de la prensa católica estadounidense, que era en general favorable al dictador español.

Dos siglos de evolución del sistema bancario estadounidense proveen lecciones sobre el dinero creado por los bancos, su uso como medio de pago y su fragilidad. En este artículo se resume esta historia, con foco en el importante rol que la opacidad sobre los bancos y las garantías gubernamentales parecen tener para que las economías disfruten de bancos y medios de pago eficientes y estables.

Centroamérica, con el propósito de entender cuáles eran las condiciones sociales, económicas, políticas y de derechos humanos que vivián estos países, en los que surgió el neopentecostalismo como una expresión del fundamentalismo religioso. Esta no fue una manifestación nativa de estas sociedades, sino que se trató de un fenómeno originado en los Estados Unidos, como parte de un proyecto político que buscaba dar respuesta a la situación que se vivía en la región centroamericana en esos años; eran tiempos de conflictos políticos y militares principalmente en Guatemala, El Salvador y Nicaragua, cuya atención y consecuencias involucró a los demás países del área. En el desarrollo de esos luchas también participaron grupos cristianos, que simpatizaban con la teología latinoamericana de la liberación, cuyo mensaje central era la opción por las poblaciones pobres, que les condujo a apoyar los movimientos políticos de liberación que buscaban transformar la estructura socio-económica capitalista; evidenciándose, así, que el elemento religioso, que históricamente había sido un aliado de los grupo políticos y económicos de dominación, esta vez a través de un sector pequeño, hizo un quiebre con esa tradición. Ante ello, los Estados Unidos tomó la decisión de promover y llevar el fundamentalismo religioso a Centroamérica para detener los proyectos políticos revolucionarios. Conocer el contexto en el que nace el neopetencostalismo permite comprender su relación u oposición a los temas relacionados con los derechos humanos.

El contexto mexicano es fundamental para examinar la diversidad de los movimientos migratorios en el continente americano. Este artículo adopta un enfoque multidisciplinar para analizar cómo los actores estatales, y por tanto los gobiernos de Estados Unidos y México, producen ciertas iniciativas que afectan directamente al estudio de caso que aquí se presenta, a saber, la migración de Guatemala a México. Pero es esencial aportar un profundo análisis propio de la sociología de la migración para comprender cómo, para los migrantes guatemaltecos, existen aspectos beneficiosos al optar por emigrar a México sin continuar el viaje hacia Estados Unidos. Este fenómeno supone una transformación para México en el contexto de la migración. Entonces, el país puede ser considerado como un estado de origen, tránsito y destino al mismo tiempo. El discurso político tanto de las recientes administraciones estadounidenses de Trump y Biden, como el del actual presidente mexicano Andrés Manuel López Obrador, debe considerarse como uno de los factores causales del desvío de la migración guatemalteca. Mientras que en EEUU ciertos dispositivos de restricción migratoria como el Título 8 y el Título 42 ejemplifican el rigor institucional respecto a la inmigración, por otro lado, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) instrumentaliza la solidaridad hacia los migrantes para obtener ciertos beneficios, en ocasiones inherentes a la economía mexicana. Y mientras que en la polarizada sociedad estadounidense los migrantes no suelen ser bienvenidos, el humanitarismo de la población mexicana alimenta la inmigración procedente de Guatemala. Este último movimiento migratorio, que se define como intra-Sur al corresponder a dos países pertenecientes al Sur Global dentro de América Latina, es decir, México y Guatemala, también resulta propiciado por afinidades sociolingüísticas y culturales que unen a mexicanos y guatemaltecos. Partiendo tanto de la literatura académica estadounidense y de las perspectivas neoliberales asociadas, que analizan el fenómeno migratorio en función de los problemas que acarrea a Estados Unidos, así como de las teorías humanitaristas y latinoamericanistas vinculadas a los estudios migratorios producidos en América Latina, se propone un análisis de causas iniciales y motivos de la continuación del desvío de la migración guatemalteca. De esta forma, es posible comprender a fondo qué lleva a los guatemaltecos a establecerse en México y cuáles son las diferencias con la tradicional migración Sur-Norte con destino a los Estados Unidos.

This article focuses on the subject of commercial maritime traffic between the American ports of the Philadelphia district and those of New England with Spain and Portugal in the last decade of the 18th century and in the first decade of the 19th century. The main documentary base is made up of the entry and exit records of US Custom Houses along with numerous correspondence from US merchants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fifty-one years after the publication of the book "To Read Donald Duck," the reasons why, after being censored in Chile in 1973 and banned in the United States in 1975, it was able to be disseminated in more than 20 editions and 15 languages, are analyzed. Under a documentary review of the editions, especially the Spanish, English and French versions that gave it an academic communicational tone and a context of mass colonialism. It was found that it was independent publishers who managed to disseminate the book as a product of current counterculture and a concern of local translators and prologue writers about how Disney penetrated their countries with a strange and dangerous fascination of the middle classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of research indicate that most Census‐measured U.S. racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately impacted by environmental disamenities, all else equal; the study of this is referred to as Environmental Justice (EJ) research. Yet both U.S. and world history show that another minoritized group is religious minorities. If so, this has health consequences and policy implications. Houses of worship (HOWs) are visible and physical symbols of religion. We use tax records to locate Jewish, Muslim, and Buddhist or Hindu HOWs within census tracts for the entire contiguous United States. We combine these data with EJSCREEN data to analyze whether air pollution risks are greater in their presence. We find that, even holding constant race, ethnicity, and poverty, two non‐census‐measured religious minorities' HOWs are disproportionately impacted by air pollution in the United States: Jews and Muslims. This new knowledge has consequences for EJ policy and social justice‐motivated environmental research. Related Articles: Ash, John. 2010. "New Nuclear Energy, Risk, and Justice: Regulatory Strategies for an Era of Limited Trust." Politics & Policy 38(2): 255–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00237.x. Fowler, Luke. 2022. "Searching for Green Elephants and Other Mythical Creatures during the Trump Years: Partisanship and Congressional Voting on Environmental Legislation." Politics & Policy 50(5): 913–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12499. Tubadji, Annie. 2023. "You'll Never Walk Alone: Loneliness, Religion, and Politico‐economic Transformation." Politics & Policy 51(4): 661–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12538. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this editorial, the author argues that social and political values in a democratic United States of America have significant global impacts on the development of justice, human rights, and democracy. Abandoning these values in favor of national interests may result in the development of new undemocratic nations and facilitate the emergence of narcissistic sociopathic leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho de la Seguridad Social, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We know that deep scientization (DS)—the misrepresentation of political issues as technical/scientific ones best handled by experts—can unduly limit public deliberation and lead to policy misdesign. Yet, tools for investigating DS remain lacking. This article develops a new approach to diagnosing DS that works by identifying where experts have used their discretion to construct policy claims that contravene existing, shared epistemic standards. This approach's value is demonstrated through a case study of U.S. chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) policy. The study shows that, whereas government experts originally developed CFS as a research construct, they have since used their discretionary power to recast CFS as a serious disease requiring new policy interventions. This epistemically unjustified transformation of CFS has limited public discussion of important value‐laden policy questions and arguably yielded poor policy outcomes. The approach developed here can also be used to uncover DS in other policy areas. Related Articles: Carlsson, Lars. 2017. "Policy Science at an Impasse: A Matter of Conceptual Stretching?" Politics & Policy 45(2): 148–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12196. Lemire, Sebastian, Laura R. Peck, and Allan Porowski. 2023. "The Evolution of Systematic Evidence Reviews: Past and Future Developments and Their Implications for Policy Analysis." Politics & Policy 51(3): 373–96. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12532. Luján, José Luis. 2023. "Evidence‐based Policies: Lessons from Regulatory Science." Politics & Policy 51(4). https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12543. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the factors that shape the public's early engagement with preventative health policies in the United States and in France. Our analysis explores the role that ideology and cultural worldviews play in shaping individuals' engagement with COVID‐19 early preventative measures such as mask wearing, stay‐at‐home orders, and vaccine intentions. We find that conservative ideology has an indirect effect on engagement in preventative behaviors through conspiracy theory beliefs in both countries. In addition, building on literature that links cultural worldviews and a wide array of public policies (vaccination campaigns, environmental measures), we find that individuals who have more individualistic and hierarchic worldviews are also less likely to engage in preventative behaviors or plan to get vaccinated. Understanding the public response to early preventative measures is essential to preparing for future health crises, as long‐term health responses such as vaccinations may take months or years to be deployed. Related Articles: Richey, Sean. 2017. "A Birther and a Truther: The Influence of the Authoritarian Personality on Conspiracy Beliefs." Politics & Policy 45(3): 465–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12206. Tyner, Katie, and Farida Jalalzai. 2022. "Women Prime Ministers and COVID‐19: Within‐Case Examinations of New Zealand and Iceland." Politics & Policy 50(6): 1076–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12511. Vince, Joanna. 2022. "A Creeping Crisis When an Urgent Crisis Arises: The Reprioritization of Plastic Pollution Issues during COVID‐19." Politics & Policy 51(1): 26–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12512. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ante el debate acerca del tipo de liderazgo de Joseph Biden, este trabajo sostiene que la división entre liderazgo transformacional y transaccional, y las correspondientes comparaciones presidenciales, remiten principalmente a la política doméstica. Así, el estudio se enmarca en el enfoque en las relaciones internacionales acerca del liderazgo. Se desarrollan dos líneas de análisis. Primero, se establecerán aproximaciones entre el liderazgo de Lyndon Johnson y Joe Biden principalmente en tres aspectos: experiencia previa, contextos doméstico e internacional en los que asumen, y construcción de liderazgo. Luego, se enfocará en el liderazgo de la presidencia de Joe Biden en los niveles doméstico e internacional en tres asuntos: Build Back Better, la gestión de la pandemia y la estrategia America is back.

Resumo Este estudo teve como objetivo comparar padrões de mortalidade por câncer entre os imigrantes colombianos nos EUA e colombianos em sua terra natal. Dados de 2008 a 2012 foram coletados, e foram calculadas taxas de mortalidade por câncer de colombianos residindo em seu país natal e colombianos residindo em Califórnia, Flórida e Nova York, bem como taxas específicas de mortalidade por idade e sexo por cada 100.000 pessoas. Para comparar as duas populações, tanto antes como após a correção pela escolaridade, as razões de taxas de mortalidade (MRR) foram estimadas por modelo de regressão binomial negativa. Foi descoberto que colombianos em sua terra natal apresentam taxas de mortalidade por câncer mais altas quando comparados aos que residem nos EUA (MRR masculino 1,4 (IC 95%: 1,2-1,5), MRR feminino 1,5 (IC 95%: 1,3-1,7)). Essas diferenças persistem para a maioria dos tipos de câncer, mesmo após correção pela escolaridade. Os colombianos em sua terra natal apresentaram taxa de mortalidade por câncer gástrico (MRR masculino 2,6; feminino 2,8) e cervical (MRR 5,0) significativamente mais alta em comparação com os que residem nos EUA. As desigualdades educacionais na mortalidade por câncer foram mais acentuadas para aqueles que moram em sua terra natal. A menor taxa de mortalidade por câncer observada entre os colombianos nos EUA, porém, não pode ser atribuída às diferenças de escolaridade, um indicador de status socioeconômico. Em vez disso, provavelmente ocorre devido à maior acessibilidade aos serviços de saúde preventivos e curativos nos EUA.

El cine ha perpetuado a lo largo de décadas unos paradigmas narrativos y estereotipos sobre las mujeres periodistas. Algunos de ellos se han trasladado a la ficción televisiva, pero ésta ha actualizado estas representaciones con nuevos modelos. La presente investigación trata de determinar cuál es la imagen que las series de ficción estadounidenses han proyectado sobre las profesionales del periodismo, a través del análisis de ocho series emitidas entre 1988 y 2022, tanto centradas en el periodismo como con protagonistas femeninas que ejercen esta profesión. Se aplica una perspectiva diacrónica que permite ver la evolución de estos estereotipos a lo largo de más de tres décadas. De esta manera, se pueden observar los cambios en los modelos, así como las continuidades, y hacer evidente el progreso social y las diferentes representaciones de las mujeres periodistas.

En contraste con la libre circulación internacional de capitales, de mercancías y de servicios, para el caso del factor trabajo siguen existiendo fuertes restricciones a su movilidad entre un país y otros. Ahí tenemos precisamente la experiencia directa de las medidas extremadamente restrictivas que Estados Unidos ha venido adoptando hacia los trabajadores indocumentados mexicanos. De alguna manera esto es lo que me indujo a incursionar en esta temática, por demás interesante: esclarecer un poco acerca de la dimensión de la problemática migratoria de nuestro país, y lo que está detrás de ello. Es decir, el problema de insuficiencia por parte del gobierno de México para implementar políticas más exitosas en la reactivación de nuestra economía, y por ende en la generación de empleos. Así de importante es el reto, sobre todo por los montos cada vez más crecientes de flujos migratorios de mexicanos que están ingresando en Estados Unidos anualmente.

El presente artículo analiza el uso de la geoeconomía desde la perspectiva neoconservadora en la política exterior de Estados Unidos hacia China. En particular, se examina la contradicción existente entre los intereses económicos y los desafíos de seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos, en un contexto de creciente confrontación entre estas dos grandes potencias. El aumento en el empleo de instrumentos económicos para frenar el desarrollo de la República Popular China, desde el bloqueo de la exportación de redes 5G hasta la guerra tecnológica en campos considerados estratégicos, como la inteligencia artificial y los microprocesadores, ha tenido amplias repercusiones en las cadenas globales de suministro y en la fragmentación de la economía internacional. Estos cambios han modificado el comportamiento y las tendencias de la economía internacional, con amplias implicaciones en los ámbitos económico y político, promoviendo así la reconfiguración del orden internacional.